Notes

Notes

 

Chapters

Chapters

11 1. Dams & DikesMackay, p. 10: We are indebted for the insight that underlies this chapter title to James Mackay: "They [the Dutch] like to see things clearly, and to see them as they are -- at least, as they seem to be to men of sound understanding, 'We are a people of dykes and dams,' a Dutch writer said recently, 'both as to our land and our mental life.'" 2. "The Story of a Mother" BVG 74, 8/26/1876.   The first mention of Andersen's story in the correspondence comes in August 1876, when Vincent is in England, teaching at a boys' school: "I often tell them [i.e., the students] stories in the evening, such as Le conscrit by Conscience, and Madame Therèse by Erckmann-Chatrian and Oudejaar by Jean Paul [Johann Paul Friedrich Richter], which is enclosed herewith, and Andersen's fairy tales, 'The story of a mother, The red shoes, The little matchseller', King Robert of Sicily by Longfellow, etc." (JLB 89, 8/26/1876).   Note that "The story of a mother" is the first in Vincent's list of favorites.   This preeminence is further underlined in November the same year, when Vincent reports to Theo: "I should have liked you to be in the little church at Turnham Green last Thursday evening; I walked over there with the oldest boy in the school and told him several of Andersen's fairy tales, including 'The story of a mother'" (JLB 97, 11/10/1876).   The connection between the desire to have Theo "with me" and the Andersen story suggests that the story had a special significance between the two brothers (BVG 80, 11/10/1876).  

Context:
BVG 74, 8/26/1876: "I often tell them stories in the evening, for instance, the Conscript, by Conscience, or Madame Thérese by Erckmann-Chartrian, and New Years Eve by Jean Paul -- which I am sending you at the same time -- and Andersen's Fairy Tales, such as The Story of a Mother, the Red Shoes, The Little Matchseller; King Robert of Sicily by Longfellow, etc."
JLB 89, 8/26/1876: "I often tell them stories in the evening, such as Le conscrit by Conscience, and Madame Therèse by Erckmann-Chatrian and Oudejaar by Jean Paul, which is enclosed herewith, and Andersen's fairy tales, 'The story of a mother, The red shoes, The little matchseller,' King Robert of Sicily by Longfellow, etc."  
3. "starry-eyed" b0980 V/1962, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 6/7/1878: "Who knows if any enlightenment would come there, but I'm always so worried that, where Vincent is concerned, what he does will be because of his eccentric and wonder-like notions and that his general life view will be broken." 4. "futureless wanderings" b2758 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 7/6/1876: During Vincent's brief, abortive career as a teacher in England in 1876, Anna wrote Theo: "Those futureless wanderings made us so melancholic. ... As long as he is being molded for everyday life, and as long as God will one day make his life happier and calmer."   Later the same month, she wrote again in the same worried spirit: "Oh, how often do we wish that our Vincent were with us; our only comfort is that God guides him and that no matter where he is, he is never without Him.   He wrote in a melancholy tone; he said he had a feeling that something bad was going to happen to him.   I think it's a matter of dreading his work among the boys; even though he loves those boys, it's still unfamiliar to him, and I think he is afraid to fail.   For more than one reason, I'll never believe he can stay in that profession.   I wish he could work in nature or art, that would be grounds for hope, a hope that is now put solely in the hands of Our Lord, who can develop everything -- as long as he will be happy."   (b2761 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 7/24/1876). 5. a death in the family b0969 V/1962, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 3/2/1878.   6. She accused him of intentionally b0967 V/1962, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 2/20/1878: " The worry about him is always with us and he is and always keeps being strange." 7. "pain and misery" b0968 V/1962, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 3/2/1878: " And it is no wonder that we feel pain and misery, when we discovered that he literally knows no joy of living.... It is like a torture of the soul for us and still we believe in outcomes that God can make happen. … But there is such a close connection between human errors and sad results. … It is as if he chooses on purpose what leads to difficulties." 8. She systematically discardedStokvis, Nasporingen omtrent Vincent van Gogh in Brabant, p. 4. In her Memoir, Jo Bonger claimed that Vincent's letters to his mother (and before his father's death in 1885, to his parents) and all of the art he had given her or left in her custody, were inadvertently lost (Van Gogh-Bonger, p. xxiii). She attempted to portray their loss as a misfortune resulting from forgetfulness: Anna van Gogh had entrusted Vincent's art, along with some furniture, to a local carpenter in Nuenen, and then forgotten them when she later left town. In his early researches, Benno Stokvis came to a different conclusion about the mother's treatment of Vincent's letters and artwork. Based on his interviews in Nuenen, where Vincent had a studio for two years (1884-1885) not far from his parents' home, Stokvis claimed that the mother simply abandoned "a voluminous body of work" that Vincent had left behind in Nuenen (Stokvis, p. 4). He dismissed Jo Bonger's exculpatory narrative: "Let it be mentioned in passing that, according to a rectification from a well-informed side, it was brought to my attention that, in reality, these boxes [of Vincent's things] were not forgotten due to carelessness, but that they were left behind on purpose. To be precise, while the furniture was brought back from the carpenter's, one of the painter's younger sisters went through the boxes in which his work had been stored, and in doing so found traces of woodworm. Vincent's mother, in fear of 'contamination,' thereupon decided to just leave everything where it was, given the condition it was in. One is at liberty to consider this a telling example of the respect and insight that Van Gogh's close relatives displayed with regard to his work!" (ibid.)

In her 1935 account, Vincent's sister Lies, attempted to defend her mother from charges of negligence towards Vincent's art, and in doing so, verified them: "My mother has been accused of letting the drawings and studies left in Nuenen get lost. But this was totally incorrect: nobody assigned any value to the chests with drawings and sketches, which could not be taken along to the upper-level quarters of the house in Breda where Mother went to live after leaving the parsonage" (Lies van Gogh, quoted in Stokvis, p. 4). As for Vincent's letters, Lies not only confirms that the family did not "assign any value" to them, but also reports that it "regretted terribly" that his letters to Theo ("so filled with intimacies") had been published at all (ibid.). Regarding his earliest work -- from childhood, for example -- Lies admitted that Anna had saved absolutely nothing -- "Not one little pencil sketch or scribble" (Lies van Gogh, quoted in Kools, p. 106). She adds intriguingly that H.G. Tersteeg, Vincent’s boss at Goupil in The Hague, "had a chiffonière with drawers filled with letters from Vincent, which were also destroyed at the time" (ibid.). The disappearance of his old works and letters did not go unregistered by Vincent. In the last months of his life, he wrote his mother asking plaintively: "Do you still happen to have any of my old studies and drawings? ... But it's not important enough for you to spend a long time looking for them" (JLB 864, 4/9/1890).

