Notes

Notes

 

Chapters

Chapters

35 1. thick, curly red locksDu Quesne-Van Gogh, Personal Recollections of Vincent van Gogh, p. xxviii: Du Quesne (Vincent's sister Lies) reports that Vincent had "red blond hair cropped close." Based on photographs of Anna's other sons at an early age, we believe Vincent probably wore his hair longer in his youth than he did in his mid-teens, his age at the time of Lies's portrait. Stokvis interviewed a family servant who described Vincent as "covered with freckles; his hair was crimson: he resembled his mother" (quoted in Stokvis, p. 12). 2. high brow Du Quesne-Van Gogh, Personal Recollections of Vincent van Gogh, p. xxviii: Lies refers to it as a "large, noble brow." 3. shallow-set eyes Du Quesne-Van Gogh, Personal Recollections of Vincent van Gogh, p. xxviii: Lies describes Vincent's eyes as "small and deep-set" but her description is supported neither by the many self-portraits nor by the only reliable photograph. 4. reclusive Stokvis, p. 9: Mayor Van de Wall told Stokvis that "He was not as playful as other boys of his age, but read a lot in all kinds of books." 5. he favored his motherStokvis, p. 12. (See Ch. 3, n. 1.) 6. broad features Meyers, p. 43: "He had reddish hair, freckles, and irregular features that at times showed a seriousness which did not suit his age." The best way to understand "irregular" in this context is to put it in the context of a schoolmate's description of Vincent that Meyers puts nearby: "Not very pretty." 7. compact frame Du Quesne-Van Gogh, Personal Recollections of Vincent van Gogh, p. xxviii: "as broad as he was long." 8. dense freckles Stokvis, p. 10. 9. small eyes Du Quesne-Van Gogh, Personal Recollections of Vincent van Gogh, p. xxviii. 10. changeable blue-green color Du Quesne-Van Gogh, Personal Recollections of Vincent van Gogh, p. xxviii: "The eyes, small and deep-set, were now blue, now green, according to the impressions of the moment." Vincent's self-portraits show both green and blue eyes, but the choices may have been more about color combinations than verisimilitude. We have taken blue to be the "true" color, as reported by two adult witness, A.S. Hartrick, who knew Vincent in Paris: "light blue eyes" (Hartrick's 1913 memoir quoted in Bailey, p. 104), and Paul Gauguin: "the blue eyes so clear" (Avant et Après, p. 95). Theo's eyes were blue.
11. seem piercing Du Quesne-Van Gogh, Personal Recollections of Vincent van Gogh, p. xxviii. 12. reticent and self-conscious Kools, p. 99. 13. He tended to hang his head Du Quesne-Van Gogh, Personal Recollections of Vincent van Gogh, p. xxviii. 14. shift in nervous uneaseStokvis, p. 10. This is our effort to reconcile Stokvis's report that "Vincent was a somewhat quiet boy who generally had little to do with other children" with other accounts of how unruly and ill-tempered Vincent was (see, e.g., Kools, pp. 28-29). We believe that he must have reserved his unruly, temperamental behavior for family and playmates. It seems highly unlikely than an adult visitor would have been witness to his worst side. Kools comes to the same conclusion. 15. royal doings b2706 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 6/10/1874: "Did you get to see the Queen? Was she gracious?" 16. slip awkwardly Du Quesne-Van Gogh, Personal Recollections of Vincent van Gogh, p. 4. 17. some other solitary activity Stokvis, p. 10: "Vincent was a somewhat quiet boy who generally had little to do with other children." 18. " een oarige" Stokvis, p. 12. 19. her suspicious gaze Tralbaut, pp. 25-26. 20. in flower arrangements, fabricsb2936 V/1982, "Gogh, Willemina van" to "Gogh-Bonger, Jo van." In this undated letter written sometime after both after Vincent and Theo had died, their sister Willemina suggests that her mother had been over-obsessed with material possessions in her treatment of both Vincent and Theo as children, and that these lessons had contributed to the ruin of both boys -- Vincent in particular. "It doesn't matter if he [Theo's son Vincent] has to wear less beautiful clothes or doesn't have the same beautiful big or small toys ... I am the best person to know and I am also firmly convinced that in part the misery that became too much for Vincent and Theo could have been avoided." 21. home décor BVG 268, 2/20/1883-2/24/1883. In both of the studios where he settled for extended periods (The Hague and Arles), Vincent undertook reconstruction and redecoration projects that were, given his budget, extravagant; and clearly wanted to do more than he did. "If I could have, I would have had the windows altered like this ... And it ought really to have a broad window-sill -- where one could sit." Also in The Hague: "Later I may get a small room in the attic as well - if there's some old wood again. A highly picturesque and distinctive thing could be made there." (JLB 319, 2/23/1883.) This yen to decorate (which Theo shared) was played out on a historic stage when Vincent moved into the Yellow House in Arles.


Context:
JLB 318, 2/20/1883 or 2/21/1883: "If I could have, I would have had the windows altered like this: which wouldn't have been that much more if we hadn't been dealing with blinds that already existed. The difference is only that there's a frame around each square of light, and the blinds are thus slightly smaller."

22. pens BVG R30, 3/5/1883.


Context:
JLB 325, 3/5/1883: "Last year I bought at least 6 expensive, special penholders and various pens -- it was all rubbish."

23. paper, and paint BVG 224, 8/10/1882-8/12/1882.


Context:
JLB 255, 8/10/1882-8/11/1882: "But, old chap, it's wonderful for me that I've once again been given so many good tools -- thanks again for everything."

24. prerogatives of rank BVG 336, 10/28/1883.


Context:
JLB 400, 10/28/1883: "Does one lose something by abandoning some notions, drummed into us as children, of preserving status -- of regarding certain manners as No. 1?"

25. capable of pleasantries BVG 173, 1/26/1882.


Context:
JLB 203, 1/26/1882: "In short, my youth is past, not my love of life or my vitality, but I mean the time when one doesn't feel that one lives, and lives without effort. Actually I say all the better, there are now better things, after all, than there were then."

36 26. hardly a child at allMeyers, p. 43. See Lies's comment to this effect: "a strange face, not young; the forehead already full of lines" (Du Quesne-Van Gogh, Personal Recollections of Vincent van Gogh, p. xxviii); and Tralbaut's testimony: "all his contemporaries, as old Hoppenbrouwers remarked to me, wondered if he was really a child at all. He certainly never showed any of the boisterous lightheartedness and openness normal in children of his age." (Tralbaut, p. 26.) 27. calligraphic joy BVG 095, 5/19/1877. At age twenty-four, Vincent wrote excitedly about the special pleasures of writing on good paper.


Context:
JLB 114, 5/19/1877: "Yesterday Uncle Cor sent me a batch of old paper, such as the sheet on which I'm writing to you. Isn't it wonderful for doing my work on? I have a lot of work already, and it isn't easy, but meekness will help one to get used to it. I only hope to bear in mind the ivy, 'which stealeth on though he wears no wings'. Like the ivy on the walls, so the pen must cover the paper."

28. Like his motherMeyers, p. 36. See also Wylie: "Vincent's mother was also an indefatigable letter writer. Her daughter-in-law, Theo's widow, wrote: 'One of her qualities, next to her deep love of nature, was the great facility with which she could express her thoughts on paper'" (Wylie, p. 7). The author of the "Biographical Lexicon of the History of Dutch Protestantism" draws the obvious parallel to Anna's blistering speed at knitting: "Her busy hands, which were always working for others, very quickly reached not only for needle or knitting needle, but also for the pen" ("Biographical Lexicon of the History of Dutch Protestantism," p. 6). In a letter from September 1882, Vincent writes to Theo: "When one learns to write as a child, one has the feeling that one will never discover how to do it, and it seems to be a miracle when one sees the schoolmaster write so quickly" (JLB 265, 9/17/1882-9/18/1882). Although he couches this comment in generalization (as he often does), we see its source as autobiographical. 29. greatest fear Kools, p. 6: Kools notes the religious source of the belief that "idleness and ignorance were supposed to be the root of immorality." Anna make the same point when identifying the source of Vincent's downheartedness in London: he doesn't work hard enough. "It's very autumnal and cold today; poor Vincent, so alone and downhearted. I wish he would have a more enjoyable time, if only we could cheer him up some; we feel sad about it, and he hardly ever writes -- please write him often, we do too. I think it's much better for you to be working [at a gallery in Brussels] until a little later in the evening; he always finishes at 7:00 [p.m.]." (b2723 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 10/2/1874.) 30. "Doing nothing [is] doing wrong" BVG W12, 6/16/1889.


Context:
BVG W12, 6/16/1889: "The cases where doing nothing becomes doing wrong do not seem to be exceptional here."
JLB 780, 6/16/1889: "The cases aren't perhaps rare here where doing nothing becomes doing bad."

31. greatest fear, emptinessBVG 238, 10/10/1882. Vincent wrote ardently on this subject in The Hague, when, in the midst of loneliness and hardship, he first discovered his artistic gift: "I've found my work -- have something which I live for heart and soul and which gives inspiration and meaning to life" (JLB 327, 3/11/1883).


Context:
JLB 272, 10/15/1882: "But on such days it would be nice to look up a friend or to be in the company of one, and on such days one sometimes has an empty feeling if one can't go anywhere and nobody comes. Yet it's precisely then that I feel what the work is; how, regardless of approval or disapproval, it gives tone to life."

32. "miserable" than "a life of inactivity?" BVG 303, 7/23/1883: We have slightly altered Bonger's translation.


Context:
BVG 303, 7/23/1883: "Oh, Theo, the work brings its troubles and cares, but what is it in comparison to the misery of a life of inactivity?"
JLB 365, 7/23/1883: "Oh Theo, the work involves trouble and setbacks, but what is that compared with the misery that looms if someone leads a life without activity?"

33. "Do a great deal or drop dead" BVG 379, 9/15/1884-9/30/1884.


Context:
BVG 379, 9/15/1884-9/30/1884: "I want to have a lot of work to do -- believe me -- and I don't intend to be bored -- do a great deal or drop dead."
JLB 464, 10/2/1884: "I want to have a lot of work -- believe me -- I have no intention of being bored -- do a great deal or die."

34. followed hers into art Du Quesne-Van Gogh, Personal Recollections of Vincent van Gogh, p. 28: "He had the gift for drawing from his mother." 35. the fine artsKools, p. 114. Kools quotes the Archief Gemeente Zundert (Municipal Archives Zundert), inv. nr. 2798. 36. took singing lessons Kools, p. 102. See also De Vries: "Nobody who has some taste and wealth will have their children not learn the art of music and drawing and the art of making beautiful letters ..." (De Vries, p. 332). 37. Anna introduced them all Kools, p. 98. Although Vincent may have entered the local school as early as 1860, at the age of seven, no art instruction was available there. (See Kools, p. 98.) 38. instructing him Meyers, p. 49. Meyers makes the persuasive argument, based on a precise dating of the surviving juvenilia, that most of Vincent's work was done on the weekends, "that is to say at home, under the eyes of his mother." 39. visited Zundertb2706 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 6/10/1874. The two sisters were daughters of Hendrik van de Sande Bakhuyzen, the descendant of a famous line of Dutch painters and himself a prominent painter best known for his landscapes with called, who lived from 1795 to1860. One of the two sisters, Gerardina (Geraldine) van de Sande-Bakhuyzen, became an even more famous painter than her father, especially after she became a flower painter under the influence of Margaretha Roosenboom, winning numerous prizes in both The Hague and Amsterdam.
(http://members.cox.net/academia/cassatt12.html#bakhuyzen.)
40. sketching in the town b2706 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 6/10/1874. Anna's account of this trip in an 1874 letter to Theo is sketchy. "You know that Miss Backhuijzen's sister, the painter, drew our Church in Zundert." We are assuming that, since "Miss Backhuizen," and not Geraldine, was Anna's principal friend, both sisters must have visited Zundert at the same time. 37 41. instructional drawing books and prints Kools, p. 114. 42. first imagesSeveral drawings appear in the literature attributed to Vincent's childhood, but there is much controversy concerning the attributions for much of the juvenilia. The revised 1970 edition of De la Faille, with an introduction by Jan. G. van Gelder, who had discovered several of the drawings, accepts over a dozen early works as Vincent's. (Van Heugten notes that Van Gelder first wrote about the works in the newspaper DeTafelronde in 1955 [Van Heugten, p. 246].) Kools accepts the attributions while questioning how valuable they are in the understanding of Vincent's mature work (Kools, pp. 105-126). Tralbaut expressed skepticism about the authenticity of many of the early drawings in 1957 (Tralbaut, p. 20) and Anna Szymańska dismissed their authenticity altogether in 1967 (Szymańska, pp. 6-7).


Van Heugten persuasively disputes the authenticity of all of the juvenilia other than De la Faille XII, the view of a farmhouse and a bar (Van Heugten, pp. 246-251). He does not officially accept the latter because he did not see it first-hand, but argues that it is probably correct because De la Failles states that the words "8 Februari 1864 Vincent" are written on the reverse in Dorus's handwriting: February 8 being Dorus's birthday and indicating that the drawing was a birthday gift to Dorus from his eldest son (ibid., p. 246). Van Heugten says about the juvenilia as a whole: "It is not only the provenances that are unconvincing. There is little in the sheets in the Van Gogh Museum to inspire confidence in their attribution. Technically they are far too good to be the work of a child. It makes little difference that they are all probably copies after prints, as Van Gelder rightly states, for one can recognize a child's hand even in a copy. Here the lines and hatchings are clearly the work of quite a practised artist. If the young Vincent had been capable of producing drawings like this, someone in the family would certainly have remembered." (ibid., pp. 247-248.)

43. a farm sceneVan Heugten, pp. 246-251. This is probably the farm scene that Vincent presented as a gift on his father's birthday in February 1864, as discussed in the previous note.  (See Ch. 3, n. 42.)   Surely, it is a copy after a lost model, probably a print. Even as Tralbaut expresses skepticism about the authenticity of other supposed Van Gogh juvenilia, he insists that this work (which he discovered) is not a copy but "an original composition" (Tralbaut, p. 28). Although Kools accepts more of the juvenilia than Van Heugten, Tralbaut, Szymańsk, or we do, we agree with him that "the perspective, the light, and the working out of the shadows in drawings like the … 'the farm with barn' are technically so far advanced that it is impossible they could have been drawn naturally by the young Vincent" (Kools, p. 114). 44. trace and color Hulsker, p. 10. Like most middle-class houses of the period (see Gay, Pleasure Wars, p. 53), the parsonage was filled with fine-art prints (see Kôdera, pp.115-116). Three of Dorus's brothers were dealers in such prints and Vincent mentions two prints that hung in his father's study: Jacobus Jan van der Maaten's Funeral procession in the wheat field and Ary Scheffer's Christus Consolator (ibid.). Neither Vincent nor his parents seem to have made any connection between the art on the walls (for which all had appropriate respect and the meticulous little artifacts of emulation that Vincent offered up for his parents' approval (see Kools, p. 112). In addition, Vincent had access to the ubiquitous, easy-to-trace emblem books familiar to every Sunday school student (see Kôdera, pp.16-18 and Druick, pp.11-12). According to Kôdera, these emblem books sometimes included reproductions of "modern" paintings (Kôdera, pp. 16-18). 45. decorative nosegays Hulsker, p. 10. For the interesting story of how these drawings survived, see Meyers, p. 50 or Kools, p. 108. 46. attempted to render his own world BVG 341, 11/12/1883-11/13/1883. As an adult, Vincent vaguely recalled having drawn some mills as a child. From Drenthe, Vincent wrote Theo: "[This countryside would] let you find yourself, your soul again, but more thoroughly and fully than in the time of drawing mills." We read this to be an allusion to a time when both Vincent and Theo drew mills together, presumably in Zundert.


