Notes

Notes

 

Chapters

Chapters

407 1. "Vincent is very irritable" b2256 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 8/22/1884. 2. he pleaded with VincentSee Ch. 19, n. 351 3. a trip to London BVG 373, 8/1/1884-8/15/1884. Vincent had mentioned this trip in a letter a month earlier (JLB 451, 7/2/1884) and subsequently armed his brother with a guide to his favorite British art and some highlights of the London galleries: "I, for my part, always keep thinking about some English paintings -- for instance, Chill October by [John Everett] Millais -- for instance, the drawings by Fred Walker and [George] Pinwell. Look out for the Hobbema in the National Gallery -- you certainly won't forget to look at a couple of very fine Constables there (Cornfield) and also in South Kensington [forerunner of the Victoria & Albert Museum] (where that farm is, Valley farm)." (JLB 453, 8/4/1884; emphasis in original.) That Theo took this trip is confirmed in a letter from Dorus in March 1885: "It's dreadful those wars, the poor English. Think once again about that glimpse of London you had in the summer." (b2269 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 3/25/1885.) The reference is to the Sudan Wars. General Charles George Gordon [1833-1885; British general] had been killed in Khartoum in January 1885, two months earlier. 

Context:
JLB 452, 7/20/1884: "I was delighted to learn from your letter to Pa and Ma that you plan to go to London on 4 Aug. and then to come on here from there. I'm again looking forward very much to your arrival and to finding out what you'll think of the work that I've done since."

4. two visits to Nuenen Theo made a short visit around Whitsuntide (June 1), very soon after the departure of Van Rappard. In April, Vincent tries but fails to coordinate the two visits (JLB 448, 5/29/1884). He writes Theo in the first half of June: "I still often think about your pleasant visit, which I hope will presently be repeated for a rather longer time" (JLB 449, 6/6/1884). The second visit occurred in the latter part of August, following Theo's trip to London: "I was delighted to learn from your letter to Pa and Ma that you plan to go to London on 4 Aug. and then to come on here from there" (JLB 452, 7/20/1884). "I'm really looking forward to your arrival" (JLB 453, 8/4/1884).

Vincent never specifically confirms that Theo made this second trip (which is itself indicative of their strained relationship), but a confirmation can be inferred from a letter Vincent wrote in December. Vincent is disagreeing with his brother about a conversation that they apparently had late the previous summer: " it's not true that 'when we were still good friends' &c. we agreed that I should pay 50 francs. I remember the conversation about it -- in the garden -- very well, and far from agreeing to something, I wasn't willing to agree to anything of that sort then, on that occasion, and it ended with my pointing out to you fairly forcefully that I needed money to get started on several larger canvases I was planning, and had other expenses enough. If anything was agreed, it was for later, when I would be more on top of things." (JLB 473, 12/6/1884; emphasis in original.)

This passage must refer to an argument that took place during the second visit to Nuenen in late August. If it had taken place at the first visit around June 1, surely Vincent would have mentioned it in his letters that summer, which he does not. He does mention it for the first time in a letter from the second half of September in which he appears to be (unhappily) confirming the terms of the new arrangement: "I began a letter to you ... to tell you that I only count on 100 francs, but actually find it hard to manage on it as long as things don't progress" (JLB 456, 9/16/1884; emphasis in original). Also, the subject of "larger canvases" does not come up in the letters until late July (JLB 452, 7/20/1884) and September (JLB 463, 9/30/1884). 

5. " met een handdruk" This affectionate closing first disappears from Vincent's letters in February 1884 (JLB 430, 2/18/1884-2/23/1884), as soon as the brothers' battle begins. Most tellingly, it is missing from the letter he wrote for Theo's birthday (April 30) (JLB 445, 4/30/1884). It does appear on two letters in May (JLB 446, 5/12/1884-5/15/1884; JLB 447, 5/28/1884), immediately after Theo sent an extraordinary payment of 200 francs -- its first appearance in three and a half months. In the next six months, Vincent uses it only once (JLB 450, June 1884). As the relationship deteriorates during the fall of 1884, he replaces it with a very abrupt and unfriendly "Goodbye." In one letter, in an audible huff, he omits a closing altogether (JLB 469, 11/14/1884). The next use does not occur until mid-November (JLB 470, 11/17/1884).  6. "stately simplicity" BVG 371, 6/1/1884-6/15/1884. 

Context:
BVG 371, 6/1/1884-6/15/1884: "[Eugène] Fromentin says of [Salomon van] Ruysdael that at present they are much further advanced in technique than he was, also much more advanced than [Louis] Cabat, who sometimes greatly resembles Ruysdael in his stately simplicity, for instance in the picture at the Luxembourg."
JLB 450, June 1884: "Fromentin says of Ruisdael that people nowadays are much more advanced in technique than he was. They're also more advanced than Cabat -- who's sometimes very like R. because of his dignified simplicity, for instance in the painting in the Luxembourg."

7. masters like Ruisdael BVG 371, 6/1/1884-6/15/1884: Vincent apparently found support for this claim in Fromentin's book on Dutch and Flemish old masters. 

Context:
JLB 450, June 1884: "Fromentin says of Ruisdael that people nowadays are much more advanced in technique than he was. They're also more advanced than Cabat -- who's sometimes very like R. because of his dignified simplicity, for instance in the painting in the Luxembourg."

8. Chalres de Groux BVG 371, 6/1/1884-6/15/1884: Charles Camille Auguste Degroux. 

Context:
JLB 450, June 1884: "Fromentin says of Ruisdael that people nowadays are much more advanced in technique than he was. They're also more advanced than Cabat -- who's sometimes very like R. because of his dignified simplicity, for instance in the painting in the Luxembourg. But does this mean that what R., what Cabat said has become untrue or superfluous? No. The same with Israëls, too -- with Degroux, too (Degroux was very simple)."

9. as he had promised to doBVG 319, 9/4/1883: This promise may have been specifically extracted by Theo in exchange for his agreement to the Drenthe trip: "Your letter pleased me greatly, for I see that you think that there's something in the Drenthe plan, and that's enough for me; later on it will become clear of itself what benefit there is to be gained. But for me it's already linked directly to becoming a member of the Drawing Society and also to England." (JLB 381, 7/5/1883.) Before finally departing for Drenthe, Vincent repeated the commitment one more time: "by that time [i.e., when he returned from Drenthe] I might be able to become a member of the Drawing Society, just to mention one thing. Which is one of the things I might desire and could achieve then." (JLB 382, 7/6/1883.) (See Ch. 18, n. 506.) 

Context:
JLB 381, 7/5/1883: "My plan is to get a long way with painting in Drenthe so that I'll be eligible for the Drawing Society when I come back. That, in turn, is linked to a second plan, to go to England. I believe that it's permissible to speculate provided one doesn't do it in the air or on foundations that are all too shaky. As far as England is concerned, …"

10. "I quite forgot it"BVG 372, 7/1/1884-7/15/1884: Vincent seems to have been caught unusually flat-footed by Theo's reminder of this very explicit commitment from the previous fall: "As to the drawing society: first, I'd utterly forgotten about it because I was painting those particular figures; secondly, now that your letter prompts me to think about it again, I have very little inclination for it ... But besides, since it completely slipped my mind, I don't have a single watercolour in hand and would have to start new ones in a hurry, if it's not already too late for this year. And when I tell you that I'm just now absorbed in two new large studies of weavers' interiors, you'll understand that I'm not in the mood for it." (JLB 451, 7/2/1884.)

At the heart of Vincent's demurral appears to be the fear that his work will be rejected by the Society: "as I already said to you in the summer, I wouldn't expect anything other than a rejection of my application for membership" (ibid.). Vincent gamely suggests putting off the application for another year, citing the possibility that, if he applied now, "it could involve all sorts of unpleasantnesses were I to apply again to the gentlemen in The Hague" -- namely Mauve and Tersteeg. Of course, the thrust of his earlier promise was precisely this: to reconcile with these "gentlemen." And only a few months after penning this resigned demurral, he will once again entertain delusions of re-establishing relations with his two greatest antagonists. 

Context:
BVG 372, 7/1/1884-7/15/1884: "As to the Society of Draughtsmen, firstly, I quite forgot it because I was busy painting those figures; secondly, now that your letter reminds me of it, I am not very keen on it, for, as I told you already last summer, I can only expect a refusal of my petition for membership, which refusal one can, however, consider as a kind of necessary evil that can be redressed next year and as such the request perhaps has its raison d'être."
JLB 451, 7/2/1884: "As to the drawing society: first, I'd utterly forgotten about it because I was painting those particular figures; secondly, now that your letter prompts me to think about it again, I have very little inclination for it since, as I already said to you in the summer, I wouldn't expect anything other than a rejection of my application for membership, which rejection one can, however, regard as a sort of necessary evil that would be redressed another year, and as such the step acquires a raison d'être if need be."

408 11. yet more paintings BVG 372, 7/1/1884-7/15/1884: In the very same letter in which he rejects Theo's reminder about the Society of Draftsmen, Vincent writes about his latest work with defensive enthusiasm and detail. 

Context:
JLB 451, 7/2/1884: "And when I tell you that I'm just now absorbed in two new large studies of weavers' interiors, you'll understand that I'm not in the mood for it. Particularly since it could involve all sorts of unpleasantnesses were I to apply again to the gentlemen in The Hague. As to these two weavers -- one is a section of the loom with the figure and a little window. The other an interior with 3 little windows that look out on the yellowish foliage, which contrasts with the blue of the cloth that's being woven on the loom and the weaver's smock, which is another blue again."

12. "I have sometimes wondered" BVG 309, 8/4/1883-8/8/1883. 

Context:
JLB 371, 8/7/1883: "It has sometimes surprised me that I'm not more of a colourist, because my temperament would certainly lead one to expect that, and yet up to now that has hardly developed at all."

13. a rainbow of grays BVG 221, 8/1/1882: Vincent gets to this counterintuitive result by the following route: "The 3 fundamental colours are red, yellow, blue ... composite ... orange, green, purple. From these are obtained the endless variations of grey by adding black and some white -- red-grey, yellow-grey, blue-grey, green-grey, orange-grey, violet-grey. It's impossible to say how many different green-greys there are for example -- the variation is infinite. But the whole chemistry of colours is no more complicated than those simple few fundamentals. And a good understanding of them is worth more than 70 different shades of paint - given that more than 70 tones and strengths can be made with the 3 primary colours and white and black. The colourist is he who on seeing a colour in nature is able to analyze it coolly and say, for example, that green-grey is yellow with black and almost no blue, &c. In short, knowing how to make up the greys of nature on the palette." (JLB 252, 7/31/1882; emphasis in original.) Elsewhere, he asserts that "there's hardly any colour that isn't a grey: red-grey, yellow-grey, green-grey, blue-grey. This is what all colour mixing comes down to." (JLB 251, 7/26/1882.) 

Context:
JLB 252, 7/31/1882: "But the whole chemistry of colours is no more complicated than those simple few fundamentals. And a good understanding of them is worth more than 70 different shades of paint -- given that more than 70 tones and strengths can be made with the 3 primary colours and white and black. The colourist is he who on seeing a colour in nature is able to analyze it coolly and say, for example, that green-grey is yellow with black and almost no blue, &c. In short, knowing how to make up the greys of nature on the palette. To make notes out of doors, however, or make a small scratch, a highly developed feeling for the outline is absolutely essential, as it is for working it up later."

14. distinguish one object BVG 308, 8/2/1883: In an effort to defend himself from Theo's accusation that his paintings were "dry," Vincent wrote in August 1883: "I did the first two figures that I painted this year just the same way as I tried last year -- drawing first and then filling in the outline. That's what I would call the dry manner. In the other manner one in fact does the drawing last and begins work by first seeking the tones without worrying much about it, about the drawing, just trying to put the tones roughly in their place in one go and to gradually define the form and the subdivision of the colours. Then one gets more of that effect of the figure coming out as if it's surrounded by air, and it takes on a softer quality. While the colours become more delicate, because one goes over them often and sweeps one colour through another." (JLB 370, 8/3/1883.) 15. "a lower key" BVG 332, 10/12/1883. 

Context:
BVG 332, 10/12/1883: "That sky is grey -- but so iridescent that even our pure white would be unable to render this light and shimmer. Now, if one begins by painting this sky grey, thus remaining far below the intensity of nature, how much more necessary it is to tone down the browns and yellowish-greys of the soil to a lower key, in order to be consistent."
JLB 394, 10/12/1883: "That sky is grey -- however so luminous that even our pure white might perhaps not capture it in terms of light and brilliance. But if one starts by painting the sky grey, thus remaining far below the intensity of nature, then all the more, in order to remain consistent, will one have to set the browns and yellow-greys of the earth several tones lower."

16. "below the intensity" BVG 332, 10/12/1883. 

Context:
BVG 332, 10/12/1883: "That sky is grey -- but so iridescent that even our pure white would be unable to render this light and shimmer. Now, if one begins by painting this sky grey, thus remaining far below the intensity of nature, how much more necessary it is to tone down the browns and yellowish-greys of the soil to a lower key, in order to be consistent."
JLB 394, 10/12/1883: "That sky is grey -- however so luminous that even our pure white might perhaps not capture it in terms of light and brilliance. But if one starts by painting the sky grey, thus remaining far below the intensity of nature, then all the more, in order to remain consistent, will one have to set the browns and yellow-greys of the earth several tones lower."

17. "delicate gray" BVG 238, 10/10/1882. 

Context:
BVG 238, 10/10/1882: "However greatly I may admire many pictures and drawings that are made especially with a view to the delicate grey harmonious colour, and the local tone, yet I believe that many artists, who aimed less at this, and are called old-fashioned now, will always remain green and fresh because their manner had, and will keep, its own raison d'être."
JLB 272, 10/15/1882: "However strikingly beautiful I find many paintings and drawings clearly done with an eye to the subtly grey, harmonious colour and to the local tone, I believe nonetheless that many artists who worked less definitely to that end, and are now seen as old-fashioned, will always remain fresh and green because their approach had its raison d'être too and still does" (emphasis in original).

18. Georges Michel BVG 332, 10/12/1883: Georges Michel, 1763-1843; French artist. 

Context:
BVG 332a, 10/14/1883: "Often the color of things reminds me of Michel; you know, he also has a gray sky (slate-coloured sometimes), a brown soil with yellowish-grays. It is absolutely true, and according to nature."
JLB 394, 10/12/1883: "As to colour, things often remind me of Michel too. You know, he also has a grey sky (slate-grey sometimes), a brown earth with yellow-greys. It's completely true and faithful to nature."

19. Max Liebermann BVG 325, 9/16/1883. Relying almost entirely on Theo's descriptions of Liebermann's work, Vincent embraces his "colour of slate with transitions to grey-yellow and grey-brown" (JLB 387, 9/16/1883). Vincent's repeated descriptions of Liebermann's palette -- all without having seen it -- betray his own grisaille obsessions: "You wrote to me about Liebermann: his coloration consists of slate-grey tones with transitions chiefly to brown, to yellow-grey. I've never seen anything by him, but now that I see nature here I understand perfectly how reasonable it is that he arrives at it." (JLB 395, 10/12/1883 or 10/13/1883.) 

Context:
JLB 387, 9/16/1883: "I had already heard something about Liebermann, but your description of his brushwork, in particular, is more enlightening. His colour must be infinitely better than [Gerke] Henkes's (you put it very well, 'the colour of slate with transitions to grey-yellow and grey-brown')."