As far as we know, Anna did not send him anything in response to this request, nor explain why she didn't. Around the same time, Meyers reports, Anna received a letter from an old Nuenen neighbor informing her of the discovery of a painting of Vincent's -- "a large painting of ploughing oxen left behind" (Anna van Gogh, quoted in Meyers, p. 52). "He wondered what should be done with it. 'For God's sake, keep it for yourself,' she replied, as if she was being offered something repulsive." (ibid.) Anna did, apparently, start saving Vincent's letters at the very end of his life, after articles about his work began to appear in papers and magazines (see b2850 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo en Jo van", 9/12/1890). And, as his celebrity grew in the years between his death in 1890 and hers in 1907, she began to regret her cavalier treatment of his work (see n. 1-15), although, according to one source,“[Anna] never went to see one of the exhibitions Jo had arranged after Vincent's death; [and] after her own death none of the pictures Vincent had sent to her were found in her possession.” ("Psychological Study of Vincent van Gogh,” document in the “Medical File” in the Vincent Van Gogh Foundation Archives," p. 5).

9. disposing of rubbish Lubin, p. 81.   (See Ch. 1, n. 8.)   Lubin adds this psychological overview of the copious source material on Anna's attitude toward her son's art: "the way in which Vincent's mother dealt with his art reinforces the suspicion that his sense of rejection was not based simply on figments of his imagination.   It appears that when Vincent quit Nuenen in November 1885, he left almost all the drawings and paintings that remained to him in the Catholic sexton's house, where earlier he had rented a room in order to get away from his family.   When his mother moved to Breda in May 1886, they were brought there with the family furniture, packed in cases, and left with a carpenter.   Upon hearing that 'traces of woodworm' had been found in the packing cases, she developed a 'fear of infection'; this 'fear' gave her leave to abandon her son's work -- estimated at '60 paintings on stretchers, 150 loose canvases, two portfolios with approximately 90 pen drawings, and some 100 or 200 crayon drawings.'   This large collection eventually fell into the hands of a junk dealer, who destroyed some of them and sold others for pennies from a pushcart." 10. childhood memorabilia Kools, p. 106.   (See Ch. 1, n. 8.) 11. little regard Meyers, p. 52: Meyers quotes a letter from Anna to one of her daughters, probably from 1903, in which she confesses that she "perhaps did not appreciate enough the things [of Vincent's] they found."   Meyers pounces on this vast understatement: "she talks about the distribution of Vincent's work from the storage room, which took place that year when the carpenter had sold it.   What an excuse!   This is not about the removal, but about the carelessness thereafter, even after Vincent's death.   The woodworms cannot be taken as an excuse either.   They were not in the paper or the canvas."   Only at the end of her son's life in 1890, after his art was prominently and positively reviewed in several publications, did Anna refrain from disposing of Vincent's letters soon after they arrived (b2850 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo en Jo van", 9/12/1890). 12. few of the lettersb2850 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo en Jo van", 9/12/1890: Anna wrote about re-reading Vincent's letters in a letter she wrote to Theo and Jo two months after Vincent's death.   (As for his art, see also Ch. 1, n. 11.) 13. in her possession"Psychological Study of Vincent Van Gogh," p. 5.   (See Ch. 1, n. 11.)   According to the "Medical File" in the Vincent Van Gogh Foundation Archives: " She [Anna] never went to see one of the exhibitions Jo had arranged after Vincent's death; after her own death none of the pictures Vincent had sent to her were found in her possession." 12 14. "ridiculous""Een Vijfenzeventig-Jarige Mevr.   E.H. du Quesne-van Gogh," n.p.: Vincent's sister Lies recalled that her mother Anna did not share the enthusiasm of her daughter-in-law Jo Bonger (Theo's wife) for Vincent's art: "Until her death in 1907 (she was eighty-three years old) [Anna] never recognized that she had been wrong in regarding her oldest son as a failure."   15. "hard-hearted" BVG 161, 11/23/1881.


Context:
BVG 161, 11/23/1881: "There really are no more unbelieving and hard-hearted and worldly people than clergymen and especially clergymen's wives."
JLB 187, 11/19/1881: "There are (a rule with exceptions) no more faithless and hardened and worldly people than clergymen and, above all, clergymen's wives, but even clergymen sometimes have a human heart beneath their armour of triple bronze."

16. "of a soured love" Lubin, p. 80. 17. "half-strange, half-tiresome person" BVG 187, 4/15/1882.  


Context:
BVG 187, 4/15/1882: "Now I have become little more than a half strange, half tiresome person to Father and Mother; and for my part, when I'm at home, I also have a lonesome, empty feeling."
JLB 217, 4/14/1882: "As it is now, I'm half a stranger and half a tiresome person and precious little else to Pa and Ma, and for my part I have an empty, lonely feeling at home" (emphasis in original).

18. "who brings only sorrow and loss" Lubin, pp. 81-82. 19. "Who is the maid"BVG W18, 12/20/1889.  In 1885, Vincent commented on his mother’s remoteness and opacity: "Something else -- I'm quite sure that, from time to time at least, there's definitely a substratum of deep thoughts in Ma (for her inner life, her life of the mind is fairly complicated and has levels or layers) that she neither wants to nor could express. In many cases she was rather silent, so -- I for one would rather say that I don't always know everything about her." (JLB 541, 11/14/1885.) Four years later, in a letter to his sister Wil, Vincent copied out the poem “Who is the maid? St. Jerome’s Love” by Thomas More, which begins with the plaintive question cited in the text. According to Jansen (JLB 832, 12/23/1889; n. 2), Vincent knew this poem from his reading of Harriet Beecher Stowe’s We and Our Neighbors. For more on the subject of Vincent’s relationship with his mother, see Lubin, pp. 78-81.


Context:
JLB 832, 12/23/1889:

"Who is the maid my spirit seeks
Through cold reproof and slanders blight
Has she loves roses on her cheek
Is hers an eye of calm delight?
No, wan and sunk with midnight prayer
Are the pale looks of her I love
And if by times a light be there
That light was kindled from above
I choose not her mine hearts elect
Amongst those that seek their makers shrine --
In gems and garlands proudly decked
As if themselves were things divine
No heaven but faintly warms the breast
That beats beneath a broidered veil
And they who come in glittering dress
To mourn their frailty -- yet are frail
Not so the form of her I love
And love because her bloom is gone
But ne’er was beauties bloom so bright
So touching as that forms decay
That like the altars wavering light
In holy lustre fades away."
20. on a cloudless day Van Gogh-Carbentus , n.p. 21. "the most pleasant place" Aglionby, p. 299. 22. unrivalled abundanceFromentin,p. 119. 13 23. Perpetual moisture Fromentin, pp. 118-119: "The Hague, born of a prince's caprice, formerly a hunting-seat of the counts of Holland, has for trees a secular passion, which comes from the natal forest which was its cradle.   It promenades there, gives festivities and concerts, has races and military reviews; and when its fine forest is no longer of any use, it has constantly under its eyes this green, dark, compact curtain of oaks, beeches, ashes, and maples, that the perpetual moisture of its ponds seems every morning to paint with a newer and more intense green."   24. "seemed every morning"Fromentin, pp. 118-119.   Coquiot also commented on the "very green" trees: "On voit, par ci par là, des arbres très verts, en boules, dans cet amoncellement de maisons" (Coquiot, p. 81).  We have altered the translation slightly. 25. in the newlyweds' path Van Gogh-Carbentus, n.p.: Anna recalled: "Our registration day was set for May 8.   Mother Carbentus had people fill the suite of the new house on the Prinsengracht with delightful greenery, and our brothers and sisters, including the absent ones who could travel, were present to make the evening really pleasant.   The little Strickers sprinkled us ... the Groom stayed at his home which was also decorated and made festive with greenery and flowers." 26. greenery and blossoms Van Gogh-Carbentus, n.p.: Dorus stayed with Uncle Bremmel, who, we assume, was a relative of Anna's on her mother's side as he is not mentioned in the Carbentus genealogy. 27. house on Princegracht "Notes from Anna Cornelia van Gogh-Carbentus," n.p. 28. Kloosterkerk Van Gogh-Carbentus, n.p.: Although the genealogy does not mention the church by name, it was the Carbentus family church at the time.   Gerrit Carbentus was married there on July 15, 1846; Arie Carbentus was married there on October 11, 1849; and Gerrit Carbentus's daughter was baptized there on February 22, 1852.   29. envy of a filthy continent Coquiot, pp. 83-84: "Ah! l'admirable ville, quand on songe aussi à la saleté de Marseille!" (See Ch. 1, n. 31.) 30. every stoop buffed Fromentin, p. 118. 31. every lance Coquiot, pp. 83-84: "Oh! comme il est coquet ici le lion de Hollande : Je Maintiendrai! tout doré sur les lances des campaniles; alors que le vaisseau de Paris sent et pue l'ordure des marées démocratiques!" 32. "The roofs themselves" Coquiot, p. 83: "Les toits eux-mêmes ont l'air d'être lavés chaque jour."   33. "clean as any chamber floor" Quoted in Schama, p. 375.   34. "may make all men envy" Aglionby, p. 299.   35. Gerrit Carbentus b4509 V/1962, Carbentus Genealogy, n.p.   In earlier generations, the name was typically spelled with an initial "K" -- "Karbentus."   For clarity, we have employed the nineteenth-century spelling (Carbentus) throughout. 36. in 1568 when Protestant citizens Mak, p. 81. 37. "in a cataclysm"Mak, p. 81. 38. drowned Havard, pp. 320-321.   39. decapitated, and burned Piérard, p. 43: "'Debates broke out' in which it [was] seriously discussed whether ... it would not be better to execute the said obstinate persons by the sack or to have them put in a ship and let them be drowned, than to decapitate or burn them all?"   40. Spanish Inquisition responded Mak, p. 68: The savagery on both sides plumbed the depths of human depravity.   Mak reports one group of victims that had their hearts "cut from their living bodies and thrown in their faces, their bodies drawn and quartered, and their severed heads impaled."   Schuchart maintains that the bloodshed was moderated by Humanist aspirations: "The underlying spirit of the revolt was one of liberalism and tolerance, as expressed in the writings of the humanist Erasmus," and that the Dutch people, both Catholic and Protestant, "through their geographical position and their contacts with other people, ... had developed a sense of liberalism and an aversion to fanaticism" (Schuchart, p. 13).   But the first-hand record hardly supports this inspiring narrative of Enlightenment values throwing off the shackles of absolutism. 41. class fought classMak, p. 71. 42. idea fought idea Mak, p. 75: "This war was unlike any other ever fought in Europe,' the Polish author Zbigniew Herbert was to write about the Eighty Years War two centuries later.   'It was a clash of two different ideals of life, two sets of values and, it would be no exaggeration to say, between two civilizations standing diametrically opposed to each other: the military aristocracy of the Spaniards and the world of burgherdom and peasantry of the Dutch." 43. "many people hanging" Jacobszoon, quoted in Mak, p. 74: To underscore the brutalizing effect of pandemic violence on the children of the era, Mak quotes from the diary of Wouter Jacobszoon (1522-1595), an Augustinian monk, describing a common street game called "Beggar and Cardinal": "[Children] fight each other, coming together in great numbers; the citizens regard all this as a bad omen. One day, Jacobszoon records, the corpse of a boy is brought to the sheriff. It transpires that the child was mortally wounded whilst playing at 'Beggar and Cardinal' -- that is, rebel and loyalist -- with his little friends. 'They attacked one another as if they were real fighting parties, they charged, shouting "Hoar! Hoar!," and did not stop wickedly throwing stones.'" (ibid., p. 86.) 44. a new wave of violenceMak, p. 135: The year 1672 brought not just a new upwelling of internal turmoil, but also war.   Determined to stamp out the "poisonous weed" of republicanism and to cripple a commercial rival, France and England declared war on the young country (see Blom and Lamberts, eds., pp. 190-194).   Before long, the Four Horsemen were loose again: war brought blight, blight brought starvation, starvation brought plague and despair.   Even in the calamity-strewn pages of Dutch history, the year 1672 stood out and thus earned its name, " Rampjaar , the Year of Catastrophe. 14 45. butchered them to pieces Blom and Lamberts, eds., pp. 194-195.   46. the settlers Schuchart, pp. 50-51: When the Romans (as conquerors under Julius Caesar, c. 58 BCE) arrived in the low countries, they found a "miserable race" occupying small platforms that had been built up to just above the high-water mark.   Twice each day the tide would sweep in all around them, leaving the inhabitants "resembling sailors in ships," Pliny the Elder reported: "but shipwrecked people when the tide retired." 47. built dikes to keep the sea at bay Schuchart, p. 51. 48. dug canals to drain the bogsSchuchart, p. 51: "After the dikes and canals, the settlers built platforms, or terpen , bigger and higher, moving pyramid-sized mountains of clay, until they held whole villages.   Next came dams along the riverbanks to prevent saltwater backflow and seasonal flooding" (ibid. , p. 52).   49. invention of the windmill Schama, p. 38. 50. three hundred thousand acresSchuchart, p. 52. 51. by almost a third Schuchart, p. 7: "In fact about one-third of the country consists of former swamps and lakes which have been drained and turned into fertile land."   According to this author, in 1667, five years before the Year of Catastrophe, the Dutch engineer Hendrik Stevin presented a plan to close the Zuider Zee, the vast sea that filled the country's interior.   The plan was not realized until the twentieth century (ibid., p. 54). 52. rush far inland Schama, p. 38: In 1421, an apocalyptic storm exploded sea walls and dikes simultaneously and a wall of water scourged two hundred square miles of land (five hundred square kilometers), extinguishing farms, flocks, villages, and at least ten thousand lives.   Schama lists multiple similar catastrophes throughout the sixteenth century. 53. in 1530, twenty villages Havard, pp. 74-75.   54. sank into the abyss Havard, pp. 172-173. 55. carcasses of livestock Havard, pp. 74-75. 56. imminence of disaster Schama, pp. 23-24: Schama cites the heraldic device of Zeeland: "a lion breasting the waves, its motto, Luctor et Emergo -- 'I fight to emerge?'"   Havard invokes the same defiant fatalism with a quote from the diary of an Italian sailor who witnessed one of many such calamities to befall the Dutch from the sea: "The green fields, the meadows, the cities and villages, the villas, and the rustic dwellings are all built upon a bottomless gulf, an abyss which some day or other will yawn, and close again. ... One day the traveller may pass by a green expanse, with a flourishing farm-house. ... On the following day everything will have disappeared, without leaving a trace. … the sea-green water gurgles tranquilly in its place.   In vain should we look for a stone or a fragment -- only nothingness is there ... not the slightest vestige to recall the fact that yesterday the place was full of life, health, hope, and prosperity."   (Quoted in Havard, pp. 72-74.)   57. all of whom perishedb4509 V/1962, Carbentus Genealogy, n.p.: Without a family in an era when family meant everything, Gerrit moved west to The Hague -- toward the sea -- and started again. He married Aliya Teekelenburg (also spelled "Alida"), whose father, Hermanus, ran ferries between The Hague, Rotterdam, and Delft -- a perilous job belied by Jan Vermeer's serene image of Delft reflected in the canal that Hermanus's ferries plied regularly (see Havard, pp. 33-34). The Teekelenburgs had probably only recently arrived among the hordes of Germans who escaped to the Dutch provinces in the seventeenth century, fleeing their own religious wars (see Mak and Blom, p. 99 and p. 314, n. 4.)