Context:
JLB 406, 11/12/1883 or 11/13/1883: "One thing I tell you, that this countryside has the effect on me of bringing me peace, faith, courage, and I believe you also need this influence yourself -- it would be the very, very best thing for you -- let you find yourself, your soul again, but more thoroughly and fully than in the time of drawing mills. But I'm afraid you regard what I say as a trick of my imagination, my words as up in the air and without foundation."

47. the family's black catb2567 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 11/9/1877. The cat, which belonged to Dorus, was apparently named Miet. It is interesting that Cor, who was a much more prolific draftsman as a child than Vincent, later used the family dog as a model. "Cor is doing well too, he seems to love making drawings of dogs and hares" (ibid.). 48. leafless apple tree Du Quesne-Van Gogh, Personal Recollections of Vincent van Gogh, p. xxxv. 49. a poor draftsman Kools, p. 109. 50. destroyed the sketch Wylie, "Vincent's Childhood and Adolescence," p. 11. See also, Nagera, p. 19. 51. according to his mother;Kools, p. 106, and Meyers, p. 49. Both Kools and Meyers cite an article that Lies published late in life called "Memories of my Mother" for the cat story. Meyers makes the additional point that, although Lies also says that Vincent did not draw as a child, her "memory" of that was undoubtedly derived from her mother's memory, as she was not born until Vincent was six (Meyers, p. 49). Either way, two conclusions seem inescapable: Anna took no significant notice of her son's drawing, and drawing was not central to Vincent's life as a child. 52. never made another freehand sketchMeyers, p. 83. We do not credit the testimony of son of the village carpenter, J. Franken, as recorded by Stokvis, who said he saw Vincent sketching in both pencil and color, presumably more than once (a claim that has been considerably inflated by later commentators, especially as to frequency, on which Stokvis's reporting is frustratingly vague [Stokvis, p. 11]). This recollection is contradicted by other, better testimony and even Stokvis seems to take pains to show some skepticism. According to Franken fils, testimony, equally suspect, Vincent came often to his father's shop to "tinker" and to watch him work. Given Anna's concern about Vincent's mixing in "low" company, this kind of frequent, extended contact with the village carpenter seems highly unlikely. Nor do we credit the part of Franken's account that relates to Dorus van Gogh's attitude toward his son's drawing (ibid.). First, Stokvis is unclear on whether this is Franken's testimony or only Stokvis's conjecture. Subsequent versions of Stokvis's account have, once again, inflated the original. Tralbaut, for example, claims that Franken "more than once heard Vincent's father speak of his son's special aptitude for drawing" (Tralbaut, p. 25). It is creditable, however, as Franken testifies, that Vincent watched his father when he did work at the parsonage. Vincent's adult interest in carpentry supports this aspect of Franken's recollection. But without Franken's testimony regarding Vincent's childhood drawing, there is no support whatsoever for the claim by Meyers and others that the limited bits of verifiable Van Gogh juvenilia might be "just the tip of something that was once an iceberg." 53. "little scratches"BVG 143, 4/12/1881. To refer to some drawings in 1881, Vincent used the Dutch word "krabbelingen" which is almost onomatopoetic in its evocation of cramped and awkward creations.  They were so bad that he felt called upon to apologize for them by invoking his even worse childhood efforts. BVG locates the same postscript in a different letter from 1881 and omits the distinction between krabbelingen and schetsjes (ibid.).


Context:
BVG 143, 4/12/1881: "You should take into account that it is only a short time since I started drawing, although I made little sketches when I was a boy."
JLB: "You must remember that I haven't been drawing for long, even if I did sometimes make little sketches as a boy."

54. "It is really and truly not until later" BVG 237, 10/22/1882.


Context:
BVG 237, 10/22/1882: "It may be that nature has favoured us to some extent (in any case you and I certainly have it -- perhaps we owe it to our boyhood in Brabant and to surroundings that taught us to think more than is usual), but it is really and truly not until later that the artistic sensibility develops and ripens through work."
JLB 274, 10/22/1882: "It may be that there has to be something innate in us, to some extent (but that too you have, and so do I -- for that we may have to thank our childhood in Brabant and a background that helped, much more than is usually the case, to teach us to think), but above all, above all, it's only later that the artistic sense develops and ripens through working."

55. attachment to his mother BVG 573, 1/22/1889-1/23/1889: It is impossible, of course, to know all the ways in which Vincent adhered to his mother in the first years of his life, years during which he was, in effect, her only child. He himself clearly staked a unique claim based on these early years of exclusivity, as he stated in an 1889 letter to Theo.


Context:
JLB 741, 1/22/1889: "I still have the most primitive memories of all of you, of those days; to remember all this there's now only Mother and me."

56. "grow moist" and his "heart to melt BVG 324, 9/15/1883.


Context:
BVG 324, 9/15/1883: "Theo, when I see a poor woman like that on the heath, with a child on her arm or at her breast, my eyes grow moist. I am reminded of her, and her weakness; her slovenliness, only add to the likeness. I know that she is no good, that I have every right to do as I am doing, that I could not stay with her there, that I really could not take her with me, indeed that what I did was sensible, wise, whatever you like, but that doesn't alter the fact that it cuts right through me when I see a poor little figure like that, feverish and miserable, and it melts my heart."
JLB 386, 9/14/1883: "Theo, when I see some poor woman on the heath with a child in her arms or at her breast my eyes become moist. I see her in them; her weakness and slovenliness, too, only serve to intensify the likeness. I know that she isn't good, that I have every right to do what I'm doing, that to stay with her there wasn't possible, that bringing her with me really wasn't possible either, that what I did was even sensible, wise, what you will, but that doesn't alter the fact that it goes right through me when I see some poor little creature, feverish and miserable, and that then my heart melts." (Emphasis in original.)

57. arranging flowersDu Quesne-Van Gogh, Personal Recollections of Vincent van Gogh, p. 8. 58. sewing BVG 114, 11/25/1877.


Context:
JLB 135, 11/24/1877-11/25/1877: "But his wife was at home, sitting at work in a small room like the back room at Etten (only this one was on the street)."

59. preoccupied him both in life and in art BVG 116a, 12/30/1877.


Context:
JLB 138, 12/30/1877: "Yesterday I saw the sewing school that Ma now holds in the consistory, it is indeed pleasant, one would like to have a painting of it."

60. and its tokens Meyers, p. 38: "At the onset of winter at the beginning of December 1875, Vincent got a pair of gloves from his mother. He was so happy that he took them into bed with him -- a slightly exaggerated and childish reaction for a twenty-two year-old." 61. intense affection for maternal figuresBVG 114, 11/25/1877: Vincent had a reverie of maternal affection and memory when he went to visit Reverend Jeremie Meyes in late November 1877, but found only the reverend’s wife at home. This strange vision adumbrates his later, more unnerving Christmastime reveries in Arles and St. Rémy, conflating his own mother and mother surrogates like Marie Ginoux and Madame Roulin. In the later cases, those reveries found their way into paintings. In 1877, he put his feelings into word paintings filled with odd juxtapositions of imagery.


Context:
JLB 135, 11/24/1877-11/25/1877: "his wife … reminds me of Mrs. Jones, and she could pass for an Englishwoman as far as her appearance is concerned, especially if she were wearing a dress of English fabric, Scottish plaid, for example. They're such nice people, met them recently at a lecture and they stood out from the others in the audience just like an old, moss-covered apple tree or a rosebush from the cemetery or an elm tree with crows' nests would stand out among all kinds of unnatural, exotic plants."

62. play a maternal role b2753 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 6/17/1876: "Vincent is busy showing engravings to the children." 63. "as I see her in my memory" BVG 546, 10/8/1888.


Context:
BVG 546, 10/8/1888: "That is to say, I am doing a portrait of Mother for myself. I cannot stand the colourless photograph, and I am trying to do one in a harmony of colour, as I see her in my memory."
JLB 699, 10/8/1888: "That's to say, I'm doing a portrait of our mother for myself. I can't look at the colourless photograph, and I'm trying to do one with harmonious colour, as I see her in my memory."

64. using exactly the same palette of colorsBVG 540, 9/22/1888: In September 1888, after receiving a photograph of his mother in the mail, Vincent wrote Theo.


Context:
JLB 685, 9/21/1888: "Only I don't like it at all as a real likeness; I've just painted my own portrait, and I have the same ashy coloration, and unless they do us in colour they'll give an idea of us that's not very lifelike."

65. mention in the family history Van Gogh-Bonger, p. xx. 66. "insufferable" Kools, p. 28. 67. who had raised eleven children Meyers, p. 42. (See Chapter 4.) 68. "I never was busier" b2924 V/1982, ''Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van'' to ''Gogh, Theo en Jo van'', 3/23/1890. 69. "obstinate" Slagter, "Van Goghiana," n.p. The relative speaking is Bertha Boonakker, a cousin. 70. "unruly," "self-willed" Kools, p. 28. 71. "hard to deal with" Slagter, "Van Goghiana," n.p. 72. "a queer one" Wagener, "Vincent of Zundert," p. 198. 73. "strange manners" Kools, p. 28. 74. "a difficult temper" Kools, p. 28. 75. "troublesome" and "contrary" Wagener, "Vincent of Zundert," p. 198. 76. "the least pleasant" Stokvis, p. 12. This comment is echoed in Stokvis's report of another Zundert resident, Charles van Ginnekin, who reportedly said that Vincent was "not pleasant." 77. He was noisy Stokvis, p. 11. 78. "never took the slightest notice" Du Quesne-Van Gogh, Personal Recollections of Vincent van Gogh, p. 9. "[It is] equally permissible as my going onto the street in my working clothes if that suits me, and not being obliged to stand before the mirror before I leave the house …" (JLB 284, 11/18/1882). Anna van Gogh could not have disagreed more. 79. to visit distinguished families Stokvis, p. 9. Vincent later wrote: "Up to now I had some qualms about coming to you, because so many prefer not to see me and I generally don't look forward to paying visits." (JLB 341, 4/9/1883.) In 1876, Anna attributed many of Vincent's adult problems to his earlier and continuing distaste for visiting: "'If our Vincent had done that [pay visits] more often in the past, then he would have become more practical and joined more in society, and that certainly would have done him good in his dealings, and he would have had it easier in life." (b2223 V/1982, ''Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 1/29/1876.) 80. time with the family maids See Kools, p. 18. Three of the maids known to have worked in the parsonage are mentioned in Vincent's letters -- a showing unmatched by any other group from his childhood. In 1876, Vincent recalls frequent trips accompanying Helena ("Leen" [Lientje]) Veerman home from work (JLB 88, 8/18/1876). In 1882, Vincent compared her to an angel in a print by Landelle and to his mistress at the time, Sien Hoornik (JLB 234, 6/1/1882 - 6/2/1882). Since Veerman left Zundert in 1861, Vincent must have been young when he struck up this relationship (Kools, p. 18). He saw Wouterina ("Woutje") Prins and Jacomijna ("Mientje") Honcoop when he returned to Zundert in 1877 (JLB 110, 4/8/1877). 81. with whom he shared the parsonage attic Kools, p. 18. Kools notes that the Van Goghs added a room in the attic in 1861 to accommodate their growing family and probably added two rooms there in order accommodate their live-in maid as well. 82. misbehavior seemed aimed Du Quesne-Van Gogh, Personal Recollections of Vincent van Gogh, pp. 9-10. On the question of intentionality, Lies wrote that Vincent "was per¬fectly unconscious of having distressed his parents." This probably applies to the later unraveling of his ambitions to be a preacher (which Lies witnessed first-hand from home). It is likely, however, that in both that case and in his childhood misbehavior referred to in the text, Vincent was operating on an instinctual-emotional level, not consciously calculating his actions to upset his parents (his mother in particular). We are not sure the same can be said for his prolonged confrontation with his parents in Nuenen in 1884-85, when some of his provocative actions appear to have been calculated to upset them. 38 83. smashed it to the groundKools, p. 105. The story is also told in Bonger's Memoir, p. xx, as well as in Du Quesne-Van Gogh, Personal Recollections of Vincent van Gogh, p. xxxv, and Meyers, p. 49, and analyzed in Nagera, p. 19. In a departure from the version in Bonger, we have attributed the hostile interaction exclusively to Anna because the story clearly came from her. The existence of the figure is supported by Du Quesne's memoir (Du Quesne-Van Gogh, Personal Recollections of Vincent van Gogh, p. xxxv), but we are, frankly, suspicious of the finer points, especially the destruction of the figure, which is not in Du Quesne, even though, presumably, she was closer to the source. It seems possible to us that sometime between the Du Quesne memoir and the Bonger memoir, the story of the elephant was conflated with the story of the drawing of the cat which Vincent reportedly destroyed. Vincent clearly had a fascination with elephants. He later drew one for the four-year-old daughter of his boss at Goupil's in The Hague, H.G. Tersteeg (see Kools, p. 109). 84. punishing their sonThere is no indication in the record of what form Vincent's punishments took. It may shed some light on Dorus's punishment techniques that his own father did not resort to corporal punishment. According to Dorus's sister, Mietje: "There would also be grumbling or reprimanding [in their father's house], but it rarely, if ever, came to hitting or punishing" (Van Gogh, Maria Johanna, pp. 1-2). By the 1850s, the Van Goghs' class had generally given up corporal punishment. However, Vincent did apparently suffer from both claustrophobia (see JLB 129, 9/4/1877) and a fear of dark places (see JLB 133, 10/30/1877) and this might have been the result of a common non-corporal punishment at the time: locking an unruly child in a confined space, like a closet or a basement. If Vincent was punished this way, it could have had important implications for his later multiple confinements in hospitals and asylums. 85. punished more often Wylie, "Vincent's Childhood and Adolescence," p. 11: "It was a maid who lived with the van Goghs for a year and a half who had reported that in her opinion Vincent was the least agreeable of the children and that he was 'often punished'. ... By this time Anna van Gogh could no longer be counted on to be 'so very tender hearted' with her eldest child; now the more his mother scolded, the more willful and difficult Vincent became." 86. to no apparent effectVincent's troubled relationship with his parents can be more fully limned later in life, when he returned to their house and lived with them as an adult. However, we believe that these later interactions can be used with some degree of confidence to reconstruct Vincent's relationship with his parents during his childhood. All of the evidence marshaled in this note dates from Vincent's life after he left Zundert. Rather than curb his errant ways, Vincent probably cultivated all the passive skills of rebellious childhood: stealth, deception, and misdirection. In 1877, Vincent wrote about sneaking around his Uncle Jan's house after lights-out: "Uncle Jan intends to go to Helvoirt on the first of September for a week; I hope to take advantage of it by staying up late in the sitting room to write. I can do it now, but Uncle's bedroom is quite near, so I have to be careful." (JLB 128, 8/27/1877.) In 1889, Vincent tried to conspire with Theo to control the information about his illness that his family received. "Just tell them on your part that I have been a bit beat," he wrote Theo from Arles. "In this way your information will square with the note which I have made them swallow at home in Holland." (JLB 800, 9/5/1889-9/6/1889.)


Later, as here -- and probably earlier as well -- Vincent tried to recruit Theo in his deceptions. As early as 1873, Anna and Dorus tried to encourage Theo not to be led astray by his brother, suggesting that such attempts were well known to them. ("If you notice that you have made some kind of mistake then admit your guilt honestly rather than trying to cover it up." [b2593 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 1/9/1873].) In later years, Vincent's evasions would evolve into a sophisticated defensiveness that he used to manipulate his friends and, in particular, his brother. In 1882, when Theo asked to see one of Vincent's paintings to check his progress, Vincent responded: "But what I should like best of all is for you to see everything together. Is there any chance of your coming again this winter? If so, I should certainly prefer not to send anything." (JLB 266, 9/18/1882.) Effectively, this put Theo in an emotional box. If he insisted on seeing a painting, he would be telling Vincent that he had no plans to come visit. Vincent knew that Theo would never say that, as it would cast him in an unbrotherly light.