20. color-filled descriptions JLB 387, 9/16/1883: "The dark band of pines that encloses it separates a shimmering sky from the rough ground, which is generally a reddish colour -- tawny -- brownish -- yellowish, but with lilac tints everywhere" (emphasis in original). Vincent made a painted study of this "little churchyard" where "the colour ... is quite singular" and included an elaborate sketch of it (Cemetery [F 325 JH 396]) in this letter (JLB 387, 9/16/1883). The painting has been lost. The instant description blurs the distinction between the actual scene and the depicted scene. Another example of Vincent's vivid descriptions of his paintings comes from the same letter: "I'm working on another study of a red sun between little birches standing in a marshy meadow from which the white evening mist rises; above this one can just see a blue-grey line of trees and a few roofs on the horizon" (JLB 387, 9/16/1883). This painting, too, has been lost. Vincent also defended his weaver paintings in this way: "3 little windows that look out on the yellowish foliage, which contrasts with the blue of the cloth that's being woven on the loom and the weaver's smock, which is another blue again" (JLB 451, 7/2/1884). We have combined elements from both translations.  21. "not any good" BVG 363a, 4/1/1884-4/15/1884: We have slightly altered the translation. 

Context:
BVG 363a, 4/1/1884-4/15/1884: "Well, and as to the painted study, I said a few words in my previous letter to the effect that I felt discouraged about sending it, because you did not think the one from Drenthe any good, and I do not think this one would please you either."
JLB 442, 3/24/1884: "Well then, I've already dropped you a line about the painted study in a previous letter, that I was discouraged from sending it because if you don't see anything in the ones from Drenthe I don't think you'll like this one either."

22. "As to drab color" BVG 370, 6/1/1884-6/15/1884.

Context:
BVG 370, 6/1/1884-6/15/1884: " As to drab colour, in my opinion, one must not judge the colours of a painting separately; a drab colour, for instance, next to a strong brownish-red, a dark blue or olive-green may express the very delicate, fresh green of a meadow or a little cornfield."
JLB 449, 6/6/1884: " Speaking of 'snot colours', to my mind one shouldn't consider the colours in a painting in isolation -- if, for instance, a snot colour is placed against strong tones of brownish red, of dark blue or of olive green -- can express the very tender and fresh green of a meadow or a little wheatfield."

23. "Colors can be" BVG 370, 6/1/1884-6/15/1884. We have re-translated Bonger's complex constructions. The "painting" referred to is an unspecified "evening sky" by Camille Corot. We have slightly altered the translation. 

Context:
BVG 370, 6/1/1884-6/15/1884: "And yet I believe [Théophile] De Bock, who baptized certain colours 'drab colours,' certainly would not contradict this -- for I myself heard him say once that in some pictures by Corot, for instance in evening skies, there are colours which are very luminous in the picture and, considered separately, are in fact of a rather dark, greyish tone."
JLB 449, 6/6/1884: "And yet I believe that De Bock, who christened certain colours 'snot colours', certainly wouldn't contradict the above, actually -- for I myself once heard him say that in some paintings by Corot there are tones in evening skies, for instance, which are very luminous in the painting and are actually, regarded in themselves, a fairly dark, greyish tone."

24. "gray and dirty tones" BVG 370, 6/1/1884-6/15/1884.

Context:
BVG 370, 6/1/1884-6/15/1884: "Eugène Delacroix took two steps backwards, as was his habit, and blinking his eyes: 'That is perfectly true,' he said, 'there is a tone, for instance (he pointed his finger to a grey and dirty tone of the pavement), very well, if one said to Paul Veronese: paint me a beautiful blonde woman whose flesh has that tone, he would paint her, and the woman would be a blonde in his painting.'"
JLB 449, 6/6/1884: "Eugène Delacroix took two steps backward, winking as was his wont: 'That's perfectly true -- he said; look, there's a tone, for example (he pointed to the dirty grey tone of the cobblestone); well, if one were to say to Paolo Veronese: paint me a nice blonde woman whose flesh should be of that tone -- he'd paint her, and the woman would be a blonde in HIS painting.'" (Emphasis in original.)

25. Pierre Puvis de Chavannes BVG 368, 5/15/1884. Vincent responds in very measured tones to what was obviously an enthusiastic report from Theo about seeing the Puvis work at the Salon: "What you say about Puvis de Chavannes gives me very great pleasure that you see his work thus, and I'm in complete agreement with you in appreciating his talent. And as regards the colourists -- it's after all the same with me as with you -- I can immerse myself in a Puvis de Chavannes, and yet that doesn't alter the fact that I should feel the same for Mauve's landscape with cows and Israëls's paintings as you feel for them." (JLB 446, 5/12/1884-5/15/1884; emphasis in original.) The latter reference appears to be a tit-for-tat expression of disinterest -- i.e., just as Theo "appreciates the talent" of a painting by Mauve or Israëls or Willem Maris (1844-1910; Dutch artist), but is not necessarily enthusiastic about it; so Vincent can be "immersed" in a painting by Puvis without being inspired by it. 

Context:
JLB 446, 5/12/1884-5/15/1884: "What you say about Puvis de Chavannes gives me very great pleasure that you see his work thus, and I'm in complete agreement with you in appreciating his talent. And as regards the colourists -- it's after all the same with me as with you -- I can immerse myself in a Puvis de Chavannes, and yet that doesn't alter the fact that I should feel the same for Mauve's landscape with cows and Israëls's paintings as you feel for them." (Emphasis in original.)

26. The Sacred Wood The full title is Le Bois Sacré cher aux Arts et aux Muses (The Sacred Wood Dear to the Arts and the Muses). The same year, 1884, Toulouse-Lautrec famously painted a satire of Puvis's giant mural for the Musée des Beaux-Arts in Lyons, his birthplace. It depicted the artist, Toulouse-Lautrec, and a group of his Paris friends "visiting" the idyllic landscape of The Sacred Wood, like tourists at a Madame Toussaut exhibit, underscoring the modern irrelevance of Puvis's classical paradise.  27. "start with a deep color" BVG 371, 6/1/1884-6/15/1884: Assuming he did not invent it, the circumstances under which Vincent heard this advice of Israëls's is not clear. He introduces it by saying only: "at the end of my time in The Hague, I indirectly heard things that Israëls had said" (JLB 450, June 1884). Vincent would not have had direct access to the Hague School éminence gris, who turned sixty in 1884, but most likely heard it from his friend Herman van der Weele, whom he advertised to Van Rappard as an acquaintance of Israëls (JLB 332, 3/21/1883). Because he says he heard it on his "end of my time" visit to The Hague, which was in December 1883, it is possible that he heard it from Van Rappard, although it is surprising he would not attribute it to Van Rappard in that case. 

Context:
BVG 371, 6/1/1884-6/15/1884: "And that book frequently deals with the same questions which have greatly preoccupied me of late, and which, in fact, I am continually thinking of, especially because when I was last in The Hague I heard things Israëls had said about starting with a deep colour scheme, thus making even relatively dark colours seem light."
JLB 450, June 1884: "And in different places in that book I again found the same questions dealt with that have preoccupied me very much recently, and about which I actually think continually, specifically since, at the end of my time in The Hague, I indirectly heard things that Israëls had said about starting in a low register and making colours that are still relatively dark appear light."

28. "shadows and half-tones" BVG 371, 6/1/1884-6/15/1884. 

Context:
BVG 371, 6/1/1884-6/15/1884: "I found very interesting, for instance, what Ch. Blanc says about Velásquez' technique in Les Artistes de mon temps; his shadows and half-tones consist mostly of colourless, cool greys, the chief elements of which are black and a little white. In these neutral, colourless mediums, the least cloud or shade of red has an immediate effect." (Emphasis in original.)
JLB 450, June 1884: "Among other things I thought what C. Blanc says in Les artistes de mon temps about Velázquez's technique was very interesting -- that his shadows and half-tones usually consist of colourless cool greys of which black and a bit of white are the chief components -- in which neutral, colourless parts the least little dash or hint of red, say, is immediately apparent." (Emphasis in original.)

29. the cloudy skies of the BarbizonBVG 371, 6/1/1884-6/15/1884: "I'm still not completely persuaded that, to mention just one thing, a grey sky always HAS to be painted in the local tone. Which Mauve does; but Ruisdael doesn't do it, Dupré doesn't do it. Corot and Daubigny???" (JLB 450, June 1884; emphasis in original.)

It is interesting that Vincent omits from this list the most obvious name: Georges Michel. Apparently, his defiance was not entirely unschooled. After Theo criticized his Drenthe work for being "too preoccupied with Michel" (JLB 432, 3/2/1884), Vincent rarely mentions "master Michel" again (ibid.).

However, a new disagreement soon emerges over another formerly shared favorite, the Barbizon painter Jules Dupré. Apparently in response to a criticism that Theo has leveled against Dupré, Vincent mounts a stout defense: "It does surprise me rather that you don't feel as much for Jules Dupré as I wish you did. I believe so firmly that if I were again to see what I've seen by him before, far from finding it less beautiful I would find it even more beautiful than I already did instinctively. Dupré is perhaps even more of a colourist than Corot and Daubigny, although they both are too, and Daubigny really is very daring in colours." (JLB 450, June 1884; emphasis in original.) Vincent goes on to compare Dupré's color to the music of Ludwig von Beethoven (1770-1827; German composer). 

Context:
JLB 450, June 1884: "I'm still not completely persuaded that, to mention just one thing, a grey sky always HAS to be painted in the local tone. Which Mauve does; but Ruisdael doesn't do it, Dupré doesn't do it. Corot and Daubigny???" (Emphasis in original.)

409 30. No doubt sensing this Vincent had apparently not seen any of Puvis's work at this time, at least not in color. There are no previous mentions of him in the letters. Thus, Vincent had only Theo's descriptions to go on.  31. "silvery tones" BVG 368, 5/15/1884: Immediately after his discussion of Puvis, Vincent writes: "As regards my own colour, in the work I'm doing here you'll find not silvery but rather brown tones" (JLB 446, 5/12/1884-5/15/1884; emphasis in original). Thus, it appears that the "silvery tone" description of Puvis comes from Theo. 

Context:
BVG 368, 5/15/1884: "As to my own palette, you will not find the silvery tones in my work done here, but rather brown ones (bitumen for instance and bistre), which I do not doubt some people will disapprove of."
JLB 446, 5/12/1884-5/15/1884: "As regards my own colour, in the work I'm doing here you'll find not silvery but rather brown tones (Bitumen, for instance, and Bistre) -- which I don't doubt some people would take amiss of me" (emphasis in original).

32. "bistre and bitumen" BVG 371, 6/1/1884-6/15/1884: We have slightly altered the translation. In the same letter, Vincent describes two of his paintings as "painted in a tone of bistre and bitumen which, it seems to me, lends itself to expressing the WARM chiaroscuro of an airless, dusty interior" (JLB 450, June 1884; emphasis in original). Bitumen is a dark brown color that derives its name from a tar-like asphalt substance used in the ancient world as a mortar. Bistre (also bister) is a color derived from boiling wood soot and ranges from yellow brown to dark brown. 

Context:
BVG 371, 6/1/1884-6/15/1884: "It has already annoyed me for a long time, Theo, that some of the present-day painters rob us of the bistre and the bitumen, with which surely so many splendid things have been painted, and which, well applied, make the colouring ripe and mellow and generous, and at the same time are so distinguished and possess such very remarkable and peculiar qualities."
JLB 450, June 1884: "It has bothered me FOR A LONG TIME, Theo, that some of the painters nowadays are taking from us the bistre and the bitumen with which, after all, so many magnificent things were painted, which -- properly used, make the coloration lush and tender and generous, and at the same time so dignified. And have such highly remarkable and individual qualities." (Emphasis in original.)

33. both brownsBVG 368, 5/15/1884. 

Context:
JLB 446, 5/12/1884-5/15/1884: "As regards my own colour, in the work I'm doing here you'll find not silvery but rather brown tones (Bitumen, for instance, and Bistre) -- which I don't doubt some people would take amiss of me."

34. "[They] possess such" BVG 371, 6/1/1884-6/15/1884. 

Context:
BVG 371, 6/1/1884-6/15/1884: "It has already annoyed me for a long time, Theo, that some of the present-day painters rob us of the bistre and the bitumen, with which surely so many splendid things have been painted, and which, well applied, make the colouring ripe and mellow and generous, and at the same time are so distinguished and possess such very remarkable and peculiar qualities. But at the same time they require some effort in learning to use them, for they must be used differently from the ordinary colours, and I think it quite possible that many are discouraged by the experiments one must make first and which, of course, do not succeed on the very first day one begins to use them. It is now just about a year ago that I began to use them, chiefly for interiors; at first I was awfully disappointed in them, but I could not forget the beautiful things I had seen made with them."
JLB 450, June 1884: "It has bothered me FOR A LONG TIME, Theo, that some of the painters nowadays are taking from us the bistre and the bitumen with which, after all, so many magnificent things were painted, which -- properly used, make the coloration lush and tender and generous, and at the same time so dignified. And have such highly remarkable and individual qualities. At the same time, though, they require that one take the trouble to learn to use them, for one has to deal with them differently from the ordinary types of paint, and I consider it perfectly possible that many people are frightened off by the experiments that one has to do first, and that naturally don't succeed on the first day that one starts to use them. It's now something like a year ago since I started using them, specifically for interiors, but at first they really disappointed me, and yet I always remembered the beautiful things I'd seen in them." (Emphasis in original.)

35. "I have seen absolutely" BVG 371, 6/1/1884-6/15/1884; emphasis in original. 

Context:
BVG 371, 6/1/1884-6/15/1884: "When I hear you mention so many new names, it is not always easy for me to understand because I have seen absolutely nothing of them."
JLB 450, June 1884: "When I hear you talk about a lot of new names, it's not always possible for me to understand when I've seen absolutely nothing by them" (emphasis in original).

36. "I am little curious" BVG 371, 6/1/1884-6/15/1884. 

Context:
BVG 371, 6/1/1884-6/15/1884: "But for my part, I find Israëls, for instance, so enormously great that I am little curious about or desirous for other or newer things."
JLB 450, June 1884: "But for my part, I find so tremendously much in Israëls, for instance, that I'm not particularly curious about or eager for something different or newer."

37. he dismissed Impressionism De Brouwer, p. 117: Collateral evidence of Vincent's contempt for Impressionism comes from the recollections of his student Anton ("Toon") Kerssemakers, as related by De Brouwer: "Kerssemakers had once gone to Paris on business and there he had seen work by the impressionists. Upon his return he tried out a couple of things under their influence and showed this to Vincent, whom he asked: 'What do you think about that, isn't there tone in it?' [In Dutch, the word for "tone" is "toon."] Dryly and pointedly Van Gogh replied: 'There is tone ["toon"] in it, but it's Toon Kerssemakers and he has to get out of there'" (ibid.).  38. charm over substance BVG 371, 6/1/1884-6/15/1884: Explaining why "simple" painters Israëls and De Groux are superior to the Impressionists, Vincent writes: "If one says what one says clearly, though, this isn't enough, strictly speaking. And saying it with more charm might make it more pleasant to hear (which I don't disparage, however), but it doesn't make what is true very much more beautiful, since the truth is beautiful in itself." (JLB 450, June 1884; emphasis in original.) 

Context:
BVG 371, 6/1/1884-6/15/1884: "But if one says what one has to say clearly, strictly speaking, isn't that enough? And it may become more pleasant to hear if it is said with more charm, something I do not disdain, yet it does not add very much to the beauty of what is true, because truth has a beauty of its own."
JLB 450, June 1884: "If one says what one says clearly, though, this isn't enough, strictly speaking. And saying it with more charm might make it more pleasant to hear (which I don't disparage, however), but it doesn't make what is true very much more beautiful, since the truth is beautiful in itself."

39. "I do not disdain"BVG 371, 6/1/1884-6/15/1884. 