The evidence for the Germanic roots of the "van Teekelenberg" family is the name, which is closely related to a town in western Germany, Tecklenburg, not far from the Dutch-German border (near Munster), and the record of a family "van Teckelenburch" in Delft in the same time period which included Johann and Maria Prins and their three daughters: Catharina (christened May 13, 1685), Marya (December 26, 1686) and Cornelia (December 5, 1687); and a "Hermanus van Tegelenburg" who witnessed a baptism in Delft in 1683. The Carbentus family genealogy spells the name two ways: "Teekelenberg" and "Tekeelenburg." The differences in spelling of the last name are insignificant for the period. Also, most of these names are Germanic in form: Johann, Maria, Catharina, Cornelia, Hermanus. Interestingly, the only daughter of Gerrit Carbentus (Karbentus) and his first wife was also Katarina, suggesting that the Carbentus family may also have had German origins and may have known the Teekelenbergs in Delft, or before, prior to being decimated ("Genealogy, hobby of Cees and Ingrid Tinbergen").

The first decades of the eighteenth century provided a rare island of calm in which Gerrit raised a (relatively small) family of three sons.   But by the time his second son, Hermanus, reached his teenage years, the storm clouds were re-forming.   Cattle plague and catastrophic inundations (see Schama, pp. 607-608), war fears, and political turmoil combined to create yet another tidal wave of anxiety and rage (see Mak, p. 65).   In 1747, it washed over the "quiet land" again.   In Amsterdam, crowds swept through the city "like wildfire" according to Mak, plundering and destroying indiscriminately in "a second iconoclastic fury … Everything was hacked to pieces" (ibid.). Even pillows were cut open and thrown into the street "giving the effect of heavy snowfall.  The entire contents of buildings were emptied into the canals, paintings "as beautiful as one might ever hope to see" were cut to shreds in an "orgy of destruction."   One eyewitness compared the raging mob to a "beast" possessed by a "madness" ( ibid.). When the perpetrators were hanged, people started rioting again and the madness claimed another hundred lives.

58. revolutionary demands b4509 V/1962, Carbentus Genealogy, n.p.  In the rebellion that began in the streets of Holland in 1747, brutally suppressed and largely ignored though it was, one can hear the first, faint thunder of the truly apocalyptic storm that would break over the Continent fifty years later. The crude demands for better government that drove the fury in the streets of Dutch towns merged with the utopian spirit of the Enlightenment to create a great revolutionary surge. By the time Gerrit Carbentus's grandson Gerrit began a family of his own at the end of the 18th century, that wave had already swept the new world and was battering at the seawalls of the old. 59. spirit of the EnlightenmentMak, pp. 179-181: "The intellectual horizon of the Amsterdam middle classes now embraced a new philosophy, one that was rapidly gaining ground throughout Europe: the Enlightenment, a Weltanschauung in which reason and experience held a central place. 60. came as liberators Mak, p. 182: In January 1795, troops from Republican France marched across the frozen frontiers of the United Provinces.   They entered a country already torn apart.   Partisans of the old order, personified by Prince William Vincent of Orange, the hereditary "stadholder" of the Netherlands, battled the new republican "patriots."   (Mak describes the conflict and chaos of the divided Dutch polity.)   Wild debates filled town halls and taverns.   Violence on one side was answered with violence on the other.   One day the houses of patriots were sacked, the next day houses of "Orangists"; one day republicans stormed council meetings and installed their supporters; the next day Orangists retaliated in kind.   Neighborhoods became "strongholds" of one side or the other and systematically purged themselves of dissidents.   In 1787, when the Prussian king led an army across the border in support of his brother-in-law Prince William, the Orangists exulted and the patriots cowered.  


When the French army entered seven years later, it was the patriots' turn to celebrate; they stood on the barricades wearing red-white-and-blue cockades to welcome the hussars and within a few weeks every city council in the country was replaced with a Comité R évolutionnaire.   Now it was the Orangists's turn to prepare for the worst.   "Every day we feared the fate of domestic disturbances," an Orangist in The Hague wrote, "and every day we were alarmed by the many terrifying messages" (b4509 V/1962, Carbentus Genealogy, n.p.).   The Orangist partisan who wrote that journal entry was Hermanus Carbentus, son of Gerrit Carbentus and father of Gerrit Carbentus, Vincent's great-grandfather.   By the time he was twenty-five, Hermanus had earned enough to buy a solid bourgeois house on St. Jacobstraat, across from the baroque Nieuwe Kerk where his two stillborn children were buried and, on November 19, 1786, his son Gerrit married Willemina Hennevelt, the daughter of a successful "cobbler" ("Biographical Lexicon of the History of Dutch Protestantism," p. 8).  