In dealing with his parents, Vincent developed just the opposite strategy: a brazen brinksmanship. The best example of this comes from 1881 when Vincent plotted to confront his Uncle Stricker with his plans to marry Stricker's daughter, Kee Vos. His plan was to show up unexpectedly at Stricker's home in Amsterdam to confront the preacher directly with the threat of an ugly scene if his suit of Kee were denied. "For when I do arrive entirely unannounced," he wrote Theo, "he [Stricker] might perhaps have no alternative but to turn a blind eye for the sake of peace" (JLB 182, 11/10/1881 or 11/11/1881). Vincent learned, presumably quite early, that his willingness to throw towering fits in a family that prized decorum forced his parents to choose: either appease him or risk an embarrassing explosion. He grew increasingly defiant and bullying, even as his parents grew increasingly distant and disapproving. At one point, he bragged to Theo: "I made Father and Mother feel something they did not want to feel" (JLB 185, 11/18/1881).(JLB 247, 7/18/1882.)

He learned the power of self-abusive behavior – or even just the threat of it. He often threatened to refuse the meager allowance that Theo sent him -- implicitly a threat to throw himself on the public dole and make himself a family embarrassment. In 1882 he responded to his family's effort to separate him from the prostitute Sien Hoornik with this vague, sulky threat of self-destruction: "I will not leave Sien; I should be a broken man without her, and then I should also be ruined in my work and everything; then I should never get over it, and not wanting to be a nuisance or trouble to you any longer, I should say, Theo, I am a broken man, and everything is lost; it's no use your helping me anymore" (JLB 247, 7/18/1882).

Dorus's reaction to threats like this betrays a lifetime of intimidation, "I foresee that again a bomb is going to burst," he wrote Theo wearily in 1878 (b0968 V/1962, ''Gogh, Theodorus van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 3/2/1878). Vincent also developed a chronic miscreant's addiction to negative attention. "It is as if he purposely chooses the ways that lead to difficulties," Dorus lamented (ibid.). Vincent's parents braced themselves against this cycle of escalating insurrection with denial and appeasement in the short term ("Do me the favor not to write about this to Vincent; as he could interpret this incorrectly" [b2724 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 10/5/1874], and pious resignation for the future).

87. "It is as if he purposefully"b0968 V/1962, ''Gogh, Theodorus van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 3/2/1878. (See Ch. 3, n. 86.) 88. increasingly thwarted BVG 172, 1/22/1882. See also JLB 422, 1/15/1884: "I also hope that you and Pa won't oppose me if I don't take any studio other than the little mangle room here for the time being."


Context:
JLB 202, 1/22/1882: "And it hinders me so much in my work if I have too many other things on my mind that I don't want to think about, and am in a stew while sitting in front of the model about how I'm going to pay and whether I'll continue the next day or won't be able to."

89. pious resignation b0968 V/1962, ''Gogh, Theodorus van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 3/2/1878. Referring to Vincent's misbehavior, Dorus wrote: "To us, it is a vexation of our souls, and yet we believe in the relief that God can provide. He creates light out of the darkness!" 90. "Family"BVG 221, 8/1/1882. Vincent goes on in this letter to say: "I hope, my dear brother, that this definition of the word 'family' doesn't always apply, especially not in the case of the painters or our own family" (JLB 252, 7/31/1882), But this disclaimer is patently disingenuous. The definition ostensibly addresses the fractious art world ("in the case of the painters"). Clearly, he extends the disclaimer to include their family in order not to ruffle Theo's feathers, which were always sensitive to slights on the family. (We have slightly altered the translation.)


Context:
BVG 221, 8/1/1882: "And one is almost inclined to say: confound it, the painters are almost like a family, namely, a fatal combination of persons with contrary interests, each of whom is opposed to the rest, and two or more are of the same opinion only when it is a question of combining together to obstruct another member."
JLB 252, 7/31/1882: "And would almost say, Sapristi, the painters are a family too. That's to say, an ill-fated association of people with conflicting interests, each one at odds with the rest, two or more of whom share the same feelings only when they join forces to obstruct another member."

91. irresistible pull Wylie, "Vincent's Childhood and Adolescence," p. 10. 92. past the barn Kools, p. 19. 93. rainwater well Kools, p. 20. 94. the bleaching field Kools, p. 20. 95. through the garden gate Du Quesne-Van Gogh, Personal Recollections of Vincent van Gogh, p. xxix. 96. relatively small Kools, p. 75. 97. narrow garden Du Quesne-Van Gogh, Personal Recollections of Vincent van Gogh, p. xxx: According to Lies, the van Gogh children "were not permitted to leave the garden alone." 98. sea of rye Kools, p. 75: According to Kools, winter rye was the preferred crop for the sandy soil of Zundert, although oats and potatoes were also grown. 99. "the land of desire" Du Quense-Van Gogh, Memories of Her Brother (Herinneringen aan haar broeder), p. 16. 100. Grote Beek Kools, p. 23. 101. water ran cool Du Quesne-Van Gogh, Personal Recollections of Vincent van Gogh, p. xxix: Lies describes the brook as "deliciously cool, where one could dip one's hands into the sand without soiling one's self." 102. feet left imprints in the fineDu Quesne-Van Gogh, Personal Recollections of Vincent van Gogh, p. 5. (See Ch. 3, n. 101.) 103. go near the water Du Quesne-Van Gogh, Personal Recollections of Vincent van Gogh, p. 6: Lies recalls, "it was always, 'Children, children, don't go near the water.'" 104. west and south Brekelmans, "Vincent van Gogh in Zundert," p. 50. 105. sandy moors Stolwijk and Thomson, pp. 21-22. 106. carpeted in heather Kools, p. 74. 107. gorse Piérard, p. 9. A kind of spiny evergreen related to juniper. 108. bristling with rushes b2720 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 9/4/1874. Also see Coquiot: "Les marais nombreux ajoutent à cette tristesse." (“The numerous marshes added to this sadness.”) 109. stands of pine BVG 91, 4/8/1877.


Context:
JLB 110, 4/8/1877: "It was so beautiful there on the heath, even though it was dark one could make out the heath and the pine-woods and the marshes stretching far and wide, it reminded me of that illustration by Bodmer that's hanging in Pa's study."

110. "The most harmonious of all countries" De Leeuw, Sillevis, and Dumas, p. 116. 111. close lookingAlpers, p. 103: Alpers makes an interesting argument about the "observational" nature of Dutch art, as opposed to "classical" Italian art. One could see Vincent's later dispute with Bernard and Gauguin over "de tête" painting (see Chapter 35) as essentially a confrontation between these two paradigms of seeing. Vincent could never fully embrace symbolism as preached by his comrades at least partly because of his deep roots in the Dutch observational tradition, which Alpers sees as a corollary of the "Baconian project" in science. 112. meticulous attention

Kools, p. 115. Even if the observation in Kools is based on the acceptance of childhood drawings that may well not have been by Vincent (see Ch. 3, n. 42) it applies to the one childhood drawing that appears to be by him (see Ch. 3, n. 43) and is also consistent with everything else that we know about him as a child.

113. fleeting vignettes of life on the heathb2274 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 6/20/1887. Apparently, this close looking was something Vincent had seen both his parents do. In 1887, Anna wrote in response to a letter Theo had sent to her recollecting his recently deceased father, Dorus: "How you wrote of memories about Pa in nature. Oh, how I feel the same, especially so in gardens. How we knew every little plant and how we learned about them tirelessly." 39 114. "watching and studying" Du Quesne-Van Gogh, Personal Recollections of Vincent van Gogh, p. xxx. 115. He followed the flights of larksKools, p. 64: Kools and others make the argument that Vincent learned his interest in birds from his father. The primary support for this deduction appears to be an 1875 letter to Theo in which Dorus comments on Michelet's L'oiseau (The Birds), a favorite of Vincent's: "What he [Michelet] says is remarkable and much of what he says I have observed myself when I observed those animals so often in all silence here and in Zundert. What nice observations also with regard to the care the mother bird gives to the education and development of the young." (b2346 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 7/8/1875.) 116. corn sheaf Kools, p. 59. 117. nests hidden in the rye Du Quesne-Van Gogh, Personal Recollections of Vincent van Gogh, p. 6. 118. "without even breaking one fine stalk" Du Quesne-Van Gogh, Personal Recollections of Vincent van Gogh, p. 6. 119. "His mind was given to watching and thinking"Du Quesne-Van Gogh, Personal Recollections of Vincent van Gogh, p. xxxv: Later in life, Vincent would sit in front of a single painting for hours at a time, studying the transits of brushstrokes and flights of color with the same intense, unwavering gaze that he developed on the banks of the Grote Beek. In 1886, in Antwerp, Vincent complained about his viewing of one particular painting. 120. "We share a liking" BVG 237, 10/22/1882. In Antwerp, in 1886, Vincent commented about a painting he had seen: "I couldn't get near enough to examine the technique from very close to, which would have been worthwhile" (JLB 551, 1/2/1886).


Context:
BVG 237, 10/22/1882: "I conclude with the same thing you said at the end of your letter, that we share a liking for peering behind the scenes, or, in other words, we have a tendency to analyze things. Now I believe that this is precisely the quality one has to have in order to paint -- the strength one must exert in painting or drawing. It may be that nature has favoured us to some extent (in any case you and I certainly have it -- perhaps we owe it to our boyhood in Brabant and to surroundings that taught us to think more than is usual), but it is really and truly not until later that the artistic sensibility develops and ripens through work."
JLB 274, 10/22/1882: "I end with that with which you close your letter -- that we have in common a liking for seeing behind the scenes or, in other words, are inclined to analyze things. Now this, I believe, is exactly the quality one must have in order to paint -- one must exercise this power when painting or drawing. It may be that there has to be something innate in us, to some extent (but that too you have, and so do I -- for that we may have to thank our childhood in Brabant and a background that helped, much more than is usually the case, to teach us to think), but above all, above all, it's only later that the artistic sense develops and ripens through working."

121. nineteenth-century leisure class Gay, The Tender Passion, p. 271. 122. "You will find in [nature]" Bulwer-Lytton, p. 15. 123. honeymoon in the Haarlemmerhout Van Gogh-Carbentus, n.p. 124. a cloud formation b2231 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 2/5/1876: "Lately," Anna wrote Theo in 1876, "the clouds are before us with silver edging -- very beautiful." 125. play of light on water Du Quesne-Van Gogh, Personal Recollections of Vincent van Gogh, pp. 18-19. 126. to enjoy sunsets Kools, p. 66: Kools suggests, plausibly, that developed his taste for sunrises and sunsets from Dorus and Anna. 127. appreciate them more fully Kools, p. 66. 128. "higher tones" Kools, p. 64. The phrase is from a poem by Bernard ter Haar, a popular clergyman-poet (quoted in Silverman, p. 149):

              I lose myself in You, Nature,
              How my mental power yield;
              I find myself back in the center,
              Around which the Universe turns,
              Exclaim the glory of the centuries,
              Proclaim!
              Or – be quiet, my toy, be silent!
              Hear what Creation
              Is singing!
              To fall silent is very meaningful here –
              And might be called reverence.

129. qualified as "worship Kools, p. 66. (See Ch. 3, n. 128.) 130. little garden byways Brekelmans, "Vincent van Gogh in Zundert," p. 50. The paths followed the "tuintjes" (little gardens) behind the main roads, the Molenstraat and Caterstraat. 131. no decent person would dare to ventureTralbaut, p. 29. Kools adds that, among proper society, only hunting parties would have ventured into some of the wild territory around Groot Zundert (Kools, p. 75). 132. pasturing their flocks Kools, p. 74. 133. Belgian side of the border Tralbaut, p. 28. 134. his clothes dirtyMeyers, p. 44. Later in life, Vincent took great pleasure in this kind of hearty, messy nature walk, so unlike the daily promenades with his family in Zundert. He was often accompanied by young boys that he befriended, seemingly specifically for the purpose of reenacting this childhood ritual of defiant grubbiness. The inevitable abuse of his clothes that these excursions entailed would become a key bone of contention in the ongoing dispute with his parents. Vincent was probably referring to their complaints when he wrote to Theo in 1883: "As regards one or two things that you said to me when you left, I hope you won't forget that one or two things about my clothes &c are somewhat exaggerated. If it were really so, well I'd be the first to admit my fault, but it seems to me that it's an old piece of gossip dragged up from the past." (JLB 375, 8/18/1883.) 135. "country outings" Stengers and Van Neck, pp. 9-10: "Dr. Londe advised also that 'country outings and hunting' should be practiced only under continual surveillance. 'In fact,' he clarifies, 'without that, the young man disappears into the woods and finds within several minutes of that solitude all that is capable of intoxicating his imagination and fating him to satisfy his deplorable penchant.'" 136. "the young man" Stengers and Van Neck, pp. 9-10. 137. distrustful of solitudeb2674 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 12/11/1873. Anna herself never walked alone and, in later years, both parents relentlessly pushed their children to find companionship when they went on outings. For example: "We think it is wonderful that you can take such lovely walks in The Hague ... and that you have company with whom you can go for walks." See also b2651 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 8/25/1873: "Will you be taking these walks alone or with others? …With whom do you undertake these walks?"; b2658 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 9/4/1873; b2675 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 12/24/1873: "When you go for walks with Willem ..."; b2689 V/1982, ''Gogh, Anna van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 2/24/1874; b2690 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 3/7/1874: "It seems to me that it is quite an advantage that Willem accompanies you"; b2732 V/1982, ''Gogh, Lies van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 11/15/1874; and b2738 V/1982, ''Gogh, Lies van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 12/20/1874. 138. "visiting"Kools, p. 41. See Stokvis: "During the summer, the Van de Wall family stayed at their country place 'Walstein' in Groot-Zundert. The Van Gogh family would often visit there. Vincent rarely took part in these visits." (Stokvis, p. 9.) Vincent's absences especially mortified his mother. b2223 V/1982, ''Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 1/29/1876: "'If our Vincent had done that [pay visits] more often in the past, then he would have become more practical and joined more in society, and that certainly would have done him good in his dealings, and he would have had it easier in life." See also b2225 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 1/4/1876: "It is a pity that Vincent has not associated himself any more with the family life of our class. I think that if one has the will to do so, an opportunity will arise, even though not immediately." 139. "aloof" Brekelmans, "Vincent van Gogh in Zundert," p. 55. 140. "withdrawn" Kools, p. 29. 40 141. "had little to do with other children" Stokvis, p. 10. 142. "Vincent went off on his own"Tralbaut, quoting Vincent's schoolmate Hendrik Hoppenbrouwers, p. 25. 143. lifelong affection for babies and small children Nagera, p. 166. 144. played games with them b2783 V/1982, "Gogh, Anna van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 10/4/1876. 145. read to them BVG 77, 10/13/1876.


Context:
JLB 94, 10/13/1876: "I just gave Mr. [Slade] Jones's girls a German lesson, and after the lesson I told them Andersen's story The snow queen."