Context:
BVG 371, 6/1/1884-6/15/1884: "But if one says what one has to say clearly, strictly speaking, isn't that enough? And it may become more pleasant to hear if it is said with more charm, something I do not disdain, yet it does not add very much to the beauty of what is true, because truth has a beauty of its own."
JLB 450, June 1884: "If one says what one says clearly, though, this isn't enough, strictly speaking. And saying it with more charm might make it more pleasant to hear (which I don't disparage, however), but it doesn't make what is true very much more beautiful, since the truth is beautiful in itself." (Emphasis in original.)

40. avoiding black BVG 371, 6/1/1884-6/15/1884. 

Context:
JLB 450, June 1884: "I already know what you say about 'too black' ... What I sometimes think when I hear people saying 'there is no black in nature' is ... there doesn't have to be any black in paint either. Don't, whatever you do, get the mistaken idea that the colourists don't use black, because it goes without saying that as soon as an element of blue, red or yellow is added to black, it becomes a grey, that is a dark red, yellow or blue grey." (Emphasis in original.)

41. He challenged the manliness BVG 371, 6/1/1884-6/15/1884: Vincent describes the work of Jules Dupré, whom he sets in opposition to the Impressionists, as "a magnificent symphony in the colour, carried through, intended, manly" (JLB 450, June 1884; emphasis in original). He clearly means to withhold the descriptor "manly," which the brothers both consider the highest possible praise, from the "painters nowadays," who care only about the "pleasantness" and "charm" of their expression (ibid.). 

Context:
JLB 450, June 1884: "Dupré is perhaps even more of a colourist than Corot and Daubigny, although they both are too, and Daubigny really is very daring in colours. But with Dupré there's something of a magnificent symphony in the colour, carried through, intended, manly. I imagine Beethoven must be something like that. This symphony is surprisingly CALCULATED and yet simple and infinitely deep, like nature itself. That's what I think about it -- about Dupré." (Emphasis in original.)

42. "unutterably beautiful" BVG 371, 6/1/1884-6/15/1884. 

Context:
BVG 371, 6/1/1884-6/15/1884: "The laws of the colours are unutterably beautiful, just because they are not accidental."
JLB 450, June 1884: "The laws of colour are inexpressibly splendid precisely because they are not coincidences" (emphasis in original).

43. "infinitely deep" BVG 371, 6/1/1884-6/15/1884.

Context:
BVG 371, 6/1/1884-6/15/1884: "That symphony is enormously calculated, and yet simple, and infinitely deep as nature itself. That is what I think of [Jules] Dupré."
JLB 450, June 1884: "This symphony is surprisingly CALCULATED and yet simple and infinitely deep, like nature itself. That's what I think about it -- about Dupré." (Emphasis in original.)

44. music of BeethovenBVG 371, 6/1/1884-6/15/1884: Vincent improbably compares his Barbizon favorite Jules Dupré to the great German composer. This is the first place in the letters that Vincent employs a specific analogy between music and art, and it is not clear why it appears at this time. Vincent had presumably encountered Beethoven through his parents or through his siblings' piano lessons. The Loyers in Brixton had a piano. Almost certainly, the Begemanns did, too. According to the inventory published on Dorus's death, the parsonage in Nuenen had both a "small organ" in the front room and a piano in the "backroom" (see Van Crimpen, in Van Uitert, ed., p. 88). Sometime in 1884 or 1885, Vincent befriended the organist at St. Catherine's church in Eindhoven, a man named Van der Sande, according to the recollections of Vincent's student, Dimmen Gestel. Around the same time, he tried to take piano lessons. The relationship between art and music, however, never took hold in his relentlessly visual imagination. 

Context:
JLB 450, June 1884: "But with Dupré there's something of a magnificent symphony in the colour, carried through, intended, manly. I imagine Beethoven must be something like that. This symphony is surprisingly CALCULATED and yet simple and infinitely deep, like nature itself. That's what I think about it -- about Dupré." (Emphasis in original.)

45. his "dingy" art BVG 371, 6/1/1884-6/15/1884: Vincent compares two of his paintings to the more colorful work of the Hague School painter, Adolphe Artz (1837-1890), then living in The Hague.

Context:
JLB 450, June 1884: "They're painted in a tone of bistre and bitumen which, it seems to me, lends itself to expressing the WARM chiaroscuro of an airless, dusty interior. Artz would certainly think it too dirty." (Emphasis in original.)

46. "stronger effects" BVG 371, 6/1/1884-6/15/1884: Vincent claims that two of his recent paintings of "spinners" (one of a woman, Woman Reeling Yarn (F 68 JH 495); and one of a man, known only by the letter sketch, Old Man Reeling Yarn (F 371 JH 498) [JLB 450, June 1884]), required "stronger effects than black" and he gives the recipe: "indigo with terra sienna, Prussian blue with burnt sienna actually produce much deeper tones even than pure black" (JLB 450, June 1884). 

Context:
BVG 371, 6/1/1884-6/15/1884: "With regard to black -- accidentally I did not use it in these studies, as I needed, among other things, some stronger effects than black; and indigo with terra sienna, Prussian blue with burnt sienna, really give much deeper tones than pure black itself."
JLB 450, June 1884: "As to black -- as it happened I didn't use it in these studies, since I needed a few stronger effects than black, among other things -- and indigo with terra sienna, Prussian blue with burnt sienna actually produce much deeper tones even than pure black" (emphasis in original).

47. "impossible or ugly" BVG 372, 7/1/1884-7/15/1884. 

Context:
BVG 372, 7/1/1884-7/15/1884: "It would be a thing that gave a good impression of summer. I think summer is not easy to express; generally, at least often, a summer effect is either impossible or ugly, at least I think so, but then, as opposition, there is the twilight."
JLB 451, 7/2/1884: "It would be something that expresses Summer well -- in my view summer isn't easy to express. Usually, or often at least, a summery effect is either impossible or ugly that's my feeling, at least -- it's offset by the twilights, though." (Emphasis in original.)

48. "summer sun effects" BVG 372, 7/1/1884-7/15/1884: Vincent frames his argument against Impressionism as a comparison between the imagery of different seasons. In so doing, he reduces the Impressionists' arguments about sunlight to "the effect of a summer sun" -- a reduction that probably reflects both rhetorical convenience and a lack of comprehension or interest (JLB 451, 7/2/1884). 

Context:
BVG 372, 7/1/1884-7/15/1884: "It would be a thing that gave a good impression of summer. I think summer is not easy to express; generally, at least often, a summer effect is either impossible or ugly, at least I think so, but then, as opposition, there is the twilight. But I mean to say that it is not easy to find a summer sun effect which is as rich and as simple, and as pleasant to look at as the characteristic effects of the other seasons."
JLB 451, 7/2/1884: "It would be something that expresses Summer well -- in my view summer isn't easy to express. Usually, or often at least, a summery effect is either impossible or ugly that's my feeling, at least -- it's offset by the twilights, though. But I mean it isn't easy to find the effect of a summer sun that's as lush and as simple and as pleasant to look at as the characteristic effects of the other seasons." (Emphasis in original.)

49. twilight BVG 372, 7/1/1884-7/15/1884. 

Context:
JLB 451, 7/2/1884: "It would be something that expresses Summer well -- in my view summer isn't easy to express. Usually, or often at least, a summery effect is either impossible or ugly that's my feeling, at least -- it's offset by the twilights, though."

50. "I would sooner perish" BVG 378, 10/1/1884: Vincent transcribed this quotation of Octave Mouret's from Au bonheur des dames. (68)

Context:
BVG 378, 10/1/1884: "'That's just acting in order to forget,' muttered the other. 'Well, I prefer such action -- if perish we must -- I would sooner perish of passion than die of boredom.'"
JLB 464, 10/2/1884: "Just a way of deadening oneself -- the other muttered. 'Ah, well! I prefer to deaden myself. To die for the sake of dying -- i prefer to die of passion than to die of boredom!'"

410 51. into the community b2257 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 10/2/1884.  52. into surly isolation b2257 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 10/2/1884: "You know that you really can not have a discussion with him, because of the unpleasant tone he uses for that." About a month later, Anna writes Theo in a similar vein: "Vincent did not do much lately and is melancholy. Poor fellow, but how is it possible to wander around so unpleasantly? ... Here it always is the same and here he talks with nobody." (b2260 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 11/5/1884; emphasis added).  53. "I know well enough" BVG 380, 9/15/1884-9/30/1884. 

Context:
BVG 380, 9/15/1884-9/30/1884: " I, for my part, know well enough that the future will always remain very difficult for me, and I am almost sure that in the future I shall never be what people call prosperous."
JLB 463, 9/30/1884: "For my part I'm well aware that, come what may, the future will always be very difficult for me, and I know as good as for certain that things won't go what people describe as well for me in the future" (emphasis in original).

54. eruptions of vitriol BVG 381, 10/1/1884: Vincent pre-emptively levels this accusation against Theo: "You know well enough that your criticism, at least over the last 1 1/2 years, appears to me to be just a sort of vitriol" (JLB 465, 10/9/1884).

Context:
JLB 465, 10/9/1884: "You know well enough that your criticism, at least over the last 1 1/2 years, appears to me to be just a sort of vitriol. Don't think that I don't know that against that vitriol one must furnish oneself with a sort of hide that it can't easily penetrate, and that if one is hardened to it, it doesn't trouble one much -- so -- what do I care?"

55. "I cannot swallow everything" BVG 380, 9/15/1884-9/30/1884: We have combined elements from both translations. 

Context:
BVG 380, 9/15/1884-9/30/1884: "You must decide for yourself what you are going to do about it, but I myself cannot swallow everything."
JLB 463, 9/30/1884: "You must do exactly as you wish, but for my part I can't swallow everything whole."

56. "[It is] really too outrageous" BVG 380, 9/15/1884-9/30/1884. 

Context:
BVG 380, 9/15/1884-9/30/1884: "Your apparent indication in your letter that Goupil & Co. are specialists in Millet and Daumier is really too outrageous."
JLB 463, 9/30/1884: "The fact that you say in your letter something about G&Cie as specialists in Millet and Daumier is really going too far."

57. "Things can't go on" BVG 378, 10/1/1884. 

Context:
BVG 378, 10/1/1884: "Up to now, at any rate -- but things can't go on like this."
JLB 464, 10/2/1884: "And up to now -- all right -- but to carry on -- impossible."

58. an enemy of the RevolutionBVG 379, 9/15/1884-9/30/1884: Vincent says he is referring to the Revolution of 1848, although he draws on imagery from other political upheavals as well (Delacroix's Liberty Leading the People [1831], which commemorated the uprising of July 28, 1830) and does not seem concerned with specific historical context: "I wish that you could just imagine that you and I had lived in that year, 1848 -- or a similar period, for there was also something of the kind with Napoleon's [Louis-Napoléon Bonaparte, 1808-1873]coup d'état. ... So take the 1848 period." (JLB 461, 9/22/1884-9/28/1884.) His primary reason for specifying the 1848 revolution appears to be numerological: " Now in 1884 -- by chance the figures are exactly the same, just reversed -- we're facing each other again -- although there are no barricades now, it's true. The minds that can't agree, however, are real. ... Anyway, it was 48 then, it's 84 now." (ibid.; emphasis in original.) 

Context:
JLB 461, 9/22/1884-9/28/1884: "I wish that you could just imagine that you and I had lived in that year, 1848 -- or a similar period, for there was also something of the kind with Napoleon's coup d'état. I won't say anything nasty to you -- that's never been the aim -- I'm trying to make clear to you the extent to which the difference that has come between us is related to general tendencies in society, and as such is something very different from expressly intended nastiness."

59. an elaborate conceit BVG 379, 9/15/1884-9/30/1884: Vincent begins with invocations of images of revolutionary battles by Delacroix, [[Aimé] De Lemud (or Daumier), focusing on the February Revolution of 1848 that ended the July Monarchy (1830-1848) and put in its place the short-lived Second Republic (1848-1851). Both Vincent and Theo knew these recent events and their players well. François Guizot was a historian and the prime minister under the aging King Louis Philippe I. Edgar Quinet was also a historian, and champion of progressive students in Paris until unseated from his university post by Guizot's conservative government in 1846. The February Revolution forced Louis to abdicate and Guizot to resign. Quinet and his fellow "radicals" enjoyed a brief triumph (in 1851, Louis Napoleon Bonaparte overthrew the Republic and proclaimed the Second Empire; Quinet fled to Brussels). "Just imagine that you and I had lived in that year, 1848 -- or a similar period, for there was also something of the kind with [Louis] Napoleon's coup d'état" (JLB 461, 9/22/1884-9/28/1884).

Vincent draws elaborate parallels to the brothers' own situation: "Who were facing each other then [in 1848], whom one can take as prototypes of all the rest? Guizot -- Louis-Philippe's minister on one side, Michelet and Quinet with the students on the other side. I'll start with Guizot and Louis-Philippe. Were they bad or tyrannical? Not exactly -- they were people, as I see it, like, say, Pa and Grandfather, old Goupil (people in short who look almighty respectable -- profound -- serious -- yet if one looks at them a bit sharply and at close quarters, there's something lugubrious, dull, even feeble about them, to such a degree that they make one sick. Is this going too far???), aside from a difference in position, same mind, same character. Have I got this wrong???" (ibid.; emphasis added.)

Vincent then shifts the parallelism from Quinet to the brothers' longtime favorite, Jules Michelet, a "revolutionary" like Quinet -- a shift that puts Vincent even more firmly on the side of the angels. "Quinet now, say, or Michelet or V. Hugo (later), was the difference between them and their opponents almighty great? Yes -- but on the surface one wouldn't have said so. At the time I myself, at one and the same time, found a book by Guizot and a book by Michelet equally good. Yet in my case, as I got deeper into it, I saw a difference and, what's more, contradiction! In short, that the one peters out, disappears vaguely, while in contrast something infinite remains in the other. Much has happened since then." (ibid.; emphasis in original.) Vincent then comes to the crux of the matter. "But I believe that if you and I had lived then, you would have been on Guizot's side and I on Michelet's side. And both remaining consistent, could with a certain sadness have found ourselves directly opposed to each other as enemies, on just such a barricade, say; you in front of it as a soldier of the government, I behind it as a revolutionary or rebel." (ibid.; emphasis in original.) 

60. atop the barricades BVG 380, 9/15/1884-9/30/1884: It says everything about how tortured the cordiality between the brothers has become that Theo picks a fight with Vincent over this "barricade" metaphor. Theo prefers a different image: "Listen, about what I call a barricade and you a little ditch" (JLB 465, 10/9/1884; emphasis added). Presumably, Theo preferred "ditch" because it minimized the differences between them; but the effort to make the distinction only added fuel to the dispute. Vincent, well launched on his contrarian spiral, responds that the image doesn't matter: barricade or ditch, he and Theo are hopelessly separated, and, either way, Theo must choose sides: "Just think about that. Sooner or later it ends with one openly standing either on the right or on the left." (ibid.) 

Context:
JLB 463, 9/30/1884: "I still deeply regret, Theo, that I'm on one side, you on the other, of a certain barricade that may no longer be visible in the form of paving-stones, but which still definitely exists and persists in society" (emphasis in original).

61. the dream of Drenthe BVG 380, 9/15/1884-9/30/1884: Vincent finds an image for this vision, although his vague identification of it ("that lithograph by Daumier or De Lemud") suggests that it may be more an invention than a recollection (JLB 463, 9/30/1884). 

Context:
JLB 463, 9/30/1884: "There were two brothers and they were on the same side and both fell, one a day after the other, for the same cause. That might have been so in our case, but now it's as good as certain that it will never happen. For my part I'm well aware that, come what may, the future will always be very difficult for me, and I know as good as for certain that things won't go what people describe as well for me in the future."