Only a few days after Gerrit's wife gave birth to their third child, Hermanus noted the arrival of "the enemy" in the family chronicle, and left no doubt about who he blamed for this latest catastrophe to befall the land: "this was the fate of a war that was fueled by the partisanship of those who established their greatness on the fall of the Prince" (b4509 V/1962, Carbentus Genealogy, n.p.).   The "terrifying messages" Hermanus spoke of brought news that Prince William of Orange had fled the country by boat ahead of the French advance.   Soon afterward came the order to all citizens of The Hague to billet French troops (two stayed with the Carbentuses), then the order to turn over all gold and silver coins (ibid.).   What "hit" Hermanus especially hard, though, was the report that "the French took the Prince's valuable Cabinet of Natural rarities to France."   Ruminating on the birth of his grandchild at such an inauspicious time, Hermanus summed up the fears of many: "my granddaughter can truly say: 'With crying eyes I have sucked the first food out of my mother's breast during a most peculiar year'" (ibid.).  

61. including the Carbentuses'b4509 V/1962, Carbentus Genealogy, n.p.: "It became an even bigger problem because the French troops were billeted with us and every other citizen. From time to time, we would have two people in our homes until late summer." 15 62. family's gold and silver coinsb4509 V/1962, Carbentus Genealogy , n.p.: "In addition to this arose the problem of general loss of business, at least in many fields as well as the order to hand over all the gold and silver coins." 63. were confiscatedMak, p. 188.   64. trade witheredMak, p. 188: In the two years following the "liberation," the profits of Amsterdam's traders dropped from 719,000 to 55,000 florins; bank assets were halved.   The Carbentus family felt the effects both indirectly and directly.   "Prices of almost all the food rose to twice the usual price," Hermanus complained, and his own shop experienced "a general loss of business" (b4509 V/1962, Carbentus Genealogy , n.p.).   As the economy collapsed, businesses closed and jobs disappeared.   One of them was Gerrit Carbentus's.   "[M]y son lost his job, which he had loved so much," Hermanus reported in the family chronicle.   Gerrit was thirty-four and the father of three children: Hermanus, age seven; Willem, age three; and the infant Gerarda.   He had worked in the same job since he was sixteen: he had never known any other work.   "He lost the biggest part of his existence," Hermanus lamented ( ibid. ). 65. robbed, beaten, and dyingb4509 V/1962, Carbentus Genealogy , n.p. Gerrit left The Hague that morning "feeling healthy and without a worry," according to his father Hermanus's account.   He was seen at several places along the route of his walk to Rijkswijk, which passed through both patriot and Orangist neighborhoods.   But at seven that evening he was found lying on the side of the road, beaten and robbed and "at death's door."   By the time help arrived, he was dead.    66. "insanely hugged"b4509 V/1962, Carbentus Genealogy , n.p. "To our great sorrow [Gerrit] left behind his severely suffering wife, who was expecting her fourth child!   Furthermore, three children, the eldest being 8 years old, the second 5 years old, the youngest who had not reached his 2nd year yet and his father and dearly beloved mother, who insanely hugged the lifeless body and let a stream of tears flow over him when the body was brought home." 67. pregnant wifeb4509 V/1962, Carbentus Genealogy , n.p. Gerrit Carbentus's fourth, posthumous child, Hendrica Pietronella, was born on September 20, 1797.   Rather touchingly, Gerrit's father, Hermanus, urged his son's surviving family to seek solace in God, "who is the husband of all widows and the father of all orphans" (ibid.).   However, there may be a hidden message here directed at Gerrit's wife Willemina.   In the same account, Hermanus not only chastises Willemina for not sufficiently mourning her husband's death (in stark contrast to Gerrit's mother's grief, [cited in the text]), but later refers bitterly to "her never sufficiently mourned husband."   In 1805, Willemina remarried a man twenty-four years her senior (ibid.).   Hermanus died soon after his son's murder, at the age of sixty-six ("Biographical Lexicon of the History of Dutch Protestantism," pp. 8-9). 68. repair the dikes of statehoodSchuchart, pp. 34-35: In 1813, in a scene that would have touched the heart of an old Orangist like Hermanus Carbentus, the young Prince William of Orange returned to the land his father fled and was immediately proclaimed King William I.


The next year, a constitution was also written to limit the new monarch's powers and codify some (but not all [see Lubin, pp. 50-51]) of the gains made by the patriots in the previous two decades: separation of church and state (see Schuchart, p. 35), freedom of press and assembly, equality of all citizens.