146. played the parent to them Nagera, pp. 165-166: "Being unsuccessful with them [his parents] he frequently tried to recreate a parent-child relationship in his relationship to others." Nagera is referring to Vincent's relationships later in life, but the same compensatory dynamic applies to his relationships with his fellow siblings at this early date. 147. the warm feelings faded Meyers quoting Lies, p. 81: "Having come to the crossroads between youth and adolescence, he started to seek the solitude in his vacations." 148. Anna, his oldest sister Nagera, p. 167: "The first child in the family often joins forces with the third against the second, more resented, rival." 149. lookedDu Quesne-Van Gogh, Personal Recollections of Vincent van Gogh, p. 18: Lies recalled that Anna had "her father's fine features." 150. acted increasingly like their mother b2934 V/1982, ''Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 3/12/1889. After meeting Vincent's sister Anna in 1889, Johanna Bonger (Theo’s wife) wrote about her in terms that apply equally aptly to the mother Anna: “I suppose she's never had much joy, much happiness, and she lives for only one thing: duty in respect of all sorts of trivialities, things that seem pointless to me. But she does what she believes to be right. She hasn't a very broad view of life.” “Bonger, Jo” to “Gogh, Theo van,” 3/10/1889; quoted by Jansen and Robert, pp. 208-209. 151. humorless b2632 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 6/6/1873. We believe it is telling that, in the whole corpus of surviving letters, the only positive comments about Anna relate to how her attitude and behavior have improved. See b2632 V/1982, ''Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 6/6/1873; b2660 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 8/15/1873; b2681 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 1/7/1874; and b2339 V/1982, ''Gogh, Lies van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 5/30/1875. 152. judgmental b2047 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theo van'' to ''Bonger, Jo'', 3/14/1889, quoted by Jansen and Robert, p. 217: Theo agrees emphatically with his wife's assessment of his sister Anna, which he summarizes: "I suppose it's mainly be¬cause of our upbringing. It's like worrying about what people think, and so making sure one has nothing to reproach oneself for, as regards things that are not worth bothering about. I try to suppress it in myself as best I can, but it's there all the same." 153. cold b2046 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theo van'' to ''Bonger, Jo'', 3/11/1889, quoted by Jansen and Robert, p. 212: Theo is referring to Anna and her husband. Lies echoes the same opinion, also in reference to Anna and her husband: "I have to say that Mr. and Mrs. Houten's company is more frigid than enjoyable" (b2575 V/1982, ''Gogh, Elisabeth van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 12/7/1877). 154. "a bit like the North Pole" b2046 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theo van'' to ''Bonger, Jo'', 3/11/1889, quoted by Jansen and Robert, p. 212. 155. poetic b2458 V/1982, "Gogh, Lies van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 1/25/1879. 156. fragile b2313 V/1982, "Gogh, Lies van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 1/14/1875. See also b2547 V/1982, ''Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 8/1/1877; b2440 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 10/14/1878; b2462 V/1982, ''Gogh, Lies van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 2/21/1879; b2547 V/1982, ''Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 8/1/1877; and b2550 V/1982, ''Gogh, Lies van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 8/12/1877. 157. music b0958 V/1962, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 4/16/1876. See also b2313 V/1982, ''Gogh, Lies van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 1/14/1875 and b2364 V/1982, ''Gogh, Lies van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 9/26/1875. 158. nature b2358 V/1982, "Gogh, Lies van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 9/5/1875. See also b2374 V/1982, ''Gogh, Lies van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 11/30/1875. 159. moody b2462 V/1982, "Gogh, Lies van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 2/21/1879. This is Lies's self-assessment (contemplating a photograph she is sending Theo): "You might even find a trace of misanthropy, but this shows my momentary mood. Take it then, as it is, and that is how you have to take your sister as well, with all her moodiness and infantilism." 160. filled with plaintive "oh!"s b2339 V/1982, "Gogh, Lies van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 5/30/1875. See also b2358 V/1982, ''Gogh, Lies van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 9/5/1875 and b2791 V/1982, ''Tersteeg, H.G.'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 11/9/1876. 161. "siskins" b2462 V/1982, "Gogh, Lies van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 2/21/1879. 162. Dutiful b2604 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus en Cor van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 2/19/1873. Wil was also the most domestic of the sisters, although she never married. See b4418 V/1991, "Gogh, Willemina van"; b2248 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 12/8/1883; and b2926 V/1982, ''Gogh, Willemina van'' to ''Gogh-Bonger, Jo van'', 6/26/1890. 163. serious as a child b2915 V/1982, "Gogh, Willemina van" to "Gogh-Bonger, Jo van", 10/3/1892. Wil may also have been more religious as a child than her siblings. See b2471 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus, Willemina en Cor van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 4/30/1879. 164. intellectual b2567 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 11/9/1877. See also b2265 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 1/21/1885. 165. artistic ambitionIn 1877, when Wil was fifteen, her mother referred to her as “ambitious” in her studies. b2567 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 11/9/1877. By that time, she had already read Elliott’s Adam Bede. b2525 V/1982, "Gogh, Willemina van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 4/30/1877. Seven years later, her parents reported to Theo: “Wil gets much satisfaction from [her studies], and she is doing well.” b2265 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 1/21/1885. As for her artistic ambitiousness, see especially b2275 V/1982, ''Gogh, Willemina van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'' to 10/19/1888, which shows off both the intellectual and artistic aspirations of the twenty-six-year-old Wil: "The coming and going of the fishermen makes me think of [Pierre Loti’s] Pecheurs d'Islande [Icelandic Fishermen] ... I finished [Zola’s] 'Au bonheur des dames.' Oh boy, that was great. … Your [Walt] Whitman is also being passed around. I loved it so much that my taste for lighter poetry is spoiled for now, or rather taken away." Willemina, who had just visited Theo in Paris, closed the same letter with an inquiry about Vincent’s art: “It was oh so lovely [being in Paris]. Isn't your gallery very nice now that everything is finished? Have a lot of people come to look? Is everyone already in the city and you have to tell me if Vincent's paintings are displayed.” 166. appreciate his art b2935 V/1982, "Gogh, Willemina van" to "Gogh-Bonger, Jo van." See also b0731 V/1962, ''Gogh, Theo van'' to ''Gogh, Vincent van'', 3/16/1889: "All Japanese things are beautiful. The colors are so beautiful. I often look at all the prints." Also see b2931 V/1982, ''Gogh, Willemina van'' to ''Gogh, Theo en Jo van'', 9/13/1889 and b2926 V/1982, ''Gogh, Willemina van'' to ''Gogh-Bonger, Jo van'', 6/26/1890: "Did you see any of the studies that Vincent did in Auvers? How are things with Gauguin?" Sadly, Wil also shared the Van Gogh curse of loneliness. In 1889, still living with her mother at age twenty-seven, she described herself as "so lonely that I can't stand it any longer" (b2401 V/1982, ''Gogh, Willemina van'' to ''Gogh-Bonger, Jo van'', 10/2/1889). Eventually, Wil's loneliness and melancholy would morph into bitterness and finally silence. During her stay in a psychiatric institution from 1902 until her death in 1941, "she did not speak or only a little," according to the official record. (See b4417 V/1962, "Epilogue", n.p.) 167. Vincent's inevitable companionsee Kools, p. 35. 168. parental devotionBVG 284, 5/9/1883-5/10/1883. In a letter written twenty-five years after Theo's birth, Vincent gave some sense of the exhilaration of solidarity he felt in the company of his new brother in 1857 in a loving description of the infant son of Sien Hoornik, the prostitute whom he had made his common-law wife.


Context:
JLB 342, 5/10/1883: "But the little lad is a miracle of high spirits, already appears inclined to oppose social institutions and conventions. For instance, as far as I know all children are brought up on a kind of bread porridge. But he has refused that with the greatest determination. Although as yet without teeth, he bites firmly into a piece of bread and gets down all kinds of eatables while all the time smiling and crowing and making noises, but his mouth stays firmly shut for porridge &c. &c. He often sits with me in the studio on the floor in a corner on a couple of sacks or something, he crows at the drawings and is always quiet in the studio because he looks at the things on the wall. Oh, he's such an agreeable little lad." (Emphasis in original.)

169. shooting marbles b2783 V/1982, "Gogh, Anna van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 10/4/1876. 170. building sandcastles BVG 062, 4/21/1876.


Context:
JLB 78, 4/21/1876: "We go to the beach often; this morning I helped the boys build a sand-castle like those we made in the garden at Zundert."

171. they skated BVG 004, 1/28/1873.


Context:
JLB 4, 1/28/1873: "It's cold here, and people are already skating on the flooded fields. I go walking as much as I can. I'm curious to know whether you'll find an opportunity to go skating."

172. played board games BVG 284, 5/9/1883-5/10/1883: Later, Vincent recalled playing a game with Theo that sounds like a board game.


Context:
JLB 342, 5/10/1883: "So, despite having heard something, it's still the same as with a game of goose, if you remember how one can land on a goose, thus go forward, but unfortunately just then land on a new goose with its beak pointing in a direction one doesn't want to take, and so one must count back to one's original position."

173. "Jump the Ditch" BVG 212, 7/6/1882.


Context:
BVG 212, 7/6/1882: "Right now you can go no further because you don't believe in yourself in this respect; otherwise you would jump the ditch, that is to say, you would venture further."
JLB 244, 7/6/1882: "Now you can't go any further because you don't yet believe in yourself in this respect, otherwise you would take the plunge, that's to say venture further."

174. "fun little games" Kools, p. 35. 175. lavish attention"Psychological Study of Vincent Van Gogh," n.p.: "This early friendship between the two [brothers] was a compensation or substitution mechanism for the warmth and intimacy they both lacked from their mother." This posthumous study, in the “Medical File” at the Van Gogh Museum archives, is apparently based primarily on interviews with Vincent’s surviving friends and relatives. 176. "worship"quoted by Stolwijk and Thomson, p. 21. 177. "more than just a normal" b2503 V/1982, ''Gogh, Lies van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 2/4/1877: "You thought that he was more than just a normal person, but I think that he would be very different if he thought of himself as a person and thus had to act differently than the others." 178. "I adored him" b4284 V/1984, ''Gogh, Theo van'' to ''Bonger, Jo'', 7/26/1887, quoted by Jansen and Robert, pp. 63-64. 179. second-floor bedroom Kools, p. 20. 180. probably a bed b2425 V/1982, ''Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 12/12/1889. In 1888, Theo reported to his mother on his visit to Vincent in the Arles hospital after Vincent cut off part of his ear. His mother responded to his story of lying on the bed next to Vincent: "What suffering between the two, he'll feel everything well, how poignant from Zundert together on a pillow" (b2425 V/1982, ''Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 12/12/1889). Kools traces the increasingly crowded conditions in the little parsonage and concludes with the inevitable assumption that the two eldest boys must have shared a bed. (Kools, p. 20). 181. They looked less and less alike Stolwijk and Thomson, p. 20. 41 182. Theo had blond hairJansen and Robert, pp. 31-32. Stolwijk contends that Theo and Vincent had the same "reddish-blond" hair color (Stolwijk, p. 20). But Jansen quotes Jo Bonger, Theo's future wife, whose opinion would seem to be dispositive on this issue, contemplating what their offspring might look like: "'What will it [their baby] be like -- Theo and I are so different in looks -- he is so short and blond -- and I am so broad and dark." There is no corresponding testimony that Vincent was blond rather than redheaded. 183. same pale eyes Stolwijk, p. 20. 184. iron constitution Stolwijk, p. 20. 185. frequently fell illStolwijk, p. 20: "Theo did not have Vincent's strong constitution. [14, 15] Suffering terribly from the cold as a child, he would always 'hug' the stovepipe in the early morning; as an adolescent he was regularly ill -- in 1876 very seriously -- and throughout his adult life he was plagued by ailments like a chronic cough." 186. plagued by chronic ailmentsStolwijk, p. 20. (See Ch. 3, n. 185.) 187. "warm-heartedness" Stolwijk, pp. 20-21. 188. "cheerful and pleased" b0964 V/1962, "Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 1/26/1878. 189. "inclined to whistle along with them" b0968 V/1962, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 3/2/1878. 42 190. Ted they called him Stokvis, p. 10. 191. playful and garrulous Stokvis, p. 10. Stokvis uses the words "noisy" and "eloquent." We have taken the liberty of translating these into terms suitable for a boy of seven or eight. 192. Vincent was "strange" Stokvis, p. 12. 193. Theo was "normal"quoted by Stokvis, p. 12. 194. embraced the call to Duty b2593 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 1/9/1873. Anna later reminded Theo of his dutifulness as a child: "just remember your childhood system: even if we do not like it, we will still do it." 195. "faithful hands"b2645 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 7/24/1873. "We would love to be able to let you taste our currants; I made 7 jars of jam yesterday, and will make some more tomorrow. I missed your faithful hands a lot." (See Ch. 3, n. 196.) 196. in the kitchen b2648 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 8/6/1873. In later letters, Anna fondly recalled some of the ways in which Theo had helped her as a child: "I could do with some help cutting the beans."  197. in the gardenb2717 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 9/2/1874: "Yesterday we picked part of the pears from the garden; it wasn't bad at all. We certainly could have used you, and you wouldn't have minded lending a hand." Eventually, the garden would become their joint domain.  In 1873, Dorus wrote Theo: "The garden yields quite nicely and Mother makes efficient use of everything, but nevertheless she misses you" (b2649 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 8/6/1873). 198. "my angelic Theo" Quoted in Meyers, p. 38. 199. "Don't you agree" b2050 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theo van'' to ''Bonger, Jo'', 3/16/1889, quoted in Jansen and Robert, p. 223. 200. lavish campaign of instructionb2311 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 1/9/1875. There can be no doubt that Theo was his father's favorite: "I was in Breda for a few days and was thinking back to the precious days we spent together! They were unforgettable. Very nice also that Vincent was there as well." Although, this was after Vincent had been transferred by Goupil from The Hague to London, it was before his life really began to crater, causing his father no end of heartache. Thus, this probably closely reflects the attitude that Dorus had towards his two sons at the time they left their childhood home. 201. "our pride and joy" b2674 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 12/11/1873. 202. "You have been like a spring flower" b2243 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 4/29/1883. 203. "Dear Theo" b2324 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 2/25/1875. 204. repeatedly in the years ahead BVG 282, 5/2/1883. Also see JLB 732, 1/7/1889: "Thus you'll doubtless find yourself in agreement with the short note that I've made them swallow down there at home in Holland." When their parents opposed Theo's marrying a lower-class woman, Vincent wrote him: "So it grieves and offends me, it again disappoints me terribly, that Pa and Ma said that. I would do I don't know what if I could get this undone somehow." (JLB 348, 6/3/1883.)


Context:
JLB 340, 5/7/1883: "Naturally, I've never said a word about the matter, and you can rest assured that I won't let on at home or elsewhere that I already knew something of it or am aware of more intimate details. And, I imagine, behave as if I first heard about it only recently, on a superficial level."

205. "I'm not conceited, you're conceited" BVG 363, 3/26/1884: Vincent's actual phrasing is only slightly more circumspect (emphasis added).


Context:
BVG 363, 3/26/1884: "If you want to think this conceited of me -- well, that's your own business -- but for myself I think you conceited where there is no occasion for it."
JLB 438, 3/15/1884-3/19/1884: "If you want to think this pedantic of me -- that's up to you -- but I think you yourself rather pedantic here, where it isn't appropriate."

206. "Take it back!" BVG R54, 6/15/1885-6/30/1885: This is from a letter from Vincent to Anton van Rappard, a brother surrogate.


Context:
BVG R54, June 1885: "So this is my last word: I want you to take back, frankly and without reservation, what you wrote in your last letters -- beginning with the one I sent back to you."
JLB 517, 7/16/1885: "So there you have my final word. I want you to come right out and take back once and for all, without reservation, what was in your last letters -- beginning with the one I sent back to you."

207. Jacob and EsauBVG 338, 11/11/1883: Vincent's defensive phrasing makes it clear that his father's comparison was disapproving and referred specifically to discord brothers.


Context:
JLB 405, 11/11/1883: "Pa sometimes mulled over the story of Jacob and Esau with regard to you and me -- not entirely mistakenly -- although happily there's less enmity, to mention just one difference, and in the Bible itself there are examples aplenty of better relations between brothers than existed between the aforementioned venerable patriarchs."

208. trips into the countryside Du Quesne-Van Gogh, quoted in Meyers, p. 81. 209. the relationship between the brothersKraus, p. 16: Kraus quotes from a letter Theo wrote to Jo Bonger, his future wife, regarding Vincent: "He has meant so much to me latterly," clearly suggesting that the relationship did not emerge from childhood a positive one. The relationship between the Van Gogh brothers went through several seismic shifts, one of which apparently occurred around the time Vincent entered adolescence. This is the the thrust of Lies's account (Personal Recollections of Vincent van Gogh), which we consider unreliable on specific substantive matters, but generally reflective of family thinking about Vincent. For more on the early estrangement and later strained relations between the two brothers, see especially Chapter 19: “Jacob and Esau,” as well as subsequent chapters. 210. "without a greeting" Du Quesne-Van Gogh, Personal Recollections of Vincent van Gogh, p. 16. 211. "May I come, too?" Du Quesne-Van Gogh, Personal Recollections of Vincent van Gogh, p. 16. 212. "His brothers and sisters"quoted by Kools from an obscure passage in Lies’s 1910 memoir that can be translated variously: "Brother and sisters were strangers to him as well as his own youth … The children noted whither he was going, because of the bottle and fishnet he carried. It did not occur to any of them to call after him, ‘May I come too?’" (Kools, p. 129 and Du Quesne-Van Gogh, Personal Recollections of Vincent van Gogh, p. 16). 213. "My youth was gloomy and cold" BVG 347, 12/18/1883.