62. "try to know for yourself" BVG 379, 9/15/1884-9/30/1884: Vincent uses a lovely image to convey his undying conviction that, in his soul, Theo is and will always be an artist, regardless of the outward form he assumes: "Anyway, it was 48 then, it's 84 now. The mill is there no longer, the wind is still there. However, try to know for yourself where you actually are, as I try to know it for myself." (JLB 461, 9/22/1884-9/28/1884.) By referring to a mill, Vincent must have intended to convey that the brotherhood of the Rijswijk Road would always survive, even if the vehicles for expressing it were abandoned or destroyed in their battles. An additional resonance was probably unintended: no matter what Theo says or does, Vincent's hope that he will join Vincent on the heath will, like the wind, never die. 

Context:
BVG 379, 9/15/1884-9/30/1884: "Well, then it was '48, now it is '84,' 'le moulin n'y est plus, mais le vent y est encore.' But try to know for yourself where you really belong, as I try to know that for myself."
JLB 461, 9/22/1884-9/28/1884: "Anyway, it was 48 then, it's 84 now. The mill is there no longer, the wind is still there. However, try to know for yourself where you actually are, as I try to know it for myself."

63. "infinitely meaningless" BVG 378, October 1884 and JLB 464, 10/2/1884: We have combined elements from both translations. 

Context:
BVG 378, October 1884: "Life itself, too, is forever turning an infinitely vacant, dispiriting blank side towards man on which nothing appears, any more than it does on a blank canvas."
JLB 464, 10/2/1884: "Life itself likewise always turns towards one an infinitely meaningless, discouraging, dispiriting blank side on which there is nothing, any more than on a blank canvas" (emphasis in original).

64. return to The Hague BVG 381, 10/1/1884: Almost certainly, Vincent intended an implicit threat to take up with Sien again. 

Context:
JLB 465, 10/9/1884: "I wanted to let you know that in the winter, perhaps as early as next month, I'm going away from here for a while -- I've thought about Antwerp -- I've thought about The Hague."

65. nostalgia for the black country

BVG 380, 9/15/1884-9/30/1884. 

Context:
JLB 463, 9/30/1884: "Then, when I feel on rather firmer ground, I'd like to go back to the miners again."

66. always felt intensely competitive BVG 271, 3/3/1883: Vincent's most explicit admission of competitiveness with Van Rappard comes in March 1883: "[Van Rappard] has painted far more than I and drawn for longer, but there's still a similarity in the level we're at. I concede to him as to painting, but I don't want to lag behind him in drawing. What I would like to see happen is that he and I go on in the same direction." (JLB 323, 3/3/1883.) For a discussion of the friends' competitive relationship, see Chapter 17.  67. "we are just about"BVG 271, 3/3/1883: We have slightly altered the translation. 

Context:
BVG 271, 3/3/1883: "He has painted much more than I, and has drawn longer, but we are both on just about the same level."
JLB 323, 3/3/1883: "He has painted far more than I and drawn for longer, but there's still a similarity in the level we're at."

68. "keep up with him"BVG 271, 3/3/1883. 

Context:
BVG 271, 3/3/1883: "There is another thing spurring me on, namely that Rappard is also working at top speed, more than he used to, and I want to keep up with him, because then we'll get on better together, and can profit more from each other's experience."
JLB 323, 3/3/1883: "There's also another stimulus, namely that Rappard is making an effort too, more than in the past, and I want to keep up with him so that we can get on better and probably be of more help to each other."

69. two weeks of working BVG 383, 10/15/1884-10/31/1884: "Rappard is still here and will be staying for another week" (JLB 467, 10/25/1884). This is not proof that Van Rappard stayed two full weeks; but he would probably not have planned initially to stay for a period of much less than a week. 

Context:
JLB 467, 10/25/1884: "Rappard is still here and will be staying for another week since the work is going extraordinarily well. He's making women spinning and various studies of heads, has already made 10 studies or so, all of which I consider fine."

70. his exhibitionsSee Ch. 21, n. 214 71. bickering over technique BVG R43, 3/15/1884-3/31/1884: In March 1884, Vincent sent his friend some weaver drawings. Van Rappard's comments must have been harsh, because Vincent responds with a treatise worth of defenses and justifications. In typical fashion, he starts by asserting his lack of interest in the entire subject: "I won't go into generalities about technique," then immediately proceeds to his primary defense, the very general proposition that 'power of expression' is more important than technique -- that art is 'something which, although produced by human hands, is not wrought by the hands alone.'" (JLB 332, 3/21/1883.) He poses these two ideals (technique and expressiveness) in absolute opposition to each other: "I do foresee that, precisely when I become stronger in what I'll call power of expression than I am at this moment, people will say, not less but in fact even more than now, that I have no technique" (JLB 439, 3/18/1884; emphasis in original).

This notion, as Vincent develops it in this letter and elsewhere, is sometimes cited as the core of Vincent's theory of "expressive" art (e.g., "[Vincent's intention is] to privilege expressive force and the 'idea' over accuracy and technical polish" [Druick and Zegers, p. 34]). But Vincent's need to placate was equal to his need to defend, and no theory could serve both simultaneously. Within a few sentences, he reassures his conventional friend of his dedication to conventional notions of "polish": "Do you think that I don't care about technique or am not searching for it?" (ibid.). The letter careers back and forth in the same way, between bold declarations of artistic integrity ("I don't give a damn whether my language squares with that of these orators" [ibid.]) and plaintive calls for patience and sympathy ("I work on it to improve myself" [ibid.]) as he struggles to satisfy the conventional standards of finish set by the artists that he continues to hold out as models (Millet, Breton, etc.).

No doubt because he has just embarked on a furious battle with Theo, and recognizes that he needs the connection with Van Rappard for emotional, artistic, and commercial reasons, Vincent is unusually accommodating of his friend's criticisms. He effusively compliments the works of Van Rappard that he saw during his visit to Utrecht in December 1883 ("they get to the heart of things" [ibid.]) -- despite their conventionality -- and emphasizes the similarity between his own work and Van Rappard's, both in subject matter and in seriousness. "If I didn't see more technique in your little peasant cemetery than in Corot's studies -- I'd liken it to them. In sentiment it's identical -- an endeavour to express only the intimate and the essential." (ibid.; emphasis in original.) In this way, Vincent tries to conflate issues of technique with issues of "intent," thereby affirming his and Van Rappard's solidarity: "I'm afraid that in the future, too -- and I congratulate you on it -- you will ALSO hear the same comments about technique, as well as about subject" (ibid.; emphasis in original). Relentlessly transforming necessity into virtue, Vincent proclaims the uniqueness of his artistic vision even as he follows Van Rappard in subject matter, metier, and style. Citing what he calls "Herkomer's doctrine" ("Lions do not ape one another" [emphasis in original]), he says he is looking for "an individual manner, more finished and even more concise than now" (ibid.).

In his fervor, and perhaps in flustered response to a specific accusation from Van Rappard, he lapses into nonsense: "I care relatively little for technique, it's not because I'm saving myself trouble or trying to avoid difficulties." (ibid.) The argument becomes more rhetorical as he warms to it. He tries to tie the call for better technique in art to a bourgeois bête-noir that he and Van Rappard have obviously shared: organized religion: "I find something in dexterity and technical knowledge about art that reminds me of what, in religion, they'd call self-righteousness" (JLB 332, 3/21/1883). He belittles the concept of technique and questions the sincerity of those who sponsor it: "I believe that the more one has to do with nature itself -- the deeper one penetrates into it -- the less attraction one sees in all these studio tricks ... The fact that I write to you about some expressions you use is to ask you: are you sure that those who are praising technique to the skies are in good faith? I just ask it precisely because I know that your aim is to avoid studio chic." (JLB 439, 3/18/1884; emphasis in original.) He sums up with a faux syllogism disguised as a call to arms and yet another claim of solidarity: "let's try to get the hang of the secrets of technique so well that people are taken in and swear by all that's holy that we have no technique. Let the work be so skilful that it seems naive and doesn't stink of our cleverness. I don't believe that I have reached this desirable point yet, for I don't even believe that you, who are further on than I am, are already there." (ibid.; emphasis in original)

At the end of this exhaustive argument, he closes as he began: "I dislike writing or talking about technique in general" (JLB 332, 3/21/1883; emphasis in original). The insecurity and defensiveness that produced this monument of persuasion spill into subsequent letters. In late March, Vincent both defends and apologizes for some of his pen drawings before he has even heard Van Rappard's reaction: "As far as the execution is concerned, of course I would wish right heartily that the direction of the pen strokes had followed the forms more expressively, and the forces that establish the tone of the masses also expressed their shape better. I think you'll grant me that the way things fit together -- the shape of them -- hasn't been systematically or deliberately neglected -- but I had to make a rough stab at it." (JLB 441, 3/21/1884-3/28/1884.) In September, in criticizing one of Van Rappard's letter drawings, Vincent casts himself as the defender of traditional "fundamentals" of composition, and makes yet another opportunity to reaffirm the friends' solidarity: "I fear your foreground can't carry all the things that are in it, and will either become paint or else irresolute and woolly -- what they call weak. I had just the same thing this summer with a weaver's interior that I couldn't take any further because the whole thing came too far forward, that the painting began with what should have been the background -- the foreground, the solid basis, was missing." (JLB 460, 9/21/1884; emphasis in original.) (264)

Context:
JLB 439, 3/18/1884: "I won't go into generalities about technique, but I do foresee that, precisely when I become stronger in what I'll call power of expression than I am at this moment, people will say, not less but in fact even more than now, that I have no technique" (emphasis in original). 72. "beautiful" BVG 382, 10/22/1884. 

Context:
BVG 382, 10/22/1884: "He has made a very beautiful study of a girl's head, and one of a farmyard, and two small ones of ox wagons."
JLB 466, 10/22/1884: "He's made a very fine study of a girl's head and one of a farmyard, and two small ones of ox-carts."

73. one after another BVG 383, 10/15/1884-10/31/1884. 

Context:
JLB 467, 10/25/1884: "Rappard is still here and will be staying for another week since the work is going extraordinarily well. He's making women spinning and various studies of heads, has already made 10 studies or so, all of which I consider fine."

74. "damned well done" BVG 383, 10/15/1884-10/31/1884. 

Context:
BVG 383, 10/15/1884-10/31/1884: "The effect of the heads he paints at present remind one of certain studies of heads by Courbet, for instance. But it is damned well done, I can assure you."
JLB 467, 10/25/1884: "The heads that he's painting at present are reminiscent in their effect of certain studies of heads by Courbet, say. But it's becoming devilish good, that I can assure you."

75. "One comes to a dead end" BVG 384, 11/1/1884. 

Context:
BVG 384, 11/1/1884: "I do not know if I shall succeed, but I must have a freer scope, for having been without any intercourse with the world of art for a full year and longer, as I have, notwithstanding all good will, one comes to a dead end and must renew oneself."
JLB 468, 11/2/1884: "I don't know whether it will succeed -- however, I must have more scope, for with the best will in the world, if one has been, as I have now, A WHOLE YEAR AND MORE entirely outside the world of painting, one works oneself into the ground outside and has to refresh oneself" (emphasis in original).

76. hyperventilating defenses BVG 384, 11/1/1884. 

Context:
JLB 468, 11/2/1884: "It's very true that I've spent more this year than last on firstly my work, secondly myself. I'm not sorry for it, though -- I've progressed in precisely what will rectify things in painting later and -- the only thing I do regret is that I haven't been able to spend a few hundred guilders more. What I've gained by it, for instance, is that I can now easily paint a head from the model in a morning, and that at last my colour is becoming sounder and more accurate, and more character is appearing in the technique." (Emphasis in original.)

77. "I must strike" BVG 384, 11/1/1884; emphasis in original. 

Context:
BVG 384, 11/1/1884: " I must strike while the iron is hot; but dear brother and friend, stir up the fire."
JLB 468, 11/2/1884: " I must strike the iron now, it's hot, but -- my dear brother and friend -- STOKE UP THE FIRE" (emphasis in original).

78. "not lose a moment" BVG 386, 11/10/1884-11/30/1884: We have slightly altered the translation.

Context:
BVG 386, 11/10/1884-11/30/1884: "Then I shall be able to make both ends meet during those months, and need not stop for days when the work requires my not losing a moment."
JLB 470, 11/17/1884: "Then I'm covered for the ends of those months and won't have to stop for days when the work demands that I don't lose a moment."

79. "work must be done" BVG 386, 11/10/1884-11/30/1884; emphasis in original. 

Context:
BVG 386, 11/10/1884-11/30/1884: "I hope you will feel that just because of my appeal to Mauve and Tersteeg and their refusing, directly or indirectly I must show very shortly that I have again accomplished something -- and that all energy must now be concentrated, and that work must be done at full speed, though it might turn out a little more expensive."
JLB 470, 11/17/1884: "I hope that you'll feel that precisely because I approached Mauve and T. and they refuse, directly or indirectly I must show -- and that very soon -- that I've done something again -- and that all energy now has to remain concentrated and work has to proceed at full speed, even if it were to work out slightly dearer" (emphasis in original).

80. "I must show very shortly" BVG 386, 11/10/1884-11/30/1884; emphasis in original. 

Context:
BVG 386, 11/10/1884-11/30/1884: "I hope you will feel that just because of my appeal to Mauve and Tersteeg and their refusing, directly or indirectly I must show very shortly that I have again accomplished something."
JLB 470, 11/17/1884: "I hope that you'll feel that precisely because I approached Mauve and T. and they refuse, directly or indirectly I must show -- and that very soon -- that I've done something again" (emphasis in original).

81. "I warrant you" BVG 384, 11/1/1884. 

Context:
BVG 384, 11/1/1884: "Then, after that, I shall have gained some hints for correcting my work here and improving it, and I shall again have a pied-à-terre with a solid, serious painter, and then I warrant you, something will happen before long -- either I shall exhibit or I shall sell.

JLB 468, 11/2/1884: “Then -- after that -- I'll again have a few tips for improving my work here and making progress with it. And again have a pied-à-terre with a good, sound painter. And then I guarantee that something will soon happen -- either I'll exhibit or I'll sell.

82. a poplar lane Avenue of Poplars in Autumn, F 122 JH 522, October, 1884, canvas on panel, 38.9 x 25.9 in., 99 x 66 cm., Amsterdam, Van Gogh Museum. Vincent also painted a poplar lane at sunset, although it appears from the topography to be a different poplar lane, or at least a different stretch of it, and also different from the lane that he drew in pen and pencil around the same time (Lane of Poplars [F 1245 JH 520]).  83. a country road Lane in Autumn, F 120 JH 519, October, 1884, canvas on panel, 18.1 x 13.8 in., 46 x 35 cm., Fribourg, Private collection.  84. views of the local mills Water Mill at Gennep (F 1144a JH 523), Water Mill at Gennep (F 46 JH 524), Water Mill at Gennep (F 125 JH 525), Water Mill at Gennep (F 47 JH 526), and Water Mill at Opwerten (F 48 JH 527).  85. "facts and figures" BVG 384, 11/1/1884: As with so many of these proposals from Vincent, the language is rational but the idea is delusional: "the money from you, say we call it 5,000 francs at a pinch, is my working capital. The interest on this -- if we could get it to 20% through the energy of both of us -- would be proof of the rightness of your insights and also of mine, and of a sound view of business. Now that result -- 20% interest a year on 5,000 francs -- I'd like you to help me get it. These are facts and figures, and you must see to it that you get your confidence and energy back in this matter." (JLB 468, 11/2/1884; emphasis in original.) This boils down to nothing more than another of Vincent's vague assurances about the future with some numbers attached to it more or less at random. The 5000 francs appears to be a rough estimate of the money he has so far received from Theo. The twenty-percent return -- a "very good interest," Vincent claims -- is plucked out of the air. The "calculation" also concludes in a typical fashion: Vincent throws the onus for reaching these numbers back on Theo, arguing that the only way to achieve the twenty-percent yield is for Theo to support him more energetically. He then moves directly to a request for an "extra 100 francs" immediately ("Is it absolutely impossible for you to let me have it now?" [ibid.; emphasis in original]). 