69. moderation became the ruleSchuchart, p. 35.  In religion, science, and the arts – as well as in politics -- moderation was held up as the ultimate goal, although Schuchart makes the point that moderation was seen by some as an oppressive "mediocrity" (ibid).  (See Ch. 1, n. 68.) 70. "Fear of revolution" Schuchart, p. 35. 71. married at twenty-three b4509 V/1962, Carbentus Genealogy , n.p. In 1815, the same year that the battle of Waterloo finally banished Napoleon, Willem Carbentus became the first of his surviving siblings to marry.   In step with the conventional times, he steered a careful middle course in choosing a spouse: Anna Cornelia van der Gaag, a woman of the same class and same age whose family had been in the Hague area for at least a century (" Genealogie van Geroen van der Gaag") .   Less than a year later, in perhaps another sign of the cautious, self-satisfied times, Willem's new brother-in-law, Pieter van der Gaag, married Willem's sister Hendrica -- a compounding of family ties that would be repeated in the next generation.   Willem and Anna were married in Loosduinen, a small town between The Hague and Scheveningen, which may indicate that the bride's family lived there.   Piter and Hendrica, however, were married in The Hague's Grote Kerk. 72. nine children b4509 V/1962, Carbentus Genealogy, n.p. Willemina (1816), Clara (1817), Anna (1819), Gerrit (1822), Willem (1823), Arie (1826), Johannus (1827), Cornelia (1829), and Gerarda (1831). 73. without a single stillborn among them b4509 V/1962, Carbentus Genealogy , n.p. : The family chronicler refers admiringly to Anna's propagating "prosperously."   The last of Willem's children, Gerarda, died at fourteen weeks. 74. groups were formed Schuchart, p. 23. 75. leatherworking skillsThe record does not make exactly clear what the trade of either Willem's father or his grandfather was. His maternal grandfather is referred to in one source as a "cobbler." Given where the family ended up, the trajectory of "leather-working," defined broadly, seems more plausible. 76. binding books Hulsker, p. 6: Hulsker suggests Willem Carbentus was a bookseller instead of, or in addition to, a bookbinder.   The latter could have been ancillary to the former. 77. opened a shop "Biographical Lexicon of the History of Dutch Protestantism," pp. 6-7. 78. on the SpuistaatThis assumes that Willem did not set up his own shop but stepped into his grandfather's business, bookbinding (see Ch. 1, n. 76).   79. flourishing businessMeyers, p. 30: According to Meyers, Willem bound "the country's first basic law."   Elsewhere, he refers to Willem binding the country's "first constitution."   Since the first constitution was written in 1814, when Willem was only twenty-two years old, this claim seems likely distorted or exaggerated. 80. the rooms overhead"Biographical Lexicon of the History of Dutch Protestantism," pp. 6-7. 81. the long-disputed constitution"Biographical Lexicon of the History of Dutch Protestantism," pp. 6-7: "In The Hague [Willem] had a thriving bookbinder's business on the Spuistraat, where he also lived.   He was commissioned to bind the first constitution, through which he received the designation of 'Royal Bookbinder.'"   (See also Ch. 1, n. 79.) 82. "Royal Bookbinder""Biographical Lexicon of the History of Dutch Protestantism," pp. 6-7.   (See Ch. 1, n. 81.)   83. but not for everybody The text deals with the afflictions of Willem's children, of whom Vincent's mother Anna was one.   But Willem's siblings, too, suffered a litany of troubles, although none as dramatic as his progeny's.   His older brother Hermanus married very late, at thirty-two, led a seemingly shapeless, eccentric life largely apart from his family, and died at sixty-six leaving one son and a spinster daughter who died soon after him.   Willem's sister Gerarda also married at twenty-three and gave birth to one child before dying at twenty-five (b4509 V/1962, Carbentus Genealogy , n.p.).   (There is a contradiction in the record: elsewhere, the same family journal says that Gerarda was born in 1795, which would make her twenty-five when she married and twenty-seven when she died.)   Willem's younger sister, Hendrica (Gerrit's posthumous daughter), married early and bore five children, two of whom died in infancy, before her husband died unexpectedly, leaving her, like her mother, widowed at thirty-seven.   (The Carbentus genealogy establishes that Hendrica van der Gaag had five children: Clara in 1817 [she is later referred to inexplicably as Cornelia], Gerrit in 1819, Arie in 1821 [who died at eleven months old in 1822], a stillborn son in 1827, and Gerarda in 1829.   Hendrica remarried in 1839 but bore no more children [ibid.].)   Whether these hesitant, inchoate lives were a function of childhood upheaval or genetic discord, or both, their shadow seems to have extended to the next generation. 84. "epileptic" "Register of Voluntary Commitments," pp. 151-152: Dr. Peyron's note in Vincent's file says: "He tells us that one of his mother's sisters was epileptic, and that there are several cases in the family."   85. Never married There is no record of Clara having been married, but the Carbentus chronology only goes up to 1860, at which time Clara would have been forty-three. 86. limbo of denial Van Gogh-Carbentus, n.p.: Clara is mentioned only twice in the literature, both times in Anna's wedding account.   In both mentions, Clara and Mother Carbentus are paired, suggesting that the latter considered the former a special ward. 87. "did not follow" b2359 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 9/9/1875: Anna refers to her brother Johannus’s "unhappy history." Details about this family scandal are, understandably, scarce. The similarity between the way Anna treated this crisis (as suggested here) and the way she treated Vincent's subsequent crisis are instructive. 88. later committed suicideMeyers, p. 24.   The year was 1875; Johannus was forty-eight.   16 89. In 1845 "Biographical Lexicon of the History of Dutch Protestantism," p. 7.   According to the Carbentus chronology, Willem died on August 20, 1845 "at five in the morning" (b4509 V/1962, Carbentus Genealogy , n.p. ).   The biographical lexicon however gives the date as August 19 ("Biographical Lexicon of the History of Dutch Protestantism," p. 7). 90. "of a mental disease" b4509 V/1962, Carbentus Genealogy , n.p. : "On August 20, 1845 at a quarter to 5 in the morning, my dear brother Willem Carbentus died of a mental disease after 11 days." 91. "catarrhal fever" "Biographical Lexicon of the History of Dutch Protestantism," pp. 6-7. 92. Its symptoms "Biographical Lexicon of the History of Dutch Protestantism," p. 7.   (See also, Carter, n.p.) 93. hedged by fearSo great was the perceived threat to stability, both from within the family and from outside it, that Willem Carbentus felt the need to protect his children from the violent truth of their grandfather Gerrit's death on the Rijswijk road. Daughter Anna (Vincent’s mother) repeated the version she had heard in a letter to her son, Theo: "[He was] just sick for a couple of days and taken in the middle of life" (b2547 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 8/1/1877).  It could be argued that although Anna told this story to Theo (and, presumably, to all her children) that she herself knew the truth. However, the circumstances of this letter, in which the manner of Gerrit Carbentus's death is used so casually and peripherally -- not to make a point -- suggest a genuine associative reflex, not a calculated fabrication. Surely there were other examples of unexpected midlife deaths she could have used. As to the ignorance of Anna's siblings, it is unthinkable that such a story could have been kept secret between her brothers and sisters. It should be noted that, during Anna's lifetime, the keepers of the family genealogy, in which the true story was available, were not in Anna's line of the Carbentus clan. But the young Anna did not need to be told dark family secrets to understand the contingency of happiness or develop a fatalistic view of life. Both were made vividly real to her at age twelve when her mother became severely ill and lingered near death for months after the birth of her ninth and final child (b4509 V/1962, Carbentus Genealogy, n.p.). The mother survived, but the baby, who had been placed in Anna’s care, died after three months. 94. "a place full of troubles" b2335 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van en Gogh, Cor van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 4/30/1875: " The world is a place full of troubles and worries, but they are inherent to it, and those who try to escape them deviate from the natural path.   Let us help each other bear them or take them away instead, if we can, that brings peace." 95. "disappointments will never cease" b2372 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 11/8/1875. 