Context:
BVG 347, 12/18/1883: " My youth was gloomy and cold and sterile under the influence of the rayon noir."
JLB 403, 11/5/1883: " My youth has been austere and cold, and sterile under the influence of the black ray."

214. "I am going to refresh" BVG 339a, 10/29/1883-11/15/1883.


Context:
BVG 339a, 10/29/1883-11/15/1883: " I am going to refresh, to rejuvenate myself in nature; I am going to attack things in a new way, and I will arrange my life in such a way that, let's say, in a few years I shall have quite new and sure ground under my feet."
JLB 403, 11/5/1883: " I'm going to refresh, renew myself in nature, I'm just going to tackle it very differently, and I'll arrange it in such a way that in a few years' time, say, I have altogether new, firm ground beneath my feet."

215. "I fell in the abyss" BVG 76, 10/7/1876.


Context:
BVG 76, 10/7/1876: "'I have been ill, my mind was tired, my soul disillusioned and my body suffering. I whom God has endowed at least with moral energy and a strong instinct of affection, I fell in the abyss of the most bitter discouragement and I felt with horror how a deadly poison penetrated my stifled heart. I spent three months on the moors, you know that beautiful region where the soul retires within itself and enjoys a delicious rest, where everything breathes calm and peace; where the soul in presence of God's immaculate creation throws off the yoke of conventions, forgets society, and loosens its bonds, with the strength of renewed youth; where each thought takes the form of prayer, where everything that is not in harmony with fresh and free nature quits the heart.'"
JLB 93, 10/7/1876-10/8/1876: "I have been ill. My spirit was weary, my soul disenchanted, my body sickly. I, whom God has at least endowed with moral energy and a vast instinct for affection, was falling into the depths of the bitterest discouragement, and I felt with terror a deadly poison creeping into my shrivelled heart. I have spent three months on the heath: you know, that lovely region where the soul returns to itself and enjoys sweet repose; where everything exudes peace and tranquillity; where the soul, in the presence of God's immaculate creation, shakes off the yoke of convention, forgets society and frees itself from its bonds with the vigour of returning youth; where every thought takes on the form of prayer; where the heart is emptied of everything that is not in harmony with the freshness and freedom of nature."

43 216. found danger as well as comfortKools, p. 64: Citing a poem by the Dutch clergyman-poet Bernard rer Haar, Kools points out this inherent contradiction in the Romantic experience whereby the melancholy soul could be both “closely tied to nature” and “simultaneously overwhelmed by the unprecedented vastness of nature.” 217. reminded him of his alienation Kools, p. 66: Kools makes the nice point that Vincent was made melancholy by the glories of nature as often as he was uplifted by them. 218. intimately intertwined b2638 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 7/2/1873. In 1873, Anna wrote sixteen-year-old Theo in Brussels: "we enjoyed reading about that rural walk, when you were able to smell the hay and see the potatoes and corn and were thinking about home. Don't lose the pleasure you find in that, son, and enjoy nature, that's so wonderful and it's good to think about one's family, it's a comfort in life when you think about those whom love you." 219. God's creation Kools, p. 64. 220. lurching into the wildernessKools, p. 63. We believe that the argument that Vincent preferred the country to the city, which appears frequently in the literature, is too simplistic. A better understanding of Vincent's changeable view toward city and country is that, while in the city, he longed for the country, usually to escape problems that resulted from his inability to make or maintain rewarding contacts with other people; but, in the country, sooner or later, he longed for the city again because he found the country oppressively lonely. 221. Vincent began to collectFor the connection between collecting and loneliness, see, e.g. Gay, Pleasure Wars, p. 139: "For those who magically convert their possessions into affectionate, uncomplaining companions, collecting may relieve the terrors of loneliness." 222. a collection of their eggs Wylie, "Vincent's Childhood and Adolescence," p. 10. 223. when the birds flew south Du Quesne-Van Gogh, Personal Recollections of Vincent van Gogh, p. 38. 224. he collected their nestsWylie, "Vincent's Childhood and Adolescence," p. 10. Also see Du Quesne-Van Gogh, Personal Recollections of Vincent van Gogh, which might be a better source, even though her recollection probably relies as heavily on Vincent’s later stay in Nuenen as on his childhood in Zundert. 225. with a fishnet Du Quesne-Van Gogh, Personal Recollections of Vincent van Gogh, p. xxix. 226. stored them in a bottle Du Quesne-Van Gogh, Personal Recollections of Vincent van Gogh, p. xxix. 227. trophies Du Quesne-Van Gogh, Personal Recollections of Vincent van Gogh, p. xxix: "How clever [Vincent] was at catching the water insects; he would show his trophies to the children on his return. Such jolly little and big beasties! There were broad beetles, with their glossy backs; others with great round eyes, and crooked legs, that nervously wriggled the minute they left the water. All the beetles, even those with the terrible long feelers, had names, -- such horribly long names one could never remember, -- and yet their brother knew them all. And then, after he had prepared them, he would carefully pin them in a little box, which first had been beautifully lined with snow-white paper, and neatly labeled with the names pasted above each insect -- even the Latin names!" 228. recording where the rarest Du Quesne-Van Gogh, Personal Recollections of Vincent van Gogh, p. xxix. 229. blackbirds, finches and wrensBVG R58, 9/1/1885. Vincent wrote his friend Van Rappard in 1885: "Today I sent a basket of birds' nests to your address. I've also got them in the studio -- quite a lot of them -- and I'm sending you some that I have two of. They're from the thrush, blackbird, golden oriole, wren, and the finch. I just hope they arrive safely … They're good for still lifes." (JLB 526, 8/8/1885-8/15/1885.)


Context:
JLB 526, 8/8/1885-8/15/1885: "They're from the thrush, blackbird, golden oriole, wren, chaffinch. I just hope they arrive safely."

230. "Truly birds such as the wren" BVG R58, 9/1/1885.


Context:
BVG R58, September 1885: "I thought that you might like the birds' nests as much as I do myself, for really and truly birds -- such as the wren and the golden oriole -- rank among the artists too."
JLB 526, 8/8/1885-8/15/1885: "I thought you might like the birds' nests as I do, because the birds - like the wren or golden oriole -- can also truly be counted among the artists."

231. "such horribly long names" Du Quesne-Van Gogh, Personal Recollections of Vincent van Gogh, p. xxix. 232. On a rainy day in October 1864 "Jan Provily (1800-1875)", n.p. 233. angry, alienated sonIn his correspondence, Vincent was stomtomg amd terse with recollections of his childhood, undoubtedly because most of his letters were written to Theo whom he knew would be unsympathetic to any complaints directed at their parents. Yet occasional hints can be found. In 1883, he wrote Theo about an illustration that had caught his eye: "The entrance of a house with the announcement 'Children weaned here'. Standing on the doorstep are a woman with a most unprepossessing appearance and a fellow with a short pipe in his mouth, evidently the people from the institution. A bill is posted on the wall. Lost a child -- so and so." (JLB 331, 3/21/1883; emphasis in original.) 234. thirteen miles"Jan Provily (1800-1875)", n.p.: Provily estimates the distance as "twenty kilometers," which is roughly thirteen miles. 235. When Vincent was sevenMeyers, p. 44. No school lists prior to 1861 exist. Kools argues that Vincent may have attended the school as early as 1859, when he was six (the customary time for starting children in school). Vincent's eldest sister Anna was six when she attended in 1861 (Kools, p. 94). However, Meyers makes the point that one of Vincent's classmates, Hendrik Hoppenbrouwers, was two years younger than Vincent but only one class below him, suggesting that Vincent may have started school late (i.e., at seven instead of the standard six). (It is possible that Hoppenbrouwers started school early, although this seems less likely than Vincent starting late.) 236. new public schoolKools, p. 91. The year before Anna Carbentusarrived in Zundert, the school opened on the site of a decrepit old inn and brewery. It was a handsome, gleaming new building when Vincent first entered it: a single large classroom with a flagstone floor, big arched windows on two sides and enough benches and desks for one hundred and fifty students or more. The number of students varied significantly depending on the agricultural season, since many children participated in the work at sowing and harvesting times, or replaced sick relatives at work as needed. Kools puts the top capacity at two hundred (Kools, p. 96). Like everyone in Zundert, Catholics and Protestants, the Van Goghs must have celebrated this latest symbol of civic pride (the town hall was completed around the same time). 44 237. "not worth a button"quoted by Kools, p. 90. 238. children to school Kools, p. 91. 239. illegal schools Kools, p. 91. 240. chores and harvest times Kools, p. 91. 241. Anna saw educationMeyers, p. 33. For Dorus, public education was both a "tool in the battle against immorality and poverty" (Kools, p. 93) and a weapon against the darkness and superstition of papism: the illegal schools were dominated by Catholic teaching (Brugmans, p. 55). For both Vincent's parents, public education was a welcome favor to the parsonage's strained budget. Prior to the opening of the new school, Zundert's well-to-do (among whom the Van Goghs counted themselves) had little choice but to hire tutors (Meyers, p. 45) or send their children to boarding school (Kools, p. 93). Kools notes elsewhere that the public schools were not free (Kools, p. 54). The instruction fee at the basic level, where Vincent started, was 30 cents a month. After the first year, the fee went up to 40 cents. Special instruction in languages (which Vincent probably took) was an extra 1 guilder per month. 242. in the right circlesMeyers, p. 55: Meyers notes that education was highly valued among the bourgeoisie for both boys and girls, as a means of maintain one's position in the social hierarchy or even, possibly, improving it. He argues that a small percentage of bourgeois parents were sufficiently progressive to understand that that female education could help their daughters prepare themselves for a world less dominated by men, but that the Van Goghs were much too conventional to have taken this position – for Dorus and Anna, as for most bourgeois parents in the Netherlands, female education served to improve a daughter's chance of making an advantageous marriage and, if that failed, at least to prepare her for a fall-back position as a governess or nanny. (Meyers, p. 56.) Kools reinforces this point by noting how many of the local elite sent their children to the public school, as can be seen by the names listed in the register of pupils in the Zundert school. For a contrary position, see Hulsker, p. 7. 243. by the age of seven Kools argues that in 1859 Vincent attended the lower level at the Zundert school where he learned to read and write and then advanced to the upper level (Kools, p. 94). It seems equally possible that Vincent had already learned to read and write at home and therefore entered the school (in 1860) in the upper level. 244. schoolmaster Jan Dirks Kools, p. 91. (The story of Jan Dirks and his career at the public school in Zundert is told primarily in Kools, pp. 90-100. Other sources are noted separately.) Dirks was born in Maren in 1822 (Brekelmans, p. 54). He was thirty-eight when Vincent enrolled in 1860 and had been the school's only teacher since 1844. Dirks was both highly qualified and highly motivated (his salary depended in part on his ability to attract and retain students). The excellence and popularity of his teaching had bolstered the long struggle to move the school from its former crumbling home beside the cemetery to its bright new building on the Markt.


Combining the skills of scholar and juggler, Dirks instructed all levels of students in everything from "rhymes and singing" to physics, constantly rotating groups between the benches on one side of the room and the desks that filled the rest of it (Brekelmans, p. 54). (Singing, along with geography and history, were compulsory subjects in elementary education [ibid.].)


Dirks taught geography using maps on the wall, math using abacuses, and writing using individual slates that were piled in the corner at the end of every day. Reading and history were leavened by speaking exercises and "contemplation class." (Students were asked to analyze statements like, "The majority of people live and die without having seriously contemplated either life or death."). After regular school hours, Dirks taught advanced classes in French, English, and German. School inspectors invariably gave Dirks "lots of praise" for his classroom skills and the town rewarded him with free accommodations, numerous honors, and a regular salary of one thousand guilders per year plus twenty cents for every three months each student attended. (His salary was raised at least once, in 1857.)


According to Kools, Master Dirks was a leading citizen in Zundert. If there was one complaint about him, it was that he demanded too much of his charges. He was widely regarded -- not necessarily disapprovingly -- as a strict disciplinarian (Kools, p. 99).