Context:
BVG 384, 11/1/1884: "So that for instance the money I get from you -- let's put it at 5000 francs -- might be looked upon as my working capital if necessary. The interest from this -- if through our combined energy we could raise it to 20% -- would be proof of the correctness of your judgement as well as mine, and of taking a sound view of business matters. As to this result -- getting 20% interest from 5000 francs -- I want your co-operation in order to reach it. These are facts and figures, and you must try to recover your confidence and energy to realize them."
JLB 468, 11/2/1884: "So that the money from you, say we call it 5,000 francs at a pinch, is my working capital. The interest on this -- if we could get it to 20% through the energy of both of us -- would be proof of the rightness of your insights and also of mine, and of a sound view of business. Now that result -- 20% interest a year on 5,000 francs -- I'd like you to help me get it. These are facts and figures, and you must see to it that you get your confidence and energy back in this matter." (Emphasis in original.)

86. a 20 percent returnBVG 384, 11/1/1884. 

Context:
JLB 468, 11/2/1884: "Now that result -- 20% interest a year on 5,000 francs -- I'd like you to help me get it."

87. "taking a sound view" BVG 384, 11/1/1884. 

Context:
BVG 384, 11/1/1884: "The interest from this -- if through our combined energy we could raise it to 20% -- would be proof of the correctness of your judgement as well as mine, and of taking a sound view of business matters."
JLB 468, 11/2/1884: "The interest on this -- if we could get it to 20% through the energy of both of us -- would be proof of the rightness of your insights and also of mine, and of a sound view of business" (emphasis in original).

88. without Theo's help Van Tilborgh, p. 10: Van Tilborgh makes the point this way: "It was therefore all the more difficult [for Vincent] to accept his brother's disapproval, knowing, moreover, that he had little chance of making a successful entrée into the art market without Theo's help."  411 89. "We must make progress" BVG 384, 11/1/1884: Vincent does not hide the connection between Van Rappard's success and this sudden, frantic enlistment of Theo's help: " Rappard is doing very well and several others too, but they really haven't had only patience and resignation. We must go onward. Get used to the idea that we must move." (JLB 468, 11/2/1884; emphasis in original.) All of the fragments in this text quotation are taken from the same letter, although not in the order in which they appear in the letter. 

Context:
BVG 384, 11/1/1884: " We must make progress. Get used to the idea that we must get a move on."
JLB 468, 11/2/1884: " We must go onward. Get used to the idea that we must move."

90. "Side with me" BVG 384, 11/1/1884. Vincent expands on this plea in his next letter, this time in a more accusatory vein, as Theo's resistance to his entreaties already begins to register: "But -- speaking bluntly -- I think that you've been too neutral towards me the last 1 1/2 or two years, and I wish above all for more warmth, and the friendship was too cool and not animated enough for me. Find this pedantic of me if you will -- yet it isn't pedantic but it's for sound practical reasons that I pointed this out to you before and point it out again." (JLB 469, 11/14/1884; emphasis in original.) 

Context:
BVG 384, 11/1/1884: "I must work hard to attain this result, but in my opinion you for your part might do what you said you would do before: side with me -- not in a neutral way, but in an energetic, positive way."
JLB 468, 11/2/1884: "I'll have to work hard to achieve this result -- but -- as I see it -- for your part you can just do something you said you'd do before -- take my side -- not neutrally but energetically, positively."

91. "Dear brother and friend" BVG 384, 11/1/1884; emphasis in original. 

Context:
BVG 384, 11/1/1884: "I must strike while the iron is hot; but dear brother and friend, stir up the fire."
JLB 468, 11/2/1884: "I must strike the iron now, it's hot, but -- my dear brother and friend -- STOKE UP THE FIRE" (emphasis in original).

92. Without telling Theo BVG 384, 11/1/1884: Vincent anticipated that Theo would object to these overtures, so he waited until after they were sent (and after his brother's monthly stipend had arrived) to report them: "Before I received your letter and enclosure, I had already done something that you probably won't approve of, but about which I don't really value your opinion much, I'm sorry to have to say" (JLB 468, 11/2/1884). As the last line suggests, Vincent was defensively unapologetic about having approached these two eminences of the family circle. Even after their refusal, he writes preemptively to Theo: "Now you know that I made an approach to Mauve and Tersteeg again, to put right what happened in the past. I don't regret that approach. ... I regard it as something like sending a painting to an exhibition and having it rejected. One has to encounter opposition at first, or even several times. So again, I don't regret my approach, and shall most likely repeat it -- not straightaway, exactly -- but before too long." (JLB 469, 11/14/1884.) In fact, as far as is known, Vincent had never had a picture refused by an exhibition because he had never submitted one. 

Context:
JLB 468, 11/2/1884: "Before I received your letter and enclosure, I had already done something that you probably won't approve of, but about which I don't really value your opinion much, I'm sorry to have to say. I have again set in train an attempt to get back on good terms with Mauve, with Tersteeg too, if possible."

93. he wrote forceful letters BVG 384, 11/1/1884. 

Context:
JLB 468, 11/2/1884: "Don't misunderstand me, though -- I haven't written to M. or to Tersteeg in a complaining tone. On the contrary, but I have said as forcefully as I could: give me another opportunity to make some studies with Mauve."

94. "Give me another" BVG 384, 11/1/1884. 

Context:
BVG 384, 11/1/1884: "Don't misunderstand me, however, I have not written to Mauve or Tersteeg in a complaining tone. On the contrary, but I said as forcibly as I could, Give me another opportunity to make a few studies at Mauve's!"
JLB 468, 11/2/1884: "Don't misunderstand me, though -- I haven't written to M. or to Tersteeg in a complaining tone. On the contrary, but I have said as forcefully as I could: give me another opportunity to make some studies with Mauve."

95. owning up to past errors BVG 385, 11/1/1884: Vincent claims that his apology was unconditional: "So for my part, by going so far this time as to very generously and decidedly admit I was wrong in the past" (JLB 469, 11/14/1884). But if Vincent's "apologies" to Theo (with their hedging, blame-shifting, and self-justifications) are any guide, these apologies to Mauve and Tersteeg were probably neither unconditional nor even necessarily recognizable as apologies. A better sense of them can probably be gleaned from Vincent's explanation of the reason he made the apologies: "All the more because I believe that later on they themselves will realize that for their part they totally misunderstood things. Which they don't see yet." (ibid.; emphasis in original.) Basically, Vincent is willing to "admit" he was wrong only because he has convinced himself that Mauve and Tersteeg will eventually see that he was right. "In any event I won't have to make any more apologies in future. Once is enough, and I didn't necessarily even have to go as far as I did, namely -- unconditionally." (ibid.; emphasis in original.) 

Context:
BVG 385, 11/1/1884: "I have owned myself to be in the wrong, not only to Mauve, but also to Tersteeg."
JLB 469, 11/14/1884: "I've admitted I was wrong, not just to Mauve but to T. as well."

96. "renew old relations" BVG 385, 11/1/1884: Vincent does not reveal this part of his plea until Tersteeg rejects it. In a fit of pique, he sends a tart reply to the gérant's rejection: "I've replied briefly to both Tersteeg and M. about their refusal, to tell them that 'I rather agree with Tersteeg that it would be better for me to seek out new people than to try to renew old relationships, that this really is my own idea, too, but above and beyond that, that I nonetheless have enough faith in the future that I will not lightly give up regaining even old relationships, even better than before'" (JLB 469, 11/14/1884; emphasis in original). The inner quotation appears to be Vincent's relatively exact recitation of his caustic reply. That Vincent can simultaneously scold Tersteeg and hold onto the prospect that he will come around to relations "better than before" clearly indicates his delusional state. 

Context:
BVG 385, 11/1/1884: "I sent both Tersteeg and Mauve a few words in answer to their refusal, to tell them that 'I perhaps agreed with Tersteeg, it was better for me to look for new friends than to try to renew old relations, that this was exactly my own idea too, but that except and besides that, I had enough confidence in the future not even to give up the renewal of old relations, perhaps even better than before.'"
JLB 469, 11/14/1884: "I've replied briefly to both Tersteeg and M. about their refusal, to tell them that 'I rather agree with Tersteeg that it would be better for me to seek out new people than to try to renew old relationships, that this really is my own idea, too, but above and beyond that, that I nonetheless have enough faith in the future that I will not lightly give up regaining even old relationships, even better than before'" (emphasis in original).

97. "hints for correcting" BVG 384, 11/1/1884: We have slightly altered the translation. 

Context:
BVG 384, 11/1/1884: "Then, after that, I shall have gained some hints for correcting my work here and improving it, and I shall again have a pied-à-terre with a solid, serious painter, and then I warrant you, something will happen before long -- either I shall exhibit or I shall sell.”

JLB 468, 11/2/1884: “Then -- after that -- I'll again have a few tips for improving my work here and making progress with it. And again have a pied-à-terre with a good, sound painter. And then I guarantee that something will soon happen -- either I'll exhibit or I'll sell.”

98. a solid, serious painter BVG 384, 11/1/1884: This is a reference, of course, to Mauve. Vincent does not use the word "apprentice," but that appears to be the relationship he envisions -- or at least envisions being able to claim. 

Context:
JLB 468, 11/2/1884: "Then -- after that -- I'll again have a few tips for improving my work here and making progress with it. And again have a pied-à-terre with a good, sound painter. And then I guarantee that something will soon happen -- either I'll exhibit or I'll sell.”

99. reconnected to the art world BVG 384, 11/1/1884. 

Context:
JLB 468, 11/2/1884: "I have again set in train an attempt to get back on good terms with Mauve, with Tersteeg too, if possible. I don't know whether it will succeed -- however, I must have more scope, for with the best will in the world, if one has been, as I have now, A WHOLE YEAR AND MORE entirely outside the world of painting, one works oneself into the ground outside and has to refresh oneself." (Emphasis in original.)

100. "I am just taking steps" BVG 384, 11/1/1884. 

Context:
BVG 384, 11/1/1884: "It is perfectly true what you say: 'that it is more likely that I shall achieve something by making good pictures than by discussing revolutionary questions.' I find this so true that, while you were writing it, I was just taking steps to promote the direct progress of my work by asking to be allowed to paint some studies in Mauve's studio again.
JLB 468, 11/2/1884: "What you say is perfectly true: that if I make good paintings I'm more likely to achieve something than by discussing revolutionary questions. I actually find this so true that while you were writing it I was just taking a step directly aimed at the progress of my work, by asking once more to paint a few studies in Mauve's studio."

101. "I will harp on it" BVG 384, 11/1/1884. 

Context:
JLB 468, 11/2/1884: "I'll hammer away at it until M. agrees."

102. a quick, stinging rebuff BVG 385, 11/1/1884: It is not clear when Vincent wrote Mauve and Tersteeg, but he informed Theo of the letters around November 1 (JLB 468, 11/2/1884) and in the very next letter (JLB 469, 11/14/1884) reported their rebuff. If Vincent waited until after Van Rappard left in late October, as seems likely, there could not have been much time between writing the letters and informing Theo about them. 

Context:
JLB 469, 11/14/1884: "Now you know that I made an approach to Mauve and Tersteeg again, to put right what happened in the past. I don't regret that approach. But they've refused to have anything to do with it -- 'very definitely' refused."

103. "they have refused" BVG 385, 11/1/1884. 

Context:
BVG 385, 11/1/1884: "But they have refused to have anything to do with me, very 'definitely' refused. This does not discourage me."
JLB 469, 11/14/1884: "But they've refused to have anything to do with it -- 'very definitely' refused. This doesn't discourage me."

104. "I am almost glad" BVG 386, 11/10/1884-11/30/1884. 

Context:
BVG 386, 11/10/1884-11/30/1884: "On the contrary, for the moment, for instance, I am almost more glad that Mauve and Tersteeg have refused me than if it had been the reverse. Understand me well! It is because I feel within me the power to win them over in the end, notwithstanding everything."
JLB 470, 11/17/1884: "On the contrary, at this moment, for example, I'm almost more pleased that Mauve and Tersteeg refused me than if it had been the opposite. You must understand me! It's -- because I think I can feel the power in me to bring them round anyway, despite everything." (Emphasis in original.)

105. "I see a chance" BVG 386, 11/10/1884-11/30/1884. 

Context:
BVG 386, 11/10/1884-11/30/1884: "They may be won over by colour, and by working hard. I see a chance of giving them convincing proof that I have a notion of, and sentiment for, colour."
JLB 470, 11/17/1884: "They can be won over by colour and I see a chance, by taking pains, to demonstrate to them convincingly that I understand and have a feeling for colour" (emphasis in original).

106. By early DecemberThe literature generally assumes that Vincent began his series of painted portrait heads in December 1884 (see, e.g., Van Heugten, p. 114). Vincent writes in the middle of the month: "I'm very busy working on the series of heads of the people1 that I've resolved to make" (JLB 476, 12/16/1884). This bright-line starting date strikes us as dubiously precise. Clearly, he turned his attention to heads immediately after Van Rappard left at the end of October, if not before, while Van Rappard was still there. (See Van Tilborgh, p. 84, n. 2.) In his very first letter after his friend's departure, he already has the plan worked out in its first iteration: he frames it as preparation for a projected sales trip to Antwerp: "I'll be able to benefit more from Antwerp if I first paint another 30 heads here -- and I'm starting on those 30 heads now, or rather I've already started" (JLB 467, 10/25/1884). In early November, he reports "working on other studies -- among them two heads of polder workers" (JLB 469, 11/14/1884). By the middle of November, the project was fleshed out in its final form: "I [will] have the 50 heads I'm going to get ready by the end of January" (JLB 470, 11/17/1884). Thus, by December, the project was already well underway.  107. poldermen BVG 385, 11/1/1884. Poldermen maintained the system of canals and dykes that kept the low-lying fields (polders) from flooding. 

Context:
JLB 469, 11/14/1884: "Since I wrote to you I've also been working on other studies -- among them two heads of polder workers. I now have 3 people in Eindhoven who want to learn to paint and whom I'm teaching to paint still lifes."

108. bistre and bitumen Vincent's use of color in the "heads from the people" series will be discussed later in this chapter. While he used a variety of colors in small quantities and restrained highlights (a deep blue blouse, a red bonnet), there is no question that these works are very dark, thanks in large part to their common bitumen backgrounds. Even the "bright" colors are considerably toned down, including the white of the women's bonnets. Van Tilborgh, in contrast, sees the glass as half full: "The varnish of several works has yellowed, making it difficult to appreciate the artist's use of color" (Van Tilborgh, p. 90).  109. new plan for commercial success BVG 383, 10/15/1884-10/31/1884: Vincent conceived the "heads of the people" project, first and always, as a commercial venture (JLB 476, 12/16/1884). When he first mentions it at the end of October, it is in the context of a trip to Antwerp where Vincent has long imagined that he would find a receptive market for his work. 

Context:
JLB 467, 10/25/1884: "But I'll be able to benefit more from Antwerp if I first paint another 30 heads here -- and I'm starting on those 30 heads now, or rather I've already started with a large bust of a shepherd."

110. for winning over Mauve BVG 386, 11/10/1884-11/30/1884. 

Context:
JLB 470, 11/17/1884: "I don't think I'm mistaken about Tersteeg and Mauve when I dare say that there really is a chance of getting at them and winning them over."

111. painting portrait heads BVG 383, 10/15/1884-10/31/1884. 

Context:
JLB 467, 10/25/1884: "Rappard is still here and will be staying for another week since the work is going extraordinarily well. He's making women spinning and various studies of heads, has already made 10 studies or so, all of which I consider fine."