96. "make heavy demands" b2427 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 2/10/1889: " How wonderful it is to accept that destiny but also how sensible it is not to make too heavy demands."   97. "learn to endure" b2423 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 10/25/1888: " One learns to endure and God always keeps giving us much."   98. "realize that no one is perfect" b2427 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 2/10/1889:  "It is better to realize that no one is perfect and to have the intention to love others despite their shortcomings." Anna wrote elsewhere in the same vein: "The perfect is not here at all, neither in us ourselves nor in what is around us" (b2370 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 11/3/1875). 99. "there are always imperfections" b0972 V/1962, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 3/31/1878: " How sorry Lies would be too; so is it: in the fulfillment of one's wishes, there will always be imperfections ." 100. "despite their shortcomings"b2427 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 2/10/1889: "It is better to realize that no one is perfect and to have the intention to love others despite their shortcomings.” 101. "If we could do whatever we wanted"b2521 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 4/18/1877: "We understand that the wound hasn't healed yet, sweet child, just believe that God is taking care of it, just imagine, if we could do whatever we'd want -- unharmed, unseen and untroubled -- wouldn't we stray further and further from the right path ." 102. Unremittingly humorlessMeyers, p. 36.   Van Crimpen speaks for a significant strain in the literature in suggesting that Anna was, of all things, "cheerful" -- a cheerful view for which not a scintilla of evidence exists (Van Crimpen, in Van Spanndonk, Wildenberg, and Mulder-Koenen, eds. p. 78).   Kools summarizes and dismisses this conventional view and looks deeper, citing especially Vincent's comment that his mother was "complicated and difficult" (Kools, p. 25).   We see an oblique insight into Vincent's mother's personality in Jo Bonger's initial reaction to Vincent's sister (also named Anna), whom everyone agreed was very much like her mother.   "I suppose she's never had much joy, much happiness," Jo wrote in 1889 about the daughter, "and she lives for only one thing: duty in respect of all sorts of trivialities, things that seem pointless to me.   But she does what she believes to be right" (b4275 V/1984, "Bonger, Jo" to "Gogh, Theo van", 3/10/1889).   Note that this is the same accusation of joylessness that mother Anna later levels against her son Vincent. 103. melancholy easily b2424 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 12/7/1888: Typical is this report to Theo about the preparations for a Saint Nicholas Day celebration in 1888: "Oh I felt so melancholic on December 5th when I saw Anna and Jo being so busy for the children and many others whom they wanted to surprise with something useful that day.   Then you can feel so much like you've had your own day.   But I do not complain.   One just has to accept that the end will come one day." 104. brooded ceaselesslyb2051 V/1982, "Gogh, Theo van" to "Bonger, Jo", 3/18/1889, quoted in Jansen and Robert, p. 226: On the eve of Theo's marriage to Jo Bonger in 1889, the question arose as to whether the couple would be wed in a church or not.   Wil, who was living with their mother, wrote Theo to inform him of Anna's extreme distress: "Mother's brooding day and night about your not being married in church.   You can't [get married] at the Bongers' home.   Oh please, won't you -- it would cause so much distress.   After all, you've agreed to the reception and things -- because there's no other way.   If you don't want to kneel, that's also done, as long as you tell the minister.   Apart from that, it's nothing more than a blessing.   She [Mother] ends with 'After all, you're not in the world solely for your own pleasure, please do this.'"   (ibid.) 105. hazard or gloomb0966 V/1962, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 2/2/1878: Anna was an alarmist cursed with a vividly morbid imagination.   In 1878, she wrote her son Theo about a shipwreck in which she feared that Paulus Stricker the son of her sister and brother-in-law (Willemina and Johannus Stricker) might be among those on board: "We are also worried about Uncle and Aunt Stricker.   We read in the newspaper the names of passengers of the Libéraal and Paul's name was not among them.   We wrote at once to ask how things were, worried that he would not have been well enough to carry out his travel plans.   We fear that this will be a new worry.   Poor people!" 106. likely to disappear b0972 V/1962, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 3/31/1878.   Anna writes about a job that her daughter Lies is enjoying and about the employers who seem to like her: "She [Lies] writes so very sweetly and kindly and seems to be extremely loved in Tiel.   It's possible that will later disappear." 107. tormented herselfb2547 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 8/1/1877: For the wife of a preacher who traveled a great deal, Anna's morbid fears never seem to diminish.   In 1877, she wrote Theo after her husband had gone to a nearby town: "It is so strange that Dad hasn't been here for a while.   How would it be if we were without him?   We hope that the good God will spare and bless him."   (Emphasis added.)   After her twentieth wedding anniversary celebration in 1876, even with her husband safely under the same roof, she wrote Theo worriedly: "We will retain precious memories ... may God spare your dear father for many more years" (b2750 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 5/24/1876). 108. "The wedding days" Van Gogh-Carbentus, n.p. 109. "terrifying speed" Wylie, "Vincent's Childhood and Adolescence," p. 7. 110. "indefatigable" Wylie, "Vincent's Childhood and Adolescence," p. 7. 111. jumbled syntax b0996 V/1962, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van".   "It's strange although the normal days in each family have returned it still feels like a busy time.   Everything is back as usual.   Oh, I think that Anna won't be able to visit Wil for a long time.   Did I write you that I wrote Dr. van Dalen during New Year's Eve!   Well, I haven't received anything back.   I think his message, which will soon arrive, will inform me anyway that nothing has changed and that her condition still the same.   It's still really dark." 112. multiple insertions (b2303 V/1982, "Quesne-van Gogh, Elisabeth du" to "Cohen Gosschalk-Bonger, Jo", 1/1/1909).   (See also b2674 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 12/11/1873.) 113. played the pianob2924 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo en Jo van", 3/23/1890. 114. "it keeps you busy"b2521V/1982, ''Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 4/18/1877. 115. "Force your mind" b2521 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 4/18/1877: " It's good to see what you come across on your path of life and to force your mind to keep itself busy with other things ."   116. "That dearest Ma" b2468 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 4/18/1879: " That dearest Ma is busy cleaning, but thinks about and worries about all, also the many sick in the community." 17 117. Anna's busy hands "Biographical Lexicon of the History of Dutch Protestantism," p. 6. 118. one of her sisters, Cornelia b2706 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 6/10/1874. 119. flowers "Biographical Lexicon of the History of Dutch Protestantism," p. 60. 120. advertised himself as a painter "Biographical Lexicon of the History of Dutch Protestantism," p. 9. 121. the Bakhuyzens b2706 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 6/10/1874.  Anna spelled the name in the Dutch way, "Bakhuijzen." The name is commonly (mis)spelled: "Backhuijzen." 122. visits to the Bakhuyzen house b2706 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 6/10/1874.   The Bakhuysens may have been distantly related to Anna's future husband, Theodorus van Gogh.   Vincent's great-great-great-grandfather David (1697-1740) had a brother Gerrit (1700-1752), whose daughter, Jannetje (1731-1796) married Hendrik Bakhuijsen (1729-1812) in 1753. 123. two of whom De Leeuw, Sillevis, and Dumas, p. 22.   Henrik's daughter Geraldine Bakhuyzen went on to become a prominent flower painter and his young son Julius (Van der Mast and Dumas, eds., p. 101) made paintings that Vincent van Gogh would later admire (JLB 338, 4/30/1883; JLB 831, 12/23/1889).   In March 1882, when Vincent had resettled in The Hague as an artist, Juilius Bakhuyzen visited him (JLB 241, 7/1/1882).   