245. "boxing the ears" Meyers, p. 44. Meyers quotes a classmate of Vincents's, Hendrik Hoppenbrouwers: "During classes [Vincent] received a hiding once in a while, which did not necessarily indicate a mischievous tendency. The headmaster and his assistants were, as was custom in those days, very quick to box students' ears." 246. "got into mischief" Tralbaut, p. 25. 247. chronic truancyTralbaut, p. 25. Truancy or absenteeism was broadly defined. Students who arrived after the 8:30 a.m. starting time were refused entry, no matter how far they had walked to school. Even when he showed up for school, Vincent often left at the two-hour, mid-day break and did not return (Kools, pp. 97-98). 248. private tutorialsKools, p. 93. Dirks conducted advanced classes in French, German, and English from 4:00 to 6:00 p.m. every afternoon after school (Kools, p. 99). Kools speculates that it was in these classes that, Vincent laid the foundations for his later fluency in languages (ibid., p. 97). 249. evening classes Kools, p. 99. 250. summer sessionsKools, p. 101. According to Kools, Vincent attended the Zundert school from January to November 1861 without taking any time off for the summer. Both Kools and Brekelmans report that the school enrollment dropped precipitously in the summer (to about half its regular size), indicating that Vincent's persistence was neither customary nor, probably, voluntary on his part.  (See Kools, p. 97, and Brekelmans, p. 58.) 251. withdrew him from the Zundert public schoolKools, p. 101. There may have been other reasons for withdrawing Vincent from Jan Dirks's classroom. Meyers cites Dirks's reputation for absenteeism and public drunkenness and the fact that, within a few years of Vincent's departure, the schoolmaster was disciplined for setting "a bad example for his pupils" (Meyers, pp. 45-46). Kools thoughtfully points out that Dirks had good reason to seek solace in alcohol: not only were the demands of his job formidable and community support erratic; but also four of Dirks's young children died between 1855 and 1862 (Kools, pp. 99, 101-103). "When the Van Goghs were at school in 1861," he concludes, "the holy fire in Dirks had already been extinguished. He was not even forty when he already was burned out." It is significant, however, that Dirks did not finally leave the school until 1875 (ibid., p. 103). It is also significant that that none of Zundert's other elite families (either Protestant and Catholic) felt the need to withdraw their children when the Van Goghs did (see Kools, p. 101). In fact, not even Dorus van Gogh, who had once attended a school with a Catholic principal, shared his wife's dire view of the imminent threat to morality and decency posed by ruffian schoolboys or intemperate teachers (Kools, p. 94). "For now" Dorus told a school commission in 1861, the same year Vincent was withdrawn, "there are no urgent reasons to build a special school for the Protestant youth [of Zundert]" (quoted in Kools, p. 94). This evidence points toward a reason for withdrawing Vincent that was particular to Vincent's situation. 252. exacerbated his errant waysKools argues that Dorus and Anna removed Vincent from the public school when they discovered that the school, far from combating "moral lawlessness" was having the opposite effect on their son. (Kools, p. 102.) It is hard to know the extent to which the school environment may have been making an already bad situation worse, as Anna van Gogh clearly thought. 253. "Intercourse with the peasant boys" Bonger-Van Gogh, p. xx. 254. Catholic schoolmaster Dirks Kools, p. 94. Dirks was supported by one assistant teacher and several student teachers. In 1860, the assistant was Hendrikus Roolant and the trainees were Sebastiaan Veerman and Dirks's fifteen-year-old son Hendrikus (Kools, p. 99). Of these, only Veerman, brother of Vincent's governess, Leentje Veerman, was a Protestant. The school observed the Catholic holiday calendar (ibid., p. 98). Kools points out that there was deep suspicion among ideologues in the Groninger movement -- to which Dorus was sympathetic -- of the Catholic influence in the public education system. This was especially true in "disputed" regions of the country, i.e., regions with a Catholic majority like Zundert. Anna and Dorus may have been sensitized to these concerns by the contemporaneous debate in the "Society for Prosperity" which Kools describes. In this light, it may be significant that not a single Van Gogh child attended the public school after Vincent and his sister were withdrawn (ibid., p. 103). 255. "bad company"Wylie, "Vincent's Childhood and Adolescence," p. 12: Wylie makes a nice point regarding the extent to which Anna and Dorus were in denial about the true nature of their son's problems: "Vincent's parents, in their turn, saw these village children as rough and unmannerly, the 'bad influence' perhaps that the parents of a difficult child so often see in that child's companions?" Kools cites an account from 1935 of the behavior of peasant children that sounds like a portrait of Anna's unruly eight-year-old son Vincent (Kools, p. 102, citing Barentsen). 256. hired a governessKools, p. 102: Anna Birnie was a country girl of seventeen when she came to work at the parsonage in February 1862 as a governess. What she had to teach -- or how she controlled -- her precocious, stubborn student isn't clear. The financial strain of hiring a governess was mitigated by the decision to withdraw Vincent's sister Anna from the Zundert public school at the same time, but Birnie was clearly hired primarily for Vincent, contrary to speculation by Brekelmans (Brekelmans, p. 53). Kools points out that the Van Goghs may have shared Birnie with other families, as they appear to have done with later governesses, but probably not (Kools, p. 103). Meyers does not mention Anna Bernie but does mention her successor, Anke Maria Schuil: "During this time, 1867-1869, they employed a governess for the children at home: Anke Maria Schuil, from Leeuwarden. She was seventeen when she came to Zundert." (Meyers, p. 55.) 257. second floor Kools, p. 20: As noted earlier, Kools argues that an extra room was added in 1861 because, by then, the Van Goghs had four children with a fifth on the way. They also needed room for a made and, after 1862, for a governess. 258. homeschooled "Rond Vincent's Leven en Werk," n.p. 259. father's attic study Meyers, p. 45. Although these lessons with Dorus are conjectural, they are the consensus conjecture. In addition to Meyers (who points out that Dorus followed a similar procedure with later children), see Kools, p. 102. 260. beloved of Dorus Kools, p. 112. For example: Bernard ter Haar, Nicolaas Beets, Johannes Hasebroek, Petrus Augustus de Génestet, and Jan Jacob Lodewijk ten Kate. 261. Zandweg "Jan Provily (1800-1875)", n.p. The street is now named "Stationsstraat." 262. number A40 "Jan Provily (1800-1875)", n.p. The current address is Stationsstraat 16. The house was brand new at the time: completed only two years before Vincent arrived. The school was not opened, however, until 1863, the year after the building was completed. 45 263. setting him on the right path Kools, p. 127. Silverman and others argue that the Van Goghs' decision to place Vincent in the Provily school in 1866 rather than the Breda Latin school that Dorus had attended indicates that they had already given up university ambitions for Vincent and expected him to take a career in the family's art-dealing business (Silverman, p. 457, n. 18). But the Latin school in Breda had closed by 1866. 264. sons and daughters Rooseboom, n.p. Meyers claims there were seventeen boys in the school, not twenty-one (Meyers, p. 65). According to "Jan Provily (1800-1875)", n.p., an article in the archives at the Van Gogh Foundation, there were eighteen "students" (presumably boys) in the school at the time Vincent attended. 265. high government officialsRooseboom, n.p.: According to Rooseboom, among Vincent's classmates were "three brothers from Soerabaja, another boy from Soerabaja, and one from Makassar, all sons of government officials in the Dutch East Indies." It is interesting to speculate whether Vincent heard these fellow students tell stories of the tropics that later influenced his view of Gauguin; his occasional desire to travel to the tropics; and/or his ambition to create a studio of the tropics. Given his isolation at Provily's, however, extensive interaction with fellow students seems a remote possibility at best. 266. mill owners Rooseboom, n.p.: Rooseboom notes that Zevenbergen was a sugar mill town. When he says that some of the students were from locations closer than Groningen, we are assuming that he means the area around Zevenbergen. 267. wife ChristinaRooseboom, n.p. Christina Provily oversaw the sizeable household and kitchen. According to Rooseboom, "Mrs. Christina Provily-de Klerck" ran the household. Jan Provily married Adriana Christina de Klerck in 1830. Because the Provilys had only one child, son Pieter, we are assuming that the woman referred to was his wife. (See also "Jan Provily (1800-1875)", n.p.) 268. son Pieter Rooseboom, n.p.: "Jan Provily ran the boys department of the school, his son Pieter Cornelis Provily ran the girls department." 269. four assistant teachers Stokvis, p. 14: Stokvis names one of the "assistant teachers": Gerrit Jan van der Stouwe. 270. a governess Rooseboom, n.p. 271. imported from LondonRooseboom, n.p.: Her name was Miss Dupuis. 272. array of coursesRooseboom, n.p. These included biology, mathematics, physics, High German, French, and English (the latter taught by the English governess Miss Dupuis). 273. secondary levels "Jan Provily (1800-1875)", n.p. 274. came at a price Stokvis, p. 14. Jan Provily's was an "unsubsidized" school, meaning that it received no money from the government. Thus, the considerable costs had to be borne entirely by tuition-paying parents. Stokvis refers to the school as a "non-subsidized special boarding school for boys," although the school also accepted girls. 275. As a clergyman b3259 V/1962, "Gogh, Maria Johanna van", 1899. Dorus's father, Vincent (see Chapter 4), was not only a prominent clergyman from the Breda area, he had preached in the Zevenbergen church. According to the family journal of Aunt Mietje, the elder Vincent preached at least once in Zevenbergen in 1853 (Van Gogh, Maria Johanna, n.p.). Given the proximity of Zevenbergen to Breda, it is almost inevitable that he preached there on other occasions. 276. represented a sacrificeMeyers, p. 77: Meyers makes the point that Dorus van Gogh did have "some capital" beyond his parson's salary, as well as access to his very wealthy brother, Vincent (Uncle Cent). In a period in which catastrophes were common and insurance largely unavailable, however, Dorus tapped these resources with extraordinary reluctance. 277. "I stood on the steps" BVG 60, 4/14/1876-4/17/1876: We have slightly altered Bonger's translation.


Context:
BVG 60, 4/14/1876-4/17/1876: "… I thought of the day you took me there, and I stood on the steps at Mr. Provily's, looking after your carriage on the wet road; and then of that evening when my father came to visit me for the first time."
JLB 76, 4/17/1876: "We just passed Zevenbergen, and I thought of the day you took me there and I stood on Mr Provily's steps and watched your carriage driving away down the wet street. And then the evening when my Father came to visit me for the first time."

278. "One could see" BVG 082a, 9/1/1876-9/15/1876. For reasons that will be become clear (and, we hope, convincing), we do not generally credit Vincent's memories of events from his childhood (or any other time), except in their bare outlines. We believe such "memories" are more probative of his state of mind at the time of writing than they are reliable records of past events. In the current instance: Vincent recalls seeing his parents' departing carriage "in the distance on the long road -- wet after the rain, with thin trees on either side -- running through the meadows" (JLB 90, 9/2/1876-9/8/1876). In fact, the Zandweg (now Stationstraat) curves slightly, blocking the view of either end from the middle. It would have been impossible to see a distant road or meadows from the steps of the Provily school. Vincent added the details, we will argue, for evocative, pictorial effect.


Context:
JLB 89, 8/26/1876: "One could see that yellow carriage in the distance on the long road -- wet after the rain, with thin trees on either side -- running through the meadows."

279. exhortations to family unity (b2358 V/1982, ''Gogh, Elisabeth van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 9/5/1875): " Oh, I would not be able to imagine it if one of us were taken away at some point. I believe that all of us belong together thus, as a whole. At least, if I think of one of you, I think of all the others and of home and of everything that goes with it, and if one were gone now, it would seem to me as if the whole did not exist anymore. " 280. cast off the island parsonage Karr, p. 175. In A Tour Round My Garden, Alphonse Karr bitterly recalled a similar expulsion: "My brother and I were then quite little fellows, and we were sent in the morning to a sort of school, not, I suppose, that we might learn anything -- not that we might be at school -- but that we might not be at home." 281. compare his plight BVG 082a, 9/1/1876-9/15/1876. The quote is from Mark 14:36: "And he said, Abba, Father, all things are possible unto thee; take away this cup from me …"


Context:
JLB 89, 8/26/1876: "And around a fortnight later [i.e., after his parents left him at the Provily school] I was standing one evening in a corner of the playground when they came to tell me that someone was asking after me, and I knew who it was and a moment later I flung my arms round Father's neck. What I felt, wouldn't it have been 'because ye are sons, God hath sent forth the spirit of His Son into your hearts, crying in us, "Abba, Father"'? It was a moment in which we both felt that we have a Father in heaven; because my Father, too, looked up and in his heart there was an even bigger voice than mine crying 'Abba, Father'."

282. father to rescue himSee Ch. 3, n. 281. 283. emotional exposure Kools, p. 126. Emerging years later from the same protective family cocoon, Vincent's sister Lies described herself upon her arrival at a similar school: "an untouched soul, nourished by the warm fire of home, sensitive to each unfriendly word [and] rebuffed by coldness where I was used to warmth" (b3543 V/1984, ''Gogh, Elisabeth van'' to ''Bonger, Jo'', 11/6/1885). 284. youngest student in the schoolMeyers, p. 66. The oldest was eighteen; the next youngest, thirteen. Newcomers of any age were rare, as most of Vincent's schoolmates were returning students. In the two years that Vincent attended the Provily school, no other "newbies" arrived. Meyers makes an eloquent argument for Vincent as a likely victim of adolescent pettiness, cruelty, and territoriality at the school: "That was an environment where eleven years was not an age but a fault." 285. preadolescent melancholyBVG 082a, 9/1/1876-9/15/1876. Vincent's only later evocation of his life at the Provily school, from twelve years afterward, sketches a quick portrait of loneliness and alienation: "I was standing one evening in a corner of the playground ..." (see Ch. 3, n. 281). The only eyewitness testimony regarding Vincent's time at the Provily school is vague and unreliable. The conclusion of both witnesses and commentators is that Vincent "did not stand out" (Meyers, p. 70). Tralbaut quotes a "schoolfellow" of Vincent's, Frans Adriaan de Klerck, whose only memory of Vincent was that "he was a silent boy" (Tralbaut, p. 33). Based, presumably, on his inspection of the Zevenbergen municipal records, Meyers disputes that such a person attended the Provily school (Meyers, p. 67). However, Rooseboom reports that "Mrs. Christina Provily-DeKlerck," probably the headmaster's wife, managed the school's household and kitchen staff (Rooseboom, n.p.). An article titled De Brabantse Leeuw, written by a collateral descendent of Christina Provily-de Klerck, claims that "Francois Adriaan de Klerck was there [at the Provily school] also" ("Jan Provily (1800-1875)", n.p.). It seems quite possible that a nephew or cousin of the headmaster's wife was an unregistered student during Vincent's years there, or perhaps worked on the staff.


Context:
JLB 89, 8/26/1876: "One could see that yellow carriage in the distance on the long road -- wet after the rain, with thin trees on either side -- running through the meadows. The grey sky above it all was reflected in the puddles. And around a fortnight later I was standing one evening in a corner of the playground when they came to tell me that someone was asking after me, and I knew who it was and a moment later I flung my arms round Father's neck."

286. "I feel every bit" BVG W13, 7/2/1889. "[M]a vie est absolument aussi inepte qu'elle l'était du temps qu'a 12 ans j'étais dans une pension ..." Our translation is freer than Bonger's: "[M]y life is absolutely as inept as it was at the time when, at the age of 12, I was at a boarding school." In her effort to preserve the cognate, Bonger has rendered an already obscure expression virtually opaque. While Vincent may have been aware of the cognate, we believe he intended the connotation of unfitness or displacement that attaches to the French "inepte," in addition to the connotation of awkwardness that attaches to the English "inept."


Context:
BVG W13, 7/2/1889: "Today I sent Theo a dozen drawings after canvases I am working on; otherwise my life is definitely as inept as it was when I was a twelve-year-old boy at boarding school, where I learned absolutely nothing."
JLB 785, 7/2/1889: "I've just sent Theo a dozen drawings after canvases which I have on the go, while all the rest of my life is absolutely as inept as it was at the time when, at the age of 12, I was at a boarding school where I learned absolutely nothing."

287. "I flung my arms"JLB 89, 8/26/1876. (See Ch. 3, n. 281.)

Context: JLB 89, 8/26/1876: "And around a fortnight later I was standing one evening in a corner of the playground when they came to tell me that someone was asking after me, and I knew who it was and a moment later I flung my arms round Father's neck."

288. jubilation at returningBVG 060, 4/14/1876-4/17/1876: Just like the rainy good-bye on the Provily school steps, the Christmas return to the parsonage would be etched in Vincent's imagination forever: the paradigm of reunion. Twelve years later, when searching (with some difficulty) to recall joyous moments from his youth, this is the one he named first.


Context:
JLB 76, 4/17/1876: "We just passed Zevenbergen, and I thought of the day you took me there and I stood on Mr. Provily's steps and watched your carriage driving away down the wet street. And then the evening when my Father came to visit me for the first time. And that first homecoming at Christmas."

46 289. "Do you remember" b2358 V/1982, "Gogh, Lies van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 9/5/1875. 290. paid other visits BVG 060, 4/14/1876-4/17/1876. Vincent refers to "the evening when my Father came to visit me [in Zevenbergen] for the first time" (JLB 76, 4/17/1876).


Context:
JLB 76, 4/17/1876: "We just passed Zevenbergen, and I thought of the day you took me there and I stood on Mr. Provily's steps and watched your carriage driving away down the wet street. And then the evening when my Father came to visit me for the first time. And that first homecoming at Christmas."