112. mostly women BVG 382, 10/22/1884. This was obviously a favorite subject of Van Rappard's, as Vincent reported during his previous visit in May: "Rappard has made a small weaver here, which I thought very good, and a bust of a girl winding yarn" (JLB 447, 5/28/1884). De Brouwer's catalogue shows Van Rappard's interest in portraits of young ladies prior to Vincent's, starting in 1882-83 (cat. n. 82). De Brouwer also shows several painted portraits of young girls from 1884. We believe there are good stylistic reasons to believe that a drawing of a young woman attributed to Vincent (Head of a Woman [F 1184 JH 597]) was, in fact, done by Van Rappard. It may be the study that Vincent refers to in October: "He's made a very fine study of a girl's head" (JLB 466, 10/22/1884). In its uniquely careful modeling, it bears a close relationship to a painting of a young girl that Van Rappard did the same year (De Brouwer, cat. n. 121), and is distinctly unlike the other drawings that Vincent was doing at the time. The young woman portrayed is probably Gordina de Groot, which would explain its long attribution to Vincent, as well as why it came to be in his possession in the first place. 

Context:
JLB 466, 10/22/1884: "Rappard is here at the moment and sends you his regards. He's made a very fine study of a girl's head and one of a farmyard, and two small ones of ox-carts. And various others that he's planning should follow."

113. Vincent had enviously admired BVG 383, 10/15/1884-10/31/1884. Also: "[Rappard] made a very fine study of a girl's head" (JLB 466, 10/22/1884). 

Context:
JLB 467, 10/25/1884: "Rappard is still here and will be staying for another week since the work is going extraordinarily well. He's making women spinning and various studies of heads, has already made 10 studies or so, all of which I consider fine. ... The heads that he's painting at present are reminiscent in their effect of certain studies of heads by Courbet, say. But it's becoming devilish good, that I can assure you."

114. "His visit has given me" BVG 383, 10/15/1884-10/31/1884. 

Context:
BVG 383, 10/15/1884-10/31/1884: " His visit has given me new ideas for my own work again, and there are so many things in my mind which I should like to make that, after all, I can hardly put off starting work on them."
JLB 467, 10/25/1884: " As a result of his visit I've again got new ideas for my own work, and have so many things in my head which I'd like to make that, after all, I can't easily postpone getting on with them right away."

115. "heads of the people"BVG 390, 12/15/1884-12/17/1884. 

Context:
BVG 390, 12/15/1884-12/17/1884: "I am working very hard on the series of heads from the people, which I have set myself to make."
JLB 476, 12/16/1884: "I'm very busy working on the series of heads of the people that I've resolved to make."

116. introduce the world Van Heugten, p. 130: Vincent does not say explicitly what his ambitions for these paintings are, except to convince Mauve and Tersteeg to reverse their refusal to lend their support to his career. However, as Van Heugten notes, speaking of the related drawings, there are strong indications that Vincent "probably hoped that [the heads] would be considered attractive as magazine illustrations of the kind quite common at the time, such as Van Gogh's treasured 'heads of the people' in The Graphic. They were much the same size as the fairly small illustrations found in such periodicals." In October 1884, Vincent prodded Theo to "find an opening with the illustrated magazines" (JLB 473, 12/6/1884). This was the same commercial strategy he would pursue a few months later with his painting The Potato Eaters (F 78 JH 734, April, 1885, canvas on panel, 28.3 x 36.6 in., 72 x 93 cm., Otterlo, Kröller-Müller Museum).  117. "the old Brabant race" BVG 423, 9/1/1885-9/15/1885: Vincent writes almost a year later about the models he began using the previous winter: "I do hope to keep the very same models, who are of the old Brabant stock through and through" (JLB 531, 9/2/1885). When Van Rappard was still in Nuenen in October 1884, Vincent began a figure of a shepherd that can be seen as the first in the "heads from the people" series. At that time, his ambitions for it were unambiguous: "If I have some luck with the shepherd, it will be a figure that will have something of the very old Brabant in it" (JLB 466, 10/22/1884). Van Heugten disagrees with Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop on whether the figure of a shepherd that Vincent painted over in Still Life with Brass Cauldron and Jug (F 51 JH 925, September, 1885, oil on canvas, 25.6 x 13.5 in., 65 x 80 cm., Amsterdam, Van Gogh Museum) is (Van Heugten, pp. 68-69) or is not (Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop, p. 185, n. 9) the image referred to in JLB 466. 

Context:
BVG 423, 9/1/1885-9/15/1885: "Well, they will not easily get the better of me in this case, and this winter I hope to keep the very same models, who are thoroughly typical of the old Brabant race."
JLB 531, 9/2/1885: "Anyway -- they won't easily win in this case, and this winter I do hope to keep the very same models, who are of the old Brabant stock through and through."

118. cachet of portraits BVG 386, 11/10/1884-11/30/1884. A year later, Vincent makes even more explicit his belief that portraits are an especially saleable genre: "I imagine, though, that in order to get models, as many as I want and good, I won't be done all at once, but will have to find the money for it by making other things. Be it landscapes, be it townscapes, be it portraits, as I said -- or -- even if it were signboards and decoration." (JLB 542, 11/17/1885; emphasis in original.) He will pursue this assumption vigorously, but unsuccessfully, in Antwerp. 

Context:
JLB 470, 11/17/1884: "And then -- there's more and more demand for portraits -- and there aren't so very many who can do that, and I want to try to learn to render a head with character. I've become particularly keen on this recently because my grasp of colour is becoming sounder. You don't have to involve yourself in the question with Tersteeg and Mauve right now -- don't bother, rather, but if, say, I have the 50 heads I'm going to get ready by the end of January, then for instance -- it might be good if you were unexpectedly just to say a word to them." (Emphasis in original.)

412 119. "likenesses"BVG 433, 11/10/1885-11/20/1885: Vincent had expressed this same doubt, even more strongly, whenever he contemplated doing portraits of his parents. He seems, however, to have found a less demanding audience among his models in Nuenen. He brags to Theo in November 1885: "Well then, the peasants and the folk from the village aren't mistaken and promptly say, even contradicting me if I say they're wrong, that is Renier de Greef, that's Toon de Groot and that's Dien van der Beek &c. And sometimes even recognize a figure seen from behind." (JLB 541, 11/14/1885; emphasis in original.)

This may apply more to the drawings and paintings of peasants at work that Vincent did in the summer and fall of 1885 than to his portraits of the previous winter. The people Vincent refers to appear to be identifying characteristic postures and body shapes in Vincent's figures, rather than facial features in his portraits. Van Heugten observes that, in the drawings of heads done in the winter of 1884-85, Vincent "tak[es] considerable pains to be true to life. ... The faces of these peasants have generally been studied carefully, with quite close attention being paid to anatomical proportions and details." (Van Heugten, p. 114.) 

Context:
BVG 433, 11/10/1885-11/20/1885: "I know it is difficult to satisfy people as to the 'likeness,' and I dare not say beforehand that I feel sure of myself on that point. But I don't think it entirely impossible, for the people here are not much different from people elsewhere."
JLB 541, 11/14/1885: "I know it's difficult to please people with a 'likeness', and I dare not say beforehand that I feel sure of my case. I certainly don't consider it altogether impossible, though, because the people here will be much the same as people elsewhere."

120. "heads with character" BVG 386, 11/10/1884-11/30/1884. 

Context:
BVG 386, 11/10/1884-11/30/1884: "And then portraits are more and more in demand, and there are not so very many who can do them, and I want to try to learn to paint a head with character …"
JLB 470, 11/17/1884: "And then -- there's more and more demand for portraits -- and there aren't so very many who can do that, and I want to try to learn to render a head with character."

121. "Portraits are more" BVG 386, 11/10/1884-11/30/1884. 

Context:
BVG 386, 11/10/1884-11/30/1884: "And then portraits are more and more in demand, and there are not so very many who can do them, and I want to try to learn to paint a head with character …"
JLB 470, 11/17/1884: "And then -- there's more and more demand for portraits -- and there aren't so very many who can do that, and I want to try to learn to render a head with character."

122. to paint thirty heads BVG 383, 10/15/1884-10/31/1884. 

Context:
JLB 467, 10/25/1884: "But I'll be able to benefit more from Antwerp if I first paint another 30 heads here -- and I'm starting on those 30 heads now, or rather I've already started with a large bust of a shepherd."

123. sales trip to AntwerpBVG 383, 10/15/1884-10/31/1884. (See Ch. 21, n. 82.) 

Context:
JLB 467, 10/25/1884: "But in general Rappard advises me not to do it right away, but after having painted here for another few months, and to try to get a pied-à-terre to make nude studies. But I'll be able to benefit more from Antwerp if I first paint another 30 heads here -- and I'm starting on those 30 heads now, or rather I've already started with a large bust of a shepherd. Rappard has done the same in Drenthe and on Terschelling this summer, and it has helped him to make a good deal of progress.”

124. raised his goal to fifty heads BVG 384, 11/1/1884. 

Context:
JLB 468, 11/2/1884: "Now look here -- to make progress, because I'm just getting into my stride, I have to paint 50 heads" (emphasis in original).

125. almost one a day BVG 384, 11/1/1884: The calculation is necessarily loose because the number of works that he had already completed by this time (and that he was presumably counting toward the goal of fifty) is not known. 

Context:
JLB 468, 11/2/1884: "Now look here -- to make progress, because I'm just getting into my stride, I have to paint 50 heads. As soon as possible and one after the other. I have calculated, but it won't be possible to work with the energy that I want to devote to it in terms of exertion and effort without extra." (Emphasis in original.)

126. "as soon as possible" BVG 384, 11/1/1884. 

Context:
BVG 384, 11/1/1884: "Look here now -- I must paint 50 heads just for experience, because right now I am hitting my stride. As soon as possible, and one after the other."
JLB 468, 11/2/1884: "Now look here -- to make progress, because I'm just getting into my stride, I have to paint 50 heads. As soon as possible and one after the other." (Emphasis in original.)

127. "Because right now" BVG 384, 11/1/1884. 

Context:
BVG 384, 11/1/1884: "Look here now -- I must paint 50 heads just for experience, because right now I am hitting my stride."
JLB 468, 11/2/1884: "Now look here -- to make progress, because I'm just getting into my stride, I have to paint 50 heads."

128. "I cannot spare a day" BVG 389, 12/10/1884-10/20/1884: We have slightly altered the translation. 

Context:
BVG 389, 12/10/1884-10/20/1884: "By working on steadily, those fifty heads will be finished this winter. But they require so much work and drudgery that I can't spare a day."
JLB 475, 12/14/1884: "With hard work, these 50 heads will be finished this coming winter. But they involve so much work and toil that I need every day."

129. compensate for meager results BVG 384, 11/1/1884. 

Context:
JLB 468, 11/2/1884: "In order to win over Tersteeg and Mauve, I must do something decidedly energetic now, having broached the matter" (emphasis in original).

130. "ugliness" Van Heugten, p. 110: "Willem van der Wakker, another of Van Gogh's acquaintances and pupils from this period, told Benno Stokvis that Vincent did a lot of painting among the peasants, seeking out 'the ugliest as his models.'" It would be natural to see the peasants who posed for Vincent as models of necessity: i.e., the only ones Vincent could find -- the only ones poor, desperate, or patient enough to put up with him. However, there must have been some selectivity involved. In July 1884, he outlined his "preference" in models: "if I could ever get suitable models of precisely the type I have in mind (coarse, flat faces with low foreheads and thick lips, not that sharp look, but full and Millet-like) and with those very clothes" (JLB 451, 7/2/1884). In fact, many of the subjects of the "heads of the people" series over the following winter fit this description, suggesting that Vincent exercised some degree of choice.  131. flat facesBVG 372, 7/1/1884-7/15/1884. 

Context:
JLB 451, 7/2/1884: "The state of my paint bill is such, however, that I have to be a bit careful about starting new things in a larger size, and all the more so because it will cost me a fair amount in models if I could ever get suitable models of precisely the type I have in mind (coarse, flat faces with low foreheads and thick lips, not that sharp look, but full and Millet-like) and with those very clothes."

132. men in hats Only one drawing (Head of a Man [F 1200 JH 560, December-January, 1884-85, pen, washed, 5.7 x 3.1 in., 14.5 x 8 cm., Amsterdam, Van Gogh Museum]) shows a man in a hat, which, according to Van Heugten, was "already rather old-fashioned at the time" (Van Heugten, p. 127).  133. fashionable Zeeland bowlers Head of a Man, F 179r JH 786, March-May, 1885, oil on canvas, 16.3 x 12.2 in., 41.5 x 31 cm., Amsterdam, Van Gogh Museum. According to Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop, the Zeeuwse bolhoed had become fashionable around 1860" (Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop, p. 86).  134. morning caps Van Heugten, p. 127.  135. even bareheaded Head of a Peasant Woman (F 132 JH 574) and the related drawing Head of a Woman (F 1150r JH 575). The same woman is also shown bareheaded in Head of a Peasant Woman, Bareheaded (F none JH 573), Sketches of Heads (F 1151 JH 576), Head of a Woman (F none JH 589), and perhaps Head of a Girl, Bareheaded, and Head of a Man with Beard and Cap (F none JH 577). Van Heugten underscores that this degree of exposure was quite unusual, even scandalous: "women never appeared in public like this, and wore a simple cap even at night" (Van Heugten, pp. 127-130). Vincent does not shrink from depicting the odd haircuts hidden beneath the ubiquitous caps of peasant women: long in the front and at the neck where it showed when the cap was worn, but cropped very short everywhere else. The rationale was both hygienic (lice) and economic. So-called "hair hawkers" came around regularly to villages like Nuenen and bought up hair for wig-makers. To the impoverished peasants, hair was just another cash crop, as it had been since the seventeenth century.  136. through his perspective frame Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop, p. 87. Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop, who have more familiarity with these paintings than anyone since Vincent, write on this issue: "Van Gogh advised his friend Anton Kerssemakers to use a perspective frame for 'painting and drawing heads.' We may therefore conclude that he himself employed it for his own studies. However, there are no traces of a grid in any of the works discussed here, not even when viewed using infrared reflectography."  137. one-and-a-half-by-one-foot This measurement is intended only to give a general sense of the size of these canvases, which vary from image to image. All of the surviving painted heads, however, fit within the envelope of 19¼ x 14½ in. (49 x 37 cm.). Most are smaller in both height and width. Only a handful fall outside the range of 14½ to 17½ in. (37-44 cm.) in height and 11¾ to 13½ in. (30-35 cm.) in width, although a few are considerably smaller (e.g., Head of a Brabant Peasant Woman with Dark Cap [F 153 JH 587, January, 1885, canvas on panel, 10.2 x 7.9 in. , 26 x 20 cm., Otterlo, Kröller-Müller Museum]).  138. no time for drawing Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop, p. 87. "[T]here appear to be no underdrawings, except in the case of the portrait of the man with a pipe [Head of a Man (F 164 JH 558)]; here the micro¬scope revealed a few fine lines under his left eye."  139. blocking in the shapes Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop, p. 90: Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop find only two examples of paintings where Vincent laid in a preliminary image using thinned paint: Head of a Woman (F 80a JH 682) and Head of a Woman (F 388r JH 782).  140. made the night before Van Heugten, p. 124. "I usually just scribble [heads] memory on a scrap of paper in the evening" (JLB 476, 12/16/1884). Presumably, Vincent is referring to drawings that he made of that morning's model, not necessarily the next morning's model. But as the models repeated, the drawings were undoubtedly both a reviewing and a learning process that he applied the next morning.  141. the darkest colors first Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop, p. 90: "It seems likely that Van Gogh worked up his portraits from dark to light, as he did his other works." However, Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop cautiously note that this conclusion has only been verified in the case of one painting (Head of a Woman [F 388r JH 782, May, 1885, oil on canvas, 16.7 x 14 in., 42.5 x 35.5 cm., Amsterdam, Van Gogh Museum]), "where the microscope reveals darker layers under the flesh tones" (ibid.).  142. lighter colors wet-in-wet Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop, p. 87: "The majority of the works were painted wet-into-wet. Only the woman with the red cap [Head of a Woman [F 160 JH 722, March, 1885, oil on canvas, 16.7 x 1.6 in., 42.5 x 29.5 cm., Amsterdam, Van Gogh Museum] seems to have been executed in more than one sitting."  143. he learned an extraordinary Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop, p. 87: According to Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop, the multiplicity of images provided Vincent "a means of practising brushwork." They continue: "In some the technique is careful and controlled (Head of a Woman [F 156 JH 569], Head of a Woman [F 130 JH 692]), in others looser (Head of a Woman [F 69 JH 724], Head of a Woman [F 179r JH 786]), and in one case -- the portrait of the old woman (Head of a Woman [F 388r JH 782]) -- positively direct and bold" (ibid.). The sequence of the surviving paintings is largely a matter of conjecture, but they can certainly be seen to follow the progression described in the text -- from muddy to clear, from controlled to loose -- as Vincent became more adept at managing the challenges of painting such dark paintings wet-in-wet. We believe this progression of necessity is the most likely explanation for the most "expressive" of these images [e.g., Head of a Woman (F 388r JH 782)] -- not the romantic notion retroactively advanced by Vincent and taken up by subsequent commentators, that the loose brushwork was "designed to emphasise the brutishness of his models" (ibid.).  144. white bonnets especially Hulsker, "Vincent's Letters to Anton Kerssemakers," pp. 18-19: Vincent wrote Kerssemakers on the subject of the white bonnets: "And then, the heads of these women with the white head-dresses: it is difficult, but magnificent. The clair obscur just right; the white and part of the face in shadow, giving a perfect tone."  145. save the delicate tones Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop, p. 87: "Most of the heads are studies in tone. Only [Head of a Woman (F 160 JH 722, March, 1885, oil on canvas, 16.7 x 1.6 in., 42.5 x 29.5 cm., Amsterdam, Van Gogh Museum)] is clearly an exercise in colour, whereby the artist focused on the complementary contrast of red and green."  146. "At last my color" BVG 384, 11/1/1884. 