Anna's later letter suggests that her friend in the Bakhuyzen family was Geraldine's sister, who is not named in the letter (see Ch. 1, n. 124).   124. perhaps to the Carbentus sistersb2706 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 6/10/1874: In 1874, Anna wrote to her son Theo, who was living in The Hague and paid a call on the Bakhuyzens: "I am so glad that you went to see the Bakhuijzen family.   They are good people and were always so kind to both Aunt Cornelie and myself.   If you would happen to see them again, please give my regards to Mrs. and Miss Backhuijzen.   You know that Miss Backhuijzen's sister, the painter, drew our Church in Zundert.   She lives in Delft and her name is Mrs. de Ridder." 125. cast of studentsDe Leeuw, Sillevis, and Dumas, p. 267: E.g., William Roelofs and Paul Gabriel.   "In August 1840 [Roelofs] went to The Hague for a year to take lessons from the landscape and animal painter Hendrikus van de Sande Bakhuyzen (1795-1860), with whom he went on a study trip to Germany the following year." (For Gabriel, see ibid., p. 41.) 126. emphatically Dutch artistic movement De Leeuw, Sillevis, and Dumas, p. 14: "it was painters from The Hague who determined the development of Dutch Romanticism in the first half of that century, particularly in the genre of landscape.   Bart van Hove, Andréas Schelfhout, Wijnand Nuyen, Sam Verveer, Hendrik van de Sande Bakhuyzen and Simon van den Berg were regarded as outstanding masters and no less excellent teachers of their genres, and it was their pupils who laid the foundations for a genuine Hague School." 127. Thirty-five years Using 1845 as the date when Anna most likely was visiting the Bakhuyzens.   In 1845, her father died, which might have made activities like this, outside the house, more difficult.   Also, her sister Cornelia would have been sixteen in 1845.   Watercolor lessons prior to that seem unlikely.   The only dated work of Anna's is from 1844.   (See Tralbaut, pp. 20, 22.) 128. "God's trying hand" b4509 V/1962, Carbentus Genealogy , n.p. "The above mentioned child, who was born in a time in which God's trying hand was profoundly experienced, was baptized on Wednesday, during the last twice weekly prayer meeting that was held in our country at that time and which ended because of the arrival of the French, during a winter so severe as we had yet not experienced this century." 129. "May God grant us" b4509 V/1962, Carbentus Genealogy , n.p. 130. "preserve, support, and comfort" b2720 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 9/4/1874: " You will experience, and already know, that religion should preserve, support and comfort and that there is no happier man than he who lives under God's eye and according to His will."   131. school exams" b2546 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 7/25/1877. 132. job applicationsb2720 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 9/4/1874. 133. "May the good God"b0970 V/1962, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 3/16/1878: Theo's promotion at Goupil in 1878 prompted this brief sermon from this mother: "You did not seek it out intentionally, and now to follow it can be a privilege for you.   Preserve the earnestness of life and the thought of our dear Lord; and if things become difficult at some point, think also of our parsonage in Etten, how much we love you, how we bless your questions, and how we believe the good God will help you to remain honest and good if you choose Him as your helper." 134. bad weather b2645 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 7/24/1873. 135. insomnia b2645 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 7/24/1873. 136. creditors b2567 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 11/9/1877: "May God see to it that we don't have to pay too many doctor's bills."   This, of course, is an indirect prayer for good health. 137. relentless nostrums For example: b2554 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 9/4/1877.   18 138. insistent incantationsb2377 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 12/5/1875: "Troubles and worries," Anna wrote serenely in 1875, "everything comes from the same Father's hand, according to one's needs."   Two years later, she wrote again hopefully, but less serenely and more grudgingly: "Later we might thank Him for everything He made us go through" (b2521 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 4/18/1877). 139. "Learn the normal life more and more" b2385 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 12/31/1875: " Learn the normal life more and more, and don't avoid the things on your way, those are necessary for your forming and your destiny. " 140. "Make your paths in life even and straight" b2795 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 11/18/1876: "Now, in everything you do, you must think of the Lord, He will make your paths in life even and straight ." 141. conformitySchama, p. 150. 142. Normality was the duty Schama, pp. 158-159: Schama argues that the aspiration to conventionality controlled not just religion, but also politics, literature, art, manners, even clothing and diet.   Every action, every thought, was determined by an elaborate set of conventions.   Anything that did not conform to those conventions, anything outside the "even and straight," threatened a return to the chaos of the past. 143. none was more dutiful b2047 V/1982, "Gogh, Theo van" to "Bonger, Jo", 3/14/1889; quoted in Jansen and Robert, p. 217: We see mother Anna's influence in a passage from a letter that Theo wrote Jo Bonger in March 1889.   In response to Jo's comment that it seemed Theo's sister Anna "never had much joy, much happiness", Theo pleads guilty to the same self-estrangement and explains it this way: "I myself sometimes feel what she [i.e., Anna] does even more strongly.   I suppose it's mainly because of our upbringing.   It's like worrying about what people think, and so making sure one has nothing to reproach oneself for, as regards things that are not worth bothering about.   I try to suppress it in myself as best I can, but it's there all the same."   (ibid., emphasis added.)   144. All of her siblings b4509 V/1962, Carbentus Genealogy , n.p .: Anna's oldest sister Willemina (b. 1816), who had married in December 1841, at the age of twenty-five, already had three children by this time. Her younger brothers had all married within the previous three years: brother Gerrit (b. 1822) in July 1846 (to a first cousin, Cornelia Maria Dorothea Carbentus); brother Willem (b. 1823), in August 1849; and brother Arie (b. 1826), in October the same year. Many of Anna's cousins, male and female, had also married and started families before her. Willemina Catrina van Stockum (b. 1823) had married another Hague bookseller, Johannes Marinus van Hoogstraaten, in June 1845; Johannus Rutgerus van der Gaag (b. 1819) had married in June 1844; Willeminavan Stockum (b. 1823) had married in June 1845, and Clara Cornelia Petronella van der Gaag (b. 1817) had married in March 1848. 145. March 1850 b3259 V/1962, "Gogh, Maria Johanna van", 1899. 146. announced her engagementb4509 V/1962, Carbentus Genealogy , n.p. : Cornelia Carbentus and Vincent van Gogh (the painter's uncle) probably met through Anna's brother Gerrit who had taken over the bookbinding business after their father Willem's death.   The Van Gogh's gallery was not far from the Carbentus shop on the Spuistraat, and, like the Carbentuses, the bachelor Van Gogh lived over the store.   In Anna and Dorus's wedding registration in The Hague, Gerrit Carbentus, signed as a witness, listing his occupation as "bookbinder" (see Meyers, p. 30).    147. on the Spuistraat Meyers, p. 30. 148. Three months later Van Gogh-Carbentus, n.p.   Anna says in her memoir of the wedding days, written in 1852, that July 5, 1850 was "the day that united us initially."   We take this to mean that this was the day they met, three and a half months after Vincent and Cornelia announced their engagement and attended family celebrations together.   She also writes, "we were engaged for more than 11 months," which is a slight overstatement given that the wedding took place on May 21 the following year.   It is the proximity of the two dates that leads us to believe that the meeting and the engagement were virtually simultaneous.   Anna could have meant that the July date was the day they announced their engagement and that they had met earlier.   Vincent's grandparents were married in 1811, dating their fortieth anniversary to 1851 (JLB Biographical & Historical Context). 149. "finely chiseled features" Du Quesne-van Gogh, n.p 150. already starting to gray Du Quesne-van Gogh, n.p.   151. none of that matteredKools, p. 24.   Nor, apparently, was love an issue.
152. Almost immediately afterward Van Gogh-Carbentus, n.p.   (See Ch. 1, n. 1 48 [Three months later] .) 153. "The bride was not without worry" Van Gogh-Carbentus, n.p.