291. family celebrations Meyers, p. 68. Based on the date of Lies's later comment about Vincent's homecomings from Zevenbergen (i.e., September 5, 1875), Meyers speculates that their mother's birthday, September 10, 1865, was one of the family celebrations for which Vincent returned home. 292. manic energySee Ch. 3, n. 69, n. 70, n. 71, n. 74, and n. 75. 293. not clear why "Jan Provily (1800-1875)", n.p.: The Provily school offered secondary level courses, so presumably Vincent could have completed his schooling in Zevenbergen. 294. family connectionsb3259 V/1962, "Gogh, Maria Johanna van", 1899. Twelve years earlier, Dorus's brother Cor (known as C.M.) had successfully published a biography of the recently-deceased King Willem II written by Johannes Bosscha. That same Bosscha had since become the government official in charge of middle schools in Brabant (see Van den Eerenbeemt, p. 4). It was Bosscha who had originally urged that Tilburg should be the site of the first secondary school in the province (ibid., p. 2). Like so many other prominent Protestants in Brabant, Bosscha had also been a colleague of Dorus's father in the powerful church welfare organization, the Society for Prosperity (Meyers, p. 71). See Bosscha, Het leven van Willem den Tweede koning der Nederlanden en groothertog van Luxemburg (The life of William the Second King of the Netherlands and Grand Duke of Luxembourg). 295. spreading secular, bourgeois values Meyers, p. 70. The law was the Secondary School Law of 1863. (See also Silverman, pp. 151-152; Brugmans, p. 55; and Mathijsen, p. 11.) The Tilburg school was officially designated a Hogere Burgerschool -- Higher Bourgeois School; or "HBS," for short. With the lavish government funding that designation brought, the school's fees could be kept very low: a mere 30 guilders a year, surely only a fraction of the fees at Provily's (Meyers, p. 77). Tilburg was not a boarding school, however, so the Van Goghs had to assume the additional cost of boarding Vincent with a local family -- probably not a problem, thanks again to the family's church connections. 296. royal palace and gardens Van den Eerenbeemt, "The Unknown Vincent van Gogh, 1866-68," p. 2. 297. schoolboy nightmaresHavard, pp. 372-373: A contemporary travel-guide describes the building as "a queer fortress ... a terrible example of the absurdities into which builders, bitten with extravagant ideas, may be led." The guide gives the style as "Gothic-English" and apologetically reminds the reader that the same builder, Willem III, was also responsible for some of the most graceful buildings in the country, like the royal retreat in Apeldoorn, Het -- Loo. But the King didn't just build the Tilburg palace, he designed it himself, suggesting that he was better as a patron than as an architect. (Het Loo was designed by Jacob Roman and Johan van Swieten.) Still, outfitted as a school, the Tilburg palace provided ample, even grand, accommodations to the thirty-six students who began attending preparatory classes in April 1866 in advance of the school's official opening that fall. 298. taught on a part-time basis Meyers, p. 72. 299. astronomy Van den Eerenbeemt, "The Unknown Vincent van Gogh, 1866-68," pp. 2-3. Astronomy, called "cosmography" was introduced in 1869 and was taught by D.J. Korteweg of Amsterdam. 300. zoology Van den Eerenbeemt, "The Unknown Vincent van Gogh, 1866-68," pp. 2-3. Zoology was taught by Dr. F. van Calker. Van den Eerenbeemt offers this interesting suggestion: "[Calker's] lessons and the attention given in the classes of free-hand drawing to the study of human beings, animals and plants, undoubtedly interested Vincent who was so attracted to living nature." 301. drew on the talentsVan den Eerenbeemt, "The Unknown Vincent van Gogh, 1866–68,” pp. 2-3: Van den Eerenbeemt lists the distinguished faculty and the far-flung cities from which they came to teach in Tilburg: Dr. F. C. Soer, headmaster at the grammar school at Oldenzaal, taught Dutch and geography; Dr. F. W. Krecke. from Utrecht, mathematics and physics; A. Z. von Rosenthal, deputy-engineer of the National Railways, mathematics; J. M. Reinders, from the grammar school in Leyden, French; J. Frantzen, German; F. S. Gomm, English; C. C. Huysmans, from the Royal Military Academy at Breda, art; Th. W. MacGillavry, who later taught at Leyden, cosmography; and D. J. Korteweg, who later taught at Amsterdam, mathematics. So scattered and part-time was the faculty that on one of the rare occasions when it came together -- for a photograph on the steps of the new school – its members look like mutual strangers, milling about restlessly behind their nearly outnumbered students. (See ibid., pp. 6-7.) The unusual arrangement, however, meant that the Tilburg school could offer a far richer variety of courses than the Spartan fare available to Vincent at Mr. Provily's school. 302. "learned absolutely nothing" BVG W13, 7/2/1889.


Context:
BVG W13, 7/2/1889: "Today I sent Theo a dozen drawings after canvases I am working on; otherwise my life is definitely as inept as it was when I was a twelve-year-old boy at boarding school, where I learned absolutely nothing."
JLB 785, 7/2/1889: "I've just sent Theo a dozen drawings after canvases which I have on the go, while all the rest of my life is absolutely as inept as it was at the time when, at the age of 12, I was at a boarding school where I learned absolutely nothing."

303. most applicantsVan den Eerenbeemt, "The Unknown Vincent van Gogh, 1866-68," p. 6. Van den Eerenbeemt argues that the majority of the applicants to the school did not meet the requirement of being "sufficiently educated" so the school established a preparatory class. In 1866, a municipal commission noted "the low standard and inadequate knowledge" of the applicants to the school and that most had "far too little education to be able to follow the classes of the secondary school with success." 304. classes began on September 3, 1866 Van den Eerenbeemt, "The Unknown Vincent van Gogh, 1866-68," p. 6. The city archives of Tilburg show that Vincent "was entered in the population registry on September 15, 1866," ("Vincent van Gogh in Tilburg, 1866-1868 from Tilburg City Archives", n.p.). S'Hertogenbos reports this date as Vincent's enrollment date in the Tilburg school, but we believe that it is extremely likely that Vincent was present for the first day of classes and that the later date in the city archives could be either the result of delayed official recording or, more likely, Vincent's desultory attitude toward reporting his whereabouts to authorities (ibid.). At the least, it suggests that he did not arrive in Tilburg early. 305. intensive curriculum Van den Eerenbeemt, "The Unknown Vincent van Gogh, 1866-68," pp. 6-7. Van den Eerenbeemt provides the details of two varying reports of the weekly distribution of class time. 47 306. "instruction in the use of arms"Van den Eerenbeemt, "The Unknown Vincent van Gogh, 1866-68," pp. 3-4: Van den Eerenbeemt explains: "Apparently the government had in mind that the flower of the bourgeoisie should acquire this proficiency so that they could defend the established social order in time of need with guns in hand." Van den Eerenbeemt describes the sergeant-instructor, H. Pfaff, as one of the school's two outstanding teachers -- the other being Vincent's art instructor, Constantin Huysmans. 307. state-supplied cadet gun Van den Eerenbeemt, "The Unknown Vincent van Gogh, 1866-68," pp. 3-4. 308. never once mentioned his time BVG 104, 8/3/1877. In a letter from 1877, when he was studying Latin and Greek in order to enter university, Vincent made a vague mention that may or may not relate to the Tilburg school: "I have already written quite a few themes, composed of phrases that remind me of the old school-days." A year before that, in May 1876, as a teacher himself in Ramsgate, England, he lamented his students' disregard for their lessons: "it'll be more difficult to make the boys learn them" (JLB 80, 5/1/1876). This may suggest that, at the Tilburg school, Vincent felt resentment toward his ill-prepared and mischievous classmates. Van den Eerenbeemt's review of the school reports shows "a considerable number of complaints about disorderly students and poor homework results" (Van den Eerenbeemt, "The Unknown Vincent van Gogh, 1866-68," pp. 6-7). 309. heavy course loadVan den Eerenbeemt, "The Unknown Vincent van Gogh, 1866-68," pp. 6-7. Van den Eerenbeemt notes that only seven students in the preparatory school advanced to the first class after the first year and that only half of the first class advanced to the second class. Eerenbeemt also notes that only one out of Vincent's entering class successfully completed the five-year course of study (ibid., pp. 7-8). 310. French, English, and German poetry Van den Eerenbeemt, "The Unknown Vincent van Gogh, 1866-68," pp. 2-3: Reading and memorizing French poetry was part of learning the French language. 311. fourth-best recordMeyers, p. 74. According to Van den Eerenbeemt, Vincent had a grade average of 7.36. 312. second out of fiveVan den Eerenbeemt, "The Unknown Vincent van Gogh, 1866-68," p. 8: Vincent's second class was the most advanced class at the time. The school did not graduate any students from its complete program (which had five classes) until 1871. 313. Constantin HuysmansHis formal name was Constantinus Cornelis Huysmans and the Dutch spelling of his last name is Huijsmans. 314. a simple drawing manual in 1840 Van den Eerenbeemt, "The Unknown Vincent van Gogh, 1866-68," pp. 2-3. Huysmans's book bore the infelicitous title: The Landscape, a series of original examples and studies for drawing with a pencil, comprising a course of study in this genre. The book was sold by Vincent's uncle Vincent at his bookstore-gallery in The Hague. 315. a full-fledged popular movementVan den Eerenbeemt, "The Unknown Vincent van Gogh, 1866-68," pp. 3-5. Van den Eerenbeemt details admirably the success of Huysmans's writings and ideas. Here is a brief summary of his discussion. In his proselytizing for art instruction, Huysmans capitalized on his countrymen's insecurity, especially after their poor showing at the World Exposition in 1851. Huysmans argued that art education held the key to a new Dutch Golden Age: economic success through better design. A student who learned to draw well would acquire not just "a quick and sure eye," he promised; but also develop a mind "accustomed to steady attention" and alert to "impressions of beauty" (ibid., p. 5). Borne aloft on the tidal wave of self-improvement manias that swept the continent in the mid nineteenth century, Huysmans's ideas won the backing of the Dutch government. In 1863, those ideas were written into the law that established secondary schools like Tilburg. Henceforth, all public schools in the Netherlands would have to offer instruction in both freehand drawing and linear drawing because "scientific education alone is insufficient to awake and to develop the multiple gifts which make up the intellectual strength of a nation ... Man has a heart as well as a head." (ibid., pp. 5-6).


Huysmans was at the height of his reputation when the Van Gogh family friend, Johannes Bosscha, recruited him to teach at the new HBS school in Tilburg. In return for the "great privilege" of Huysmans joining the faculty, Bosscha offered him a virtual blank check. Not only was he paid more than any other teacher, his proposals for the new art curriculum were all enthusiastically approved without regard to cost. Finally, after years of being misunderstood and mistreated in his position as a drawing teacher at the Royal Military Academy (a position he inherited from his father), Huysmans had the opportunity to design a program and furnish a classroom entirely according to his own ideas. His goal was nothing less than to make Tilburg "a center of art education" that would attract promising art students from around the country (ibid., pp. 6-7).

316. economic success through better designVan den Eerenbeemt, "The Unknown Vincent van Gogh, 1866-68," p. 5. (See Ch. 3, n. 315.) 317. "impressions of beauty"Van den Eerenbeemt, "The Unknown Vincent van Gogh, 1866-68," p. 5. (See Ch 3, n. 315.) 318. bench and drawing board Van den Eerenbeemt, "The Unknown Vincent van Gogh, 1866-68," pp. 8-9. All descriptions of Huysmans's classroom are drawn from Van den Eerenbeemt except where otherwise noted. Around the walls of the classroom, fixed blackboards gave ample opportunity for illustrations or corrections in chalk. The room may also have been strung with lines from which prints could be hung, like laundry to dry, close enough for students to copy them. (This procedure is illustrated in a drawing Huysmans did of "A pupil in a drawing class." (See ibid., p. 8.) Vincent and his classmates brought their own supplies (pencils, charcoal, paper) and wore blousy blue smocks tied at the waist. (Details of the smocks taken from the Huysmans illustration cited above.) Ostensibly, their purpose was to protect the students' clothes from dusting and smudging, but the effect, given Huysmans national reputation, may have been more like donning vestments for a special ritual. 319. "model" of the day Van den Eerenbeemt, "The Unknown Vincent van Gogh, 1866-68," pp. 7-8. Huysmans was sensitive to the deadening boredom of drawing from exercise books. He moved his students quickly to drawing from three-dimensional objects -- the models on the center table (which he refreshed frequently from an adjoining storeroom crammed with them). 320. radical new way of teachingVan den Eerenbeemt, "The Unknown Vincent van Gogh, 1866-68," p. 9. With his careful coif, and square, clean-shaven face (a rarity among men his age), Huysmans did not even look like the other teachers. He could be rapturously enthusiastic one minute and briskly dismissive the next -- especially dismissive of the old ways of teaching art. "[A] mass of rubbish," he called them, "which ruin the taste and waste time [and] should be cleared away." The same spontaneous enthusiasm and contempt for orthodoxy that had made him a butt of ridicule at the military academy made him an inevitable favorite in a class of restive, questioning thirteen-year-olds. Van den Eerenbeemt reports that Huysmans suffered "continual offensive treatment" from military authorities, and presumably from students, at the Royal Military Academy where he had long taught prior to coming to Tilburg (ibid., p. 7). At the Tilburg HBS school, however, "[h]e was a popular and well-liked colleague [and t]he students loved him" (ibid., p. 9). (See Ch. 3, n. 315.) 321. "The teacher himself" Van den Eerenbeemt, "The Unknown Vincent van Gogh, 1866-68," pp. 7-8. 322. "stimulating" Van den Eerenbeemt, "The Unknown Vincent van Gogh, 1866-68," p. 2. 323. "inspiring" Van den Eerenbeemt, "The Unknown Vincent van Gogh, 1866-68," p. 9. 324. In his classroom, as in his writingsVan den Eerenbeemt, "The Unknown Vincent van Gogh, 1866-68," pp. 3-5. Van den Eerenbeemt argues both that Vincent would have had access to Huysmans's book while at Tilburg, and that Huysmans designed the class there in conformity with the ideas espoused in his writings. The text's discussion of Vincent's classroom experience is based on these assertions. 325. "tricks and techniques" Van den Eerenbeemt, "The Unknown Vincent van Gogh, 1866-68," pp. 3-5. 326. "power of expression" Van den Eerenbeemt, "The Unknown Vincent van Gogh, 1866-68," pp. 3-5. 327. botanical illustrations and atlases Silverman, p. 457. 48 328. "sketch the impression" Van den Eerenbeemt, "The Unknown Vincent van Gogh, 1866-68," pp. 2-3. 329. "the artist who must copy" Van den Eerenbeemt, "The Unknown Vincent van Gogh, 1866-68," pp. 2-3. 330. love of landscape drawingVan den Eerenbeemt, "The Unknown Vincent van Gogh, 1866-68," p. 2. The first book of Huysmans's that drew favorable public attention was on landscape drawing with pencil. 331. "the source of all beauty" Van den Eerenbeemt, "The Unknown Vincent van Gogh, 1866-68," pp. 7-8. 332. "foster a keen power of observation"Van den Eerenbeemt, "The Unknown Vincent van Gogh, 1866-68," pp. 7-8. A mastery of perspective was considered so indispensible to a good education that the 1863 law establishing secondary schools required drawing teachers to have a "thorough knowledge" of it. 333. Studying other works of artVan den Eerenbeemt, "The Unknown Vincent van Gogh, 1866-68," p. 9: Huysmans wrote in this article: "One only learns to discover by studying what others have discovered ... just as one learns to think by reading the thoughts of others." 334. He lavishes class timeVan den Eerenbeemt, "The Unknown Vincent van Gogh, 1866-68," p. 9. He also lavished public funds. 335. illustrate classroom lessons Van den Eerenbeemt, "The Unknown Vincent van Gogh, 1866-68," p. 9. 336. visit museums and exhibitions Van den Eerenbeemt, "The Unknown Vincent van Gogh, 1866-68," pp. 5-6. 337. "one cannot bring forth" Van den Eerenbeemt, "The Unknown Vincent van Gogh, 1866-68," pp. 5-6. 338. books and periodicals Van den Eerenbeemt, "The Unknown Vincent van Gogh, 1866-68," p. 9. Van den Eerenbeemt records that Huysmans's library included "some four hundred volumes" as well as periodicals and pamphlets, in French, English, German, and Flemish, on every subject from art history to agriculture. 339. tenebrous farmhouse interiorVan den Eerenbeemt, "The Unknown Vincent van Gogh, 1866-68," p. 2. According to Van den Eerenbeemt, King Willem II had bought one of Huysmans's pictures once. That was before Huysman's father went blind, forcing him to quit Paris and painting, and assume his father's job as a drawing teacher at the Military Academy in Holland in order to support his family. In 1834, he also spent in southern France (Auvergne). 340. gregarious bachelorVan den Eerenbeemt, "The Unknown Vincent van Gogh, 1866–68,” p. 7. Huysmans shared his house at Heuvel 2 (just two blocks north of the Willemsplein where the school was located) with his two sisters. We would apply the word "eccentric" to Huysmans, even though it appears nowhere in the record. In addition to his unusual (for the era) habits and personal circumstances (i.e., living with his sisters and never marrying), he espoused numerous odd notions, such as the belief that "no outwardly beautiful person belonged in an impoverished setting." 341. a landscape painter in ParisVan den Eerenbeemt, "The Unknown Vincent van Gogh, 1866-68," p. 2. In the Van den Eerenbeemt article, the date of Huysmans's arrival in Paris is misprinted as "1863." The actual year was 1833. 342. friendships with prominent artistsVan den Eerenbeemt, "The Unknown Vincent van Gogh, 1866–68,” p. 2: "Afterwards he went to Paris in 1863, where his artistic development was stimulated by his compatriots Ary Scheffer and C. van Spaendonck." Scheffer, in particular, would have been of interest to Vincent, as some of Scheffer’s religious prints, such as Chritus Consolator, hung in the Zundert parsonage. 343. sojourn in southern France Van den Eerenbeemt, "The Unknown Vincent van Gogh, 1866-68," p. 2. 344. any inquisitive studentVan den Eerenbeemt, "The Unknown Vincent van Gogh, 1866-68," p. 11. Vincent had four hours of art class per week his first year at Tilburg and three hours per week his second year (ibid., p. 2). Yet Huysmans's exciting ideas left no more impression on him, apparently, that his drill practice -- suggesting a deep level of inner removal. Even an uninquisitive student could not have missed Huysmans's influence in Tilburg. At the end of every day, when Vincent walked from school to the house where he boarded, he passed a make-shift drawing school set up on the ground floor of the town hall where more than a hundred students studied the new "essential requirement for the educated classes." And it was only one of several such schools, all based on Huysmans's principles, that had sprung up around the city. Plans for a Tilburg city school of drawing were already in the works. At the house on Annaplein where he boarded, the family's only son, eighteen-year-old Marinus Hannick, had been so attracted by Huysmans's reputation that he registered to attend only one class at the Tilburg school: Huysmans's (see Ch. 3, n. 355). But none of it mattered. Not the state-of-the-art classroom; not the charismatic teaching; not the exciting new ideas; not the national enthusiasm; not the nearby house on Huevelstraat where Huysmans himself welcomed visitors. None of it broke through Vincent's shell at the time. 345. "If there had been someone" BVG 332, 10/12/1883. See also JLB 214, 4/2/1882: "What made me stop doubting is that I read a clearly written book on perspective, Cassagne, Guide de l'Abc du dessin, and a week later drew an interior of a little kitchen, with stove, chair and table and window in their place and on their legs, whereas it used to seem to me downright witchcraft or coincidence that one had depth and proper perspective in a drawing." (Emphasis in original.) Meyers argues that Huysmans "did not teach much about perspective" because otherwise Vincent, as "an assiduous and intelligent student," would have retained it (Meyers, p. 76). But Huysmans was not only a vocal champion of perspective drawing as a pedagogical tool at the time of Vincent's class, he was virtually required to teach it by the 1863 secondary school law.