Context:
BVG 384, 11/1/1884: "What I have gained by it is, that I can now easily brush a head from the model in one morning, for instance, and that at last my colour is becoming more solid, and more correct, and my technique is getting more character."
JLB 468, 11/2/1884: "What I've gained by it, for instance, is that I can now easily paint a head from the model in a morning, and that at last my colour is becoming sounder and more accurate, and more character is appearing in the technique."

147. "I have a notion of" BVG 386, 11/10/1884-11/30/1884. 

Context:
BVG 386, 11/10/1884-11/30/1884: "They may be won over by colour, and by working hard. I see a chance of giving them convincing proof that I have a notion of, and sentiment for, colour."
JLB 470, 11/17/1884: "They can be won over by colour and I see a chance, by taking pains, to demonstrate to them convincingly that I understand and have a feeling for colour" (emphasis in original).

413 148. "I must paint a lot" BVG 388b, 2/1/1885-2/15/1885. 

Context:
BVG 388b, 2/1/1885-2/15/1885: "And to me my work is valuable; I must paint a lot -- and therefore I am continually in want of models, which -- at a time when my work is difficult and exhausting -- is an additional reason for thinking it rather dismal to get suspicions in exchange."
JLB 482, 2/2/1885: "And for me the work is expensive; I have to paint a lot and I constantly need a model for it; just all the more reason why, at a time when the work is difficult and exacting, and at the same time thankless, it's quite wretched to get suspicion for it."

149. in a single morning BVG 384, 11/1/1884: Justifying his prodigious expenditure on paints, Vincent writes: "What I've gained by it, for instance, is that I can now easily paint a head from the model in a morning" (JLB 468, 11/2/1884). 

Context:
JLB 468, 11/2/1884: "It's very true that I've spent more this year than last on firstly my work, secondly myself. I'm not sorry for it, though -- I've progressed in precisely what will rectify things in painting later and -- the only thing I do regret is that I haven't been able to spend a few hundred guilders more. What I've gained by it, for instance, is that I can now easily paint a head from the model in a morning, and that at last my colour is becoming sounder and more accurate, and more character is appearing in the technique." (Emphasis in original.)

150. continued doing them BVG 395, 3/1/1885. 

Context:
JLB 484, 3/2/1885: "Nonetheless, this very day I've started to make some that I'll send you. Because I think it possible that it might be of use, when you meet a good many people on the occasion of the Salon, if you had something you could show -- albeit only studies. So you'll receive heads of an old and a young woman, and probably more than one of these two models." (Emphasis in original.)

151. painting in the precious daylight Van Heugten, p. 111: "Van Gogh said that he worked on his painted studies during the day, setting the evenings aside for drawing heads, undoubtedly because he would have been unable to judge colour correctly when working by lamplight."  152. afternoons and evenings BVG 398, 4/5/1885. Vincent's earlier reports of drawing sessions in the evening (JLB 483, 2/5/1885-2/26/1885) do not explicitly say these included models. However, Vincent had a long history of demanding to draw from models, not from memory. Also, seventeen of the surviving drawings from this period "are autonomous studies, being neither preliminary studies for a canvas nor derived from another work" (Van Heugten, p. 111). In January 1885, Vincent wrote, "Regards -- I hope you'll be able to send; I have less than a guilder left and must have a model for several more hours today" (JLB 479, 1/23/1885). It would have been unusual for Vincent to write Theo in the daylight hours, wasting prime painting time. 

Context:
JLB 490, 4/6/1885: "I think I'll start painting in watercolour regularly in the evenings -- as soon as I'm living in the studio -- it can't really be done in the living room here at home. Until then, I'll go on working from the model in the evenings too."

153. campaign of drawn heads In February, Vincent reported, "I paint during the day and draw in the evening. I've already painted at least 30 or so this way, and drawn as many." (JLB 483, 2/5/1885-2/26/1885.) (See Van Heugten, pp. 110-133.) Less than a month later, he appears to revise this neat organization of his work effort: "At present I'm painting not just as long as there's light, but even in the evening by lamplight in the cottages, if I can somehow make things out on my palette" (JLB 484, 3/2/1885). This is surely a rhetorical excess offered by Vincent to justify and/or excuse his dark images. Tellingly, he adds that his rationale for this bizarre procedure is "to capture if possible something of the singular effects of lighting at night, for instance with a large shadow cast on the wall" (ibid.). Vincent may have occasionally painted in cottages, but given the cumbersomeness of his painting set-up, the expense of paints, and the general hostility of the locals, he could not have done so frequently, and surely never after dark. More likely, he only sketched when in situ, which is all he claims elsewhere.  154. Adriana Schafrat De Brouwer, p. 40: Adriana Schafrat-Van Eerd, wife of Johannes Schafrat, sacristan and Vincent's landlord in Nuenen, also would not allow her son to pose for Vincent.  155. "inappropriate" De Brouwer, p. 40.  156. "People do not like to pose" BVG 417, 7/10/1885-7/20/1885. 

Context:
BVG 417, 7/10/1885-7/20/1885: "It is the same here as everywhere, people do not like to pose, and if it weren't for the money, nobody would."
JLB 513, 7/12/1885: "It's the same here as everywhere else; people are far from happy to pose and, if it weren't for the money, no one would" (emphasis in original).

157. Nuenen's long, cold winter BVG 389, 12/10/1884-10/20/1884. "I have to make 50 of these heads -- while I'm still here and can get models of all types relatively easily during the winter months" (emphasis in original). In December, he wrote again, "[W]hat really matters is to do a lot of work in the winter months, when models are easier to get" (JLB 477, 12/30/1884). 

Context:
JLB 475, 12/14/1884: "I have to make 50 of these heads -- while I'm still here and can get models of all types relatively easily during the winter months. Now the winter months are passing, though, without my making as many as I want and as are necessary if I don't continue getting on with it."

158. Vincent spent each day BVG 386b, 11/15/1884-11/30/1884. Van Heugten assumes both that Vincent paid a single model for a whole day and that he paid them roughly what he paid in The Hague (Van Heugten, p. 25). We think it possible that models often came for parts of the day, like the morning, because, in a rural area, all but the lowest of the low had some chores that had to be accomplished in daylight. That would also help explain Vincent's rush to do portraits from start to finish in a morning's time. As to how much he paid them, we suspect that he could pay them at a rate far lower than the one he paid in The Hague ("half a guilder for an afternoon or morning" [JLB 272, 10/15/1882]). Both the farmers and the weavers of Nuenen were experiencing severe hardships because of a continent-wide economic slowdown. 

Context:
JLB 472, 11/28/1884: "To business, though -- have you ever realized that I presently have more than two guilders in expenses daily -- reckon 1 for the model, 1 for canvas, paint -- it can't come out any cheaper. I still have bills to pay -- and -- I must go to Antwerp."

159. "weavers out of work" BVG 417, 7/10/1885-7/20/1885: We have slightly altered the translation. 

Context:
BVG 417, 7/10/1885-7/20/1885: "It is the same here as everywhere, people do not like to pose, and if it weren't for the money, nobody would. But as they are for the most part very poor, and especially many weavers are out of work, I can somehow manage to get them."
JLB 513, 7/12/1885: "It's the same here as everywhere else; people are far from happy to pose and, if it weren't for the money, no one would. However, as the people are mostly very poor, and many weavers, in particular, have no work, I can still get it done." (Emphasis in original.)

160. "I must have a model" BVG 392, 1/20/1885. 

Context:
BVG 392, 1/20/1885: "Goodbye, I hope you will be able to send money, I have not quite a guilder left, and must have a model for a few hours more today, so tomorrow I shall be at a dead end, but maybe your letter will come."
JLB 479, 1/23/1885: "Regards -- I hope you'll be able to send; I have less than a guilder left and must have a model for several more hours today. So tomorrow I'll be stuck again, but possibly your letter will come."

161. "I am continually" BVG 388b, 2/1/1885-2/15/1885. 

Context:
BVG 388b, 2/1/1885-2/15/1885: "And to me my work is valuable; I must paint a lot -- and therefore I am continually in want of models, which -- at a time when my work is difficult and exhausting -- is an additional reason for thinking it rather dismal to get suspicions in exchange."
JLB 482, 2/2/1885: "And for me the work is expensive; I have to paint a lot and I constantly need a model for it; just all the more reason why, at a time when the work is difficult and exacting, and at the same time thankless, it's quite wretched to get suspicion for it."

162. "I wish I could take" BVG 415, 8/15/1885-8/31/1885. 

Context:
BVG 415, 8/15/1885-8/31/1885: "It is hard for you to keep it up all by yourself, and I cannot do anything to lessen the expenses; on the contrary, I wish I could take even more models."
JLB 519, 7/16/1885: "It's hard for you to keep going on your own, and I can't do anything to reduce the expenses -- on the contrary, I wish I could take more models" (emphasis in original).

163. "peasant girls" BVG 404, 4/30/1885: We have slightly altered the translation. 

Context:
BVG 404, 4/30/1885: "A peasant girl, in her patched and dusty blue skirt and bodice which have acquired the most delicate shades from the weather, wind and sun, is better looking -- in my opinion -- than a lady."
JLB 497, 4/30/1885: "A peasant girl is more beautiful than a lady -- to my mind -- in her dusty and patched blue skirt and jacket, which have acquired the most delicate nuances from weather, wind and sun."

164. "getting on a sufficiently" BVG 395, 3/1/1885. 

Context:
BVG 395, 3/1/1885: "I, for my part, however, am not the personality to have had much chance of getting on a sufficiently intimate footing with girls of that sort for them to be willing to pose for me."
JLB 484, 3/2/1885: "For my part, though, I'm not the sort of character who has much chance of getting on a sufficiently intimate footing with girls of that sort that they're willing to pose."

165. "finding compensation" BVG 386a, 12/9/1884: We have slightly altered and transposed the wording in the translation. 

Context:
BVG 386a, 12/9/1884: "If a hussy won't have me, it's all right with me; I can hardly take it ill of her -- but nothing is more certain than that I shall try to find compensation elsewhere."
JLB 474, 12/10/1884: "If a girl won't have me, very well, I can hardly blame her -- but -- nothing is surer than that I'll try to find recompense elsewhere."

166. "as fair and clean" BVG 406, 5/4/1885-5/5/1885: We have slightly altered the translation. 

Context:
BVG 406, 5/4/1885-5/5/1885: "When I think of the Scheveningen girl who sits regularly for Artz, and whom I remember quite well, she is as fair and as clean as some whores."
JLB 500, 5/4/1885-5/5/1885: "When I think of the Scheveningen woman who regularly serves Artz as a model, whom I remember very well, well she's as fair, as light as -- some whores."

167. "the subject of women's heads" BVG 395, 3/1/1885. 

Context:
BVG 395, 3/1/1885: "To return for a moment to the subject of the women's heads, genre [Achille] Jacquet, not the earlier ones, but those of the present."
JLB 484, 3/2/1885: "To return for a moment to that question of the female heads in the Jacquet genre, not the earlier ones but of the present day."

168. "girls such as our sister" BVG 395, 3/1/1885. 

Context:
BVG 395, 3/1/1885: "Or consider the people who paint heads of girls such as our sister, for instance; I can perfectly well understand there are painters who do so. Whistler did it well several times; Millais, Boughton -- only to mention people of whom I saw something of the kind at one time; I know but little of Fantin Latour, but what I saw I thought excellent, Chardin-like."
JLB 484, 3/2/1885: "The reaction against them -- certainly with a motive -- by people who paint heads of girls like our sisters, for instance -- I can well understand that there are painters who do such things -- Whistler did it well several times -- Millais, Boughton -- to mention only people by whom I saw something of the sort in the past."

169. " sale, grossier, boueux, puant" BVG 404, 4/30/1885. 

Context:
BVG 404, 4/30/1885: "Millet, De Groux, so many others, have set an example of character by turning a deaf ear to such taunts as 'sale, grossier, boueux, puant' [nasty, crude, filthy, stinking], etc., etc., so it would be a disgrace should one so much as waver."
JLB 497, 4/30/1885: "Millet, Degroux, so many others, have set examples of character, of taking no notice of the reproaches of -- nasty, crude, muddy, stinking &c. &c., that it would be a disgrace if one were even to have misgivings" (emphasis in original).

170. drawing from the nude BVG 381, 10/1/1884: In October 1884, Vincent entertained the possibility of going to study with Johan (Jean) Theodore Stracké (1817-1891; German-Dutch sculptor) who lived in "Den Bosch" (Den Bosch or 's Hertogenbosch) where he was the director of the drawing academy. Even by Vincent's standards, this is an improbable and ill-formed plan. He had never succeeded for long in an academic setting, knew virtually nothing about sculpture, and had no money or qualifications for admission, even on an informal basis. One can hear all these reservations battling with the need to escape Nuenen (because of the scandal with Margot Begemann), his desire for nude models, and his urge to jump-start his career (the same combination that sent him, a year later, to Antwerp), as he contemplates the plan: "I saw a terracotta by a pupil of [Stracké's], and heard on that occasion that Stracké is definitely not ill-disposed or indifferent to anyone in this area who does something in art. That he has various models for the academy in Den Bosch, and that there are people he gives the opportunity to draw the nude or to model in clay. One probably has to pay the model oneself, though, but that's not so very expensive, and moreover one has a good classroom for which one does not pay. I'll find out more about this, and then it's not impossible that I might go to Stracké in the way that Breitner went to Cormon [the artist whose atelier in Paris Vincent would later enter), say. This would be in the area and would also work out the cheapest." (JLB 465, 10/9/1884; emphasis in original.) 