Context:
BVG 332, 10/12/1883: " If there had been someone then to tell me what perspective was, how much misery I should have been spared, how much further I should have been now!"
JLB 394, 10/12/1883: " If only there had been someone then who had told me what perspective was, how much misery I would have been spared, how much further along I would be now."

346. list his early artistic efforts BVG 332, 10/12/1883. Referring to his time in London in 1873 and 1874, Vincent laments, "I didn't find it there either, that helping me with the first things, with the ABC" (emphasis in original). This echoes a similar complaint about never having been introduced to the fundamentals the previous year: "What made me stop doubting is that I read a clearly written book on perspective, Cassagne, Guide de l'Abc du dessin, ... whereas it used to seem to me downright witchcraft or coincidence that one had depth and proper perspective in a drawing" (JLB 214, 4/2/1882; emphasis in original).


Context:
JLB 394, 10/12/1883: "It's that you and I have in common a time of quietly drawing impossible windmills &c., where the drawings are in a singular rapport with the storm of thoughts and aspirations -- in vain, because no one who can shed light is concerned about them (only a painter would then be able to help one along the right path, and their thoughts are elsewhere)."

347. to be retrieved years laterSilverman, p. 153: Silverman proposes one very concrete recollection from Vincent's time in Huysmans's class: the homebrew formula for preserving pencil drawings that Vincent used in The Hague in 1882. There could be an intervening or a shared source. Marinus Hannick, for example, could have been the former, while the Brussels Academy could have been the latter. 348. have a practical value Silverman, pp. 153-154. 349. achieved by diligent application Silverman, p. 154. 350. few classmates Van den Eerenbeemt, "The Unknown Vincent van Gogh, 1866-68," pp. 7-8. 351. "right company"Van den Eerenbeemt, "The Unknown Vincent van Gogh, 1866-68," pp. 7-8: Van den Eerenbeemt catalogs Vincent's classmates this way: three became "textile manufacturers" (the leading industry in Tilburg); one was the son of the German teacher at the Tilburg school (the sole classmate not raised in the area); two became merchants in the area; one was the son of the local director of the State Telegraph Service. One was untraced. Where information on Vincent's classmates' parents is not available, we have assumed, given the lack of social mobility, that the stratum in which each graduate ended up is likely to have been the same as his parents'. 352. All but one had grown up Van den Eerenbeemt, "The Unknown Vincent van Gogh, 1866-68," pp. 7-8. One lived in Hilvarenbeek, a town about six miles southeast of Tilburg, and walked to school every day. He moved to town briefly in February 1868 but left school only two months later, shortly after Vincent, "because he had to help his parents." 353. all still lived with their families Van den Eerenbeemt, "The Unknown Vincent van Gogh, 1866-68," pp. 7-8. All of these statements (except the total number) discount the one classmate who remains untraced: "J. L. Koster." 354. a home that wasn't his ownVan den Eerenbeemt, "The Unknown Vincent van Gogh, 1866-68," pp. 7-8. (See Ch. 3, n. 352.) 355. the HannicksVan den Eerenbeemt, "The Unknown Vincent van Gogh, 1866-68," p. 5. The Hannicks, who lived at 57 Korvel (now 18-19 Sint Annaplein) had never taken in a boarder before Vincent, and, perhaps tellingly, never took in another boarder after Vincent. The only other member of the household was the Hannicks' eighteen-year-old son, Marinus, a Huysmans disciple, whose part-time class schedule (and age difference -- Vincent was thirteen) apparently excused him from accompanying Vincent on his half-mile walks to and from school each day (see Ch. 3, n. 344). No fond feelings emerged from the eighteen months that Vincent spent with the Hannicks. He never mentioned them again and the Hannicks never took in another boarder. Nor, apparently, did Vincent keep up with them afterwards. Ten years later, when he worked in Dordrecht, he never bothered to visit his former landlord, J. Hannick, who moved to the same city in September 1872 after the death of his wife. 49 356. a couple in their late fiftiesVan den Eerenbeemt, "The Unknown Vincent van Gogh, 1866-68," p. 5. Van den Eerenbeemt lists the birthdates of the Hannicks as 1812 (for the husband) and 1808 (for the wife). They were fifty-four and fifty-eight, respectively, when Vincent arrived and fifty-five and fifty-nine when Vincent left. 357. failed to appear Stokvis, p. 11. We believe the real import of this recollection (one of the few from this period of Vincent's life) has been missed. Vincent's father apparently arranged for Cornelis Honcoop to meet Vincent at the train station and chaperone him on the long walk home from Breda to Zundert. That may have seemed like admirable parental conscientiousness to Honcoop (and Stokvis and subsequent commentators); but, in our opinion, the sensitive, homesick Vincent probably saw it very differently. 358. trek of more than three hoursStokvis, p. 11.
359. saw less and less of himDu Quesne-Van Gogh, Personal Recollections of Vincent van Gogh, p. xxix: "Without a greeting the brother passed by ..." Lies's account claims to portray Vincent at age seventeen, but since Vincent had left Zundert to work in The Hague by age seventeen, the portrait probably shows Vincent about this time, at age fourteen or fifteen (1867-68). So awkward and embittered were Vincent's visits home from Tilburg, unlike the ones from Zevenbergen, that neither he nor his siblings later recalled them fondly.  His mother, in an extraordinary act of denial, later forgot that he attended school in Tilburg at all. (See Hulsker, pp. 10-11.) At home, Vincent's resentment expressed itself in a prickly, adolescent self-importance. During one visit, he insisted on wearing a top hat (like his father's) because "his dignity and rank in society oblige[d] him to," he later recalled. In this letter from the Borinage in 1879, Vincent does not explicitly acknowledge that it was he who, as a "young man of 14" (i.e., 1867), insisted on wearing a top hat. But because the context for the story is an apology for past "childish" behavior on his part, the inference is inescapable. If he were referring to Theo (the only other possible interpretation), probably would not have specified the age so exactly.


In another story from Vincent's adolescence, we see additional support for our portrait of Vincent as a wounded, alienated, and prickly youth. Stokvis reports the testimony of a family friend, Cornelis Honcoop, who accompanied Vincent on one of his trips from Tilburg to Zundert: "They traveled by train from Tilburg to Breda; from Breda to Zundert (a walk of more than three hours) they had to walk. On that occasion, Vincent had a large parcel with him; when the other [i.e., Honcoop] offered to take it over from him after a while, the painter replied: 'No. Everyone must carry his own parcel.'" (Stokvis, p. 11.) Stokvis uses this anecdote to support his narrative of Vincent as "exceedingly kind-hearted and friendly" -- Stokvis's relentless theme. In our view, this (mis)reading merely perpetuates the hagiographic gloss of both Stokvis and his witness, Honcoop, whose family later turned this memory into a touchstone of their special relationship with the famous painter. We see curtness and a hostile insularity in Vincent's response, not the faintly Christ-like martyred resignation that Stokvis insinuates.

360. In March 1868Van den Eerenbeemt, "The Unknown Vincent van Gogh, 1866–68,” pp. 8, 11. Vincent's name was deleted from the Tilburg municipal registry on March 19, 1868, citing his departure for Zundert. It is possible, even probable (given his disdain for bureaucratic niceties), that he left sometime before that date without reporting his departure. 50 361. no convincing explanationVan den Eerenbeemt, "The Unknown Vincent van Gogh, 1866–68,” pp. 8, 11: Van den Eerenbeemt does an admirable job of cataloging and dismissing the possible explanations for Vincent's sudden departure. One explanation frequently proposed is that Vincent's parents removed him from school because the burden of paying his school and board fees had become insupportable on the parson's limited budget, especially in light of his growing family. Meyers, however, points out that (1) the fees were exceptionally low; (2) Dorus had at his disposal financial resources beyond his salary for just such exigencies as this; and (3) he was likely to have deployed those resources because both Dorus and Anna attached great importance to their children's education (Meyers, p. 77). Besides, the school fees for the entire term would have been paid by March, when Vincent left. Wylie (among others) points out that, if a shortage of money had been the reason for Vincent leaving school, he would have started working immediately upon his return, rather than waiting for more than sixteen months (Wylie, p. 14). Meyers also proposes and then rebuts the possibility that Vincent withdrew from school because of a serious illness (Meyers, p. 78). Kools proposes that Vincent's premature departure from the Tilburg school may have been due to "rising sexual longings [which cause] the adolescent [to] separate himself or herself to go on a search for him or herself" (Kools, p. 128). In support of this explanation, he quotes to good effect several writers, in particular Jean-Jacques Rousseau. The explanation is elegant and no doubt relevant, but hardly dispositive. All of Vincent's classmates were passing through puberty about the same time; none of them left school mid-term without explanation (Van den Eerenbeemt, "The Unknown Vincent van Gogh, 1866–68,” pp. 8, 11).


A different possibility altogether is suggested by a handwritten caption on a surviving photograph of Vincent’s class at the Tilburg School. (Photo on file at the Van Gogh Foundation Archives.) The caption reads: “When he was 11 years old [Vincent] went to the boarding-school Zevenbergen with Provily later again to another school. The high-school in Tilburg and then at Geertruidenberg. At age 16 after consultation with Uncle [Cent] in Prinsenhage about what the boy should do, the latter offered him a position at the house of Goupil in The Hague.” [Emphasis added] This unsigned note introduces the otherwise unreported possibility that Vincent spent some time after leaving the Tilburg school at a third high school, this one in Geertruidenberg, a small community just north of Breda, where Ucle Cent and other Van Gogh relatives lived. This is the only evidence we have found of such an excursion in Vincent’s education.

362. to give his parentsVan den Eerenbeemt, "The Unknown Vincent van Gogh, 1866–68,” pp. 8, 11: Van den Eerenbeemt and Meyers offer the possible explanation for Vincent's departure that the Tilburg school’s previous headmaster, named Fles, had been replaced in January 1868 by a "tyrannical" new German headmaster, Dr. W.N. Fenger, previously the headmaster at a secondary school in Venlo (a town on the German border) (ibid. and Meyers, p. 78). According to Meyers, Fenger’s “ideal [was] a school that resembled Prussian barracks" (Meyers, p. 78). To illustrate the stark contrast between the old headmaster (Fles) with the new one (Fenger), Meyers reports two complaints against Fles: that "his classroom was a pigsty and that he held a goat in the school garden" (ibid.). It should be noted, however, that Vincent's disciplinary record, unlike so many of his classmates, was faultless up to the moment of his sudden departure: that is, under the regimes of both Fles and Fenger (Van den Eerenbeemt, "The Unknown Vincent van Gogh, 1866–68,” p. 7). We would argue that Vincent's estrangement was so complete and impervious that changes in the atmosphere of the school would have had no significant impact on his state of mind or on his decision to leave. Even if such an impact could be shown, it would not contradict the claim in the text that Vincent's parents would not have considered headmaster Fenger’s harsher disciplinary climate in the school a sufficient reason for Vincent to quit. 363. waste in the eyes of others Meyers, p. 80. 364. sixteen months Stolwijk, pp. 19-20. The number of months Vincent spent in Zundert between leaving school and taking a position in The Hague is variously counted at fifteen (Wylie, p. 14) and eighteen (Stolwijk, p. 20). We count from mid-March 1868, when he returned from Tilburg, to late July 1869, when he appeared in The Hague. That is closest to sixteen months. 365. new baby brotherCornelius (Cor) van Gogh was born May 17, 1867. 366. Defying the guilt that accumulated Meyers, 81. As Meyers points out, the surest measure of the shame Vincent felt is the fact that, when he prepared a curriculum vitae for a job application in 1876, he claimed to have attended school straight through, from age eleven to age sixteen, omitting any reference to his two long periods of truancy. 367. suggestions for his futureKools, p. 35: Kools proposes that Vincent's father had planned for Vincent, as the oldest, to follow him into the clergy, and, because of this expectation, was willing to invest more money in Vincent’s education than he would later invest in the education of any of his other five children, including Theo. Kools notes that Vincent was clearly aware of his father’s plans for his career, citing a letter that he later wrote to Theo: "I know that [Pa's] heart is burning within him that something might happen so that I could give myself over not only almost but altogether to following Him, Pa always hoped I would do so" (JLB 109, 3/23/1877). As discussed in Chapter 9, this is certainly not a true report of Dorus’s sentiments at the time the letter was written (1877). However, it may have been true regarding the father’s wishes for his eldest son at some earlier time in both their lives.

If it was true in 1868, then Vincent’s quitting school would have been a catastrophic setback for Dorus. If Vincent could not soldier through secondary school, he certainly could never master the Latin and Greek he needed for university. (As of 1880, about a quarter of the Dutch population was university-educated [Mathijsen, p. 12; and Brugmans, p. 111].) However, we can find little support in the surviving record for the proposition that Dorus still harbored such ambitions for Vincent as late as 1868. (See Ch. 3, n. 263.) We think it much more likely that Dorus had come to same conclusion as the father in one of his favorite books, Edward Bulwer-Lytton's Kenelm Chillingly. In that book, a respectable family is upended by an eccentric, rebellious son who seeks solitude in nature, dresses inappropriately, and otherwise defies the duties of his station. His parents complain bitterly of his "strange conduct [that] gives us cause of serious anxiety" and wish only that their child would fit into the world (Bulwer-Lytton, p. 43). "You see, my dear son," his father tells him, "my wish [is] that you should distinguish yourself in the world … as your ancestors have done before." But the obstreperous child refuses all entreaties to normalcy and persists in his "oddities" (ibid.). Finally, in exasperation, the father lashes out at his strange son: "I am ashamed of you" (ibid., p. 44).

368. frustrated expectations(See Ch. 3, n. 367.)