Context:
JLB 465, 10/9/1884: "Now look here -- Stracké the sculptor lives in Den Bosch, he's also the principal of a drawing academy there -- I saw a terracotta by a pupil of his, and heard on that occasion that Stracké is definitely not ill-disposed or indifferent to anyone in this area who does something in art. That he has various models for the academy in Den Bosch, and that there are people he gives the opportunity to draw the nude or to model in clay. One probably has to pay the model oneself, though, but that's not so very expensive, and moreover one has a good classroom for which one does not pay. I'll find out more about this, and then it's not impossible that I might go to Stracké in the way that Breitner went to Cormon, say. This would be in the area and would also work out the cheapest. I've bought a very fine work on anatomy, Anatomy for artists by John Marshall, which was expensive but which will also be of use to me all my life because it's very good. What's more, I also have what they use at the Ecole des Beaux-Arts and what they use in Antwerp." (Emphasis in original.)

171. he painted Gordina againFor a complete listing of the drawings and paintings that may depict Gordina, see Ch. 21, n. 230. The group of paintings referred to in the text, all executed in March 1885, includes Gordina de Groot, Head (F 1668 JH 691), Head of a Woman (F 130 JH 692), Head of a Peasant Woman with White Cap (F 85 JH 693), Head of a Peasant Woman with White Cap (F 85a JH 694), and Head of a Peasant Woman with White Cap (F 81 JH 695). Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop identify one of these (Head of a Woman [F 130 JH 692]) as the painting that Vincent sketches in JLB 489 (Peasant Woman, Two Heads [F 397 JH 723]), and one of the two paintings that Theo took with him back to Paris after his visit to Nuenen in late March 1885 (Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop, p. 91). In early March, Vincent began another wave of heads in response to a request from Theo for him to submit a painting to the Salon. Vincent saw the new heads as a way to respond to Theo's request without having to produce a "finished" work. "This very day I've started to make some that I'll send you. Because I think it possible that it might be of use, when you meet a good many people on the occasion of the Salon, if you had something you could show -- albeit only studies." (JLB 484, 3/2/1885; emphasis in original.) Apparently, Vincent waited for Theo's visit to give him two of the heads: Head of a Woman (F 130 JH 692) and Head of a Woman (F 160 JH 722) (Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop, p. 94), both, in our opinion, of Gordina. Head of a Woman (F 130 JH 692) is one of only two portrait heads that Vincent signed (Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop, p. 91, n. 20). The other signed head is Gordina de Groot, Head (F 141 JH 783), also of Gordina.  172. "One must paint peasants" BVG 404, 4/30/1885. 

Context:
BVG 404, 4/30/1885: "No, one must paint peasants as if one were one of them, as if one felt and thought as they do. Being unable to help what one actually is."
JLB 497, 4/30/1885: "No -- one must paint the peasants as if one were one of them, as feeling, thinking as they do themselves. As not being able to be other than one is."

414 173. reduced his monthly allowanceBVG 355a, 1/1/1885-1/15/1885. Theo appears to have told Vincent in August that he could not count on 150 francs a month any longer. ("I began a letter to you, ... to tell you that I only count on 100 francs, but actually find it hard to manage on it as long as things don't progress" [JLB 456, 9/16/1884; emphasis in original].) Theo did apparently reduce the stipend at least during some months in the second half of 1884 (JLB 473, 12/6/1884). In January 1885, perhaps out of guilt that his end-of-year bonus was better than expected, Theo apparently offered to raise the subsidy back up to 150 francs. (Theo mocks Vincent's petulant accusation that the lower amount reflects that the brothers are "only half good friends" [JLB 456, 9/16/1884] by saying that the higher amount is "as agreed when we were good friends" [JLB 473, 12/6/1884; emphasis in original].)

But there is a catch. Theo will not send the additional 50 francs to Vincent, he will send it to their father to defray the costs of Vincent's board. The proposal -- yet another sign of the conspiracy between his brother and his father -- makes Vincent apoplectic: "This letter tells you explicitly that I flatly refuse to have anything to do with what you might want to agree with Pa about possible payment for board. ... I don't want to hear any more about this matter; you settle it with Pa. ... I tell you once more, it's not true I agreed to pay 50 francs for my board." (ibid.; emphasis in original.) Was Theo's offer to send an additional 50 francs to Dorus a well-intentioned gesture or an arch reminder to Vincent that his parents were bearing an unseen part of his living expenses? Was it Theo's indirect way of offering to raise Vincent's stipend back to 150 francs if he moved out of the house? In his hypersensitivity, Vincent appears to see Theo's stratagem but still disdainfully rejects his proposal: "I must most decidedly refuse this ... If I've been here at home this long without paying for my board and lodging, you may regard that if you will as arrogance or tactlessness on my part." (ibid.; emphasis in original.) 

Context:
JLB 476/480: "I object to that, it's not true that 'when we were still good friends' &c. we agreed that I should pay 50 francs. I remember the conversation about it -- in the garden -- very well, and far from agreeing to something, I wasn't willing to agree to anything of that sort then, on that occasion, and it ended with my pointing out to you fairly forcefully that I needed money to get started on several larger canvases I was planning, and had other expenses enough. If anything was agreed, it was for later, when I would be more on top of things." (Emphasis in original.)

174. "something extra" BVG 386, 11/10/1884-11/30/1884. 

Context:
BVG 386, 11/10/1884-11/30/1884: "But in this way I run short of money for my work, and if I don't find something extra, I shall lose a month's work, and under the circumstances that must not be; do try your very utmost to obtain an extra 100 francs for me."
JLB 470, 11/17/1884: "But this means that I haven't enough for my work and, if I don't have a stroke of luck, I'll lose a month's work -- and that may not happen in the circumstances. And try to make the utmost effort to let me have an extra 100 francs." (Emphasis in original.)

175. complaints of economic hardship BVG 384, 11/1/1884: Vincent appears to quote from Theo's letter: "'we're facing a half year that's going to be bad financially, so reconcile yourself to it'" (JLB 468, 11/2/1884; emphasis in original). This news distresses Vincent: "When you write that you're again facing your bad half year -- for it lasts a 1/2 year, I think -- it isn't exactly pleasant news for you to write nor for me to receive" (ibid.). Vincent has very stern advice for his brother -- exactly the kind of advice that Vincent consistently rejected when directed at him: "I only say this -- if you or if I need money to make progress and if we can only work at half speed at the moment for financial reasons, we'll have to see to it that we get it, and struggle on until we do get it -- Not argue" (ibid.; emphasis in original). At the same time, Vincent suggests that if Theo cannot come up with the extra money he needs, he would ask their father ("if you absolutely can't, Pa will have to try to advance it" [ibid.]), a suggestion that is blatantly provocative and coercive, given that Dorus, too, depended on money from Theo to cover his expenses. Even the prospect of his volatile brother asking their father for money must have alarmed Theo. Vincent steps back from this threat slightly by suggesting that he "could get it from Rappard" (ibid.), but this suggestion, too, carries a coercive threat of family embarrassment.

In a subsequent letter, Vincent challenges his brother's claim of economic hardship by arguing that he, Vincent, has it much harder. In response to Theo's report that, after deducting his expenses, he has only 100 francs remaining to live on, Vincent writes, "I have less than 25 francs left, and although I don't have to live on it at the moment, as you do, I still have to paint on it for a month, which, with models, with paints, is impossible this way" (JLB 473, 12/6/1884; emphasis in original). A few days later, he suggests that if Theo needs money, he can always borrow it ("if you have borrowed or can borrow, help me with this") -- another horrifying prospect for the fiscally conservative Theo (JLB 475, 12/14/1884). 

Context:
JLB 468, 11/2/1884: "My dear Theo, I received your letter, and I thank you for it and for the enclosure. When you write that you're again facing your bad half year -- for it lasts a 1/2 year, I think -- it isn't exactly pleasant news for you to write nor for me to receive."

176. "push on" BVG 387, 11/10/1884-11/20/1884. 

Context:
BVG 387, 11/10/1884-11/20/1884: "I know that it is a hard time for you, but we must push on, and sure enough there will be a change for the better."
JLB 471, 11/24/1884: "I know that it's a difficult time for you -- but we must progress and it will change a little for the good -- you'll see" (emphasis in original).

177. "What one must have" BVG 384, 11/1/1884. 

Context:
JLB 468, 11/2/1884: "What has to be found, can be."

178. "I must manage" BVG 384, 11/1/1884. 

Context:
BVG 384, 11/1/1884: "I had to buy an overcoat because I am more particular about my clothes than before, and some other things; the bills for colours also take much out of what I get, so that in order to carry out my plans in a short time, working at full speed (instead of half speed for economy's sake, which never can be real economy), I must manage to get an extra 100 francs."
JLB 468, 11/2/1884: "I needed an overcoat -- because I'm taking more trouble over my clothes than before -- and other things, including the paint bills, take a lot of what I get. So that in order to carry out my plan quickly, working at full speed (instead of half speed for the sake of economy -- and yet, that can actually save nothing), I must manage to get an extra 100 francs." (Emphasis in original.)

179. "I must insist" BVG 386, 11/10/1884-11/30/1884. 

Context:
BVG 386, 11/10/1884-11/30/1884: "But those things I mentioned to you -- I must insist, decidedly insist on."
JLB 470, 11/17/1884: "What I wrote to you, though, I must definitely, definitely insist upon."

180. he withheld support BVG 386a, 12/9/1884: Theo's refusal to help with Mauve and Tersteeg appears to have been an explicit and dispositive "no," not merely an unhelpful silence: "So you don't think about it, and you're not exactly very kind if I raise it, that point in question. In all events, you think me foolish in these matters, and always dismiss them." (JLB 474, 12/10/1884.) 

Context:
JLB 474, 12/10/1884: "I had thought that you attached enough to our not drifting all too far apart ... In such a way, for instance, that I could have got, I won't say on good terms, but at least back in touch with Tersteeg and Mauve again -- so that I too -- like almost all other painters do -- could have come to Paris once again for a while &c." (Emphasis in original.)

181. give up his studio BVG 388, 12/7/1884: Vincent is particularly dismissive of this money-saving suggestion from his brother. 

Context:
JLB 474, 12/10/1884: "And also very certainly think to keep on my studio here -- like [Alphonse] Stengelin does, for instance, who has one on the Drenthe heaths -- even if he happens to live somewhere else. I've rented it as a refuge and it will continue to serve me as such. So -- taking rooms in Eindhoven would be sheer nonsense -- and I can't even think about it. A room in Antwerp later on, all right -- that is indeed my intention -- but firstly I don't have any money for it now, and secondly I still want to paint a fairly large number of heads first -- with which I'll make progress -- to the extent that it's at all possible for me to pay the models."

182. failed to respond promptlyBVG 386b, 11/15/1884-11/30/1884: Theo was slow to respond to Vincent's demand for an extra 100 francs in early November. Vincent mocks his brother's excuses: "Assuming that what you say is true, that you started to write to me repeatedly but didn't get round to finishing the letter before -- I'm in the same position" (JLB 472, 11/28/1884). Ironically, despite this clear aspersion on Theo's truthfulness ("assuming that what you say is true"), Vincent explodes in indignation a few weeks later when Theo writes that he is "mistrustful" of Vincent (JLB 473, 12/6/1884). In the same letter, Vincent complains: "when I write about it in a businesslike way I don't even get an answer" (ibid.). 

Context:
JLB 472, 11/28/1884: "Assuming that what you say is true, that you started to write to me repeatedly but didn't get round to finishing the letter before -- I'm in the same position, since I've already thrown what I wrote to you into the stove twice -- because I found it either too bitter or too tame. What shall I say to you? -- your letter sounds very correct to me, and has a tone like that of a good Minister for Fine Arts, say. But -- that doesn't alter the fact that it isn't much good to me and it doesn't satisfy me -- and above all your 'perhaps later, once you have expressed yourself more clearly, we'll perhaps also find something in your present work -- and then not act as we do now' .... fine promise -- but -- a ministerial fata Morgana -- in the eyes of someone like me, who would rather find an outlet at a lower level provided it was in the present." (Emphasis in original.)

183. "Personally you aren't" BVG 386a, 12/9/1884; emphasis in original. 

Context:
BVG 386a, 12/9/1884: "I shall not obtrude myself upon you, neither shall I force you to be affectionate toward me – but -- as a friend -- let alone as a brother -- you are too cool for my taste. Not as to money, old fellow; I am not speaking of that. But personally you aren't of the slightest use to me, nor am I to you."
JLB 474, 12/10/1884: "I won't foist myself on you nor try to force your affection -- but -- as a friend -- let alone as a brother -- you're too cool to me. Not where the money's concerned, old chap, I say nothing about that. But personally you're of no use whatsoever to me, nor I to you." (Emphasis in original.)

184. joining with their fatherBVG 388, 12/7/1884: Vincent accuses Theo and his father of a conspiracy of shared "mistrustfulness" about Vincent's actions. He never specifies exactly what Theo has expressed suspicion about, but clearly Vincent sees it as an embracing criticism of his entire enterprise, both personal and professional: "[Pa] always called himself 'my friend' ... one day I spoke out foursquare and said, don't call yourself my friend if you think this or that of me." (JLB 474, 12/10/1884.) This may be a very oblique reference to the suspicion that Theo and Dorus shared about the patrimony of Sien's son in The Hague. (See Chapter 18.) Only a suspicion of that magnitude would justify Vincent's indignant retort: "don't call yourself my friend if you think this or that of me" (ibid.). Merely opposing his marriage to Sien, or his suit of Kee Vos, would not seem to fit this apparently very specific suspicion ("this or that"). 

Context:
JLB 474, 12/10/1884: "Listen -- Pa -- has been very often and very seriously -- mistrustful -- of me. You know your side of that anyway, and I for my part perhaps know even more about it." (Emphasis in original.)

185. "hussy" BVG 386a, 12/9/1884: Vincent's word is "meid" -- a generic term with a host of usages, from servant girl to whore, depending on the context. Bonger and other translators split the difference with "hussy." JLB offer a more conservative reading, translating "meid" simply as "girl" (JLB 474, 12/10/1884). In any case, Vincent clearly means to convey sexual availability, whether it is the charwoman, milk maid, or prostitute. He sees all of these as distinct from girls like his sister, thus establishing a binary "madonna/whore" typology like the one developed in the twentieth century by Leslie Aaron Fiedler. Because Vincent's primary differentiator is sexual availability, we have chosen to use "hussy" which favors the "whore" side of the equation.

At this time, Vincent repeatedly refers to his relationship to Theo in terms that evoke, both explicitly and implicitly, a spurned lover. In the same letter as the instant passage, he writes, "We won't quarrel now, though -- things have their seasons, that of quarrelling has passed -- then follows -- I believe -- the break-up. Remember, though, that there are people who really do love you and towards whom you shouldn't be mistrustful, who become powerless in their sympathy because you're too suspicious." (JLB 474, 12/10/1884; emphasis in original.) That Vincent intends this parallel is confirmed later in the same letter when he compares himself to Theo's former mistress, Marie: "I don't consider it impossible that -- Marie -- you know, the one you helped when she was ill -- with all her appreciation of your character and help -- must have felt something of what I feel -- I dare assume something of the kind instinctively" (ibid.).

This curious comparison may represent the final death throes of the plea from Drenthe and Vincent's elaborate effort to "woo" Theo to join him there. Finally, a year later, he admits failure; admits that Theo has rejected him -- just as he rejected Marie: "I couldn't help thinking about why Marie and you parted. I don't know any details, do I? and you thought she wasn't good. Perhaps you're right, but perhaps, too, you didn't understand her. And as to me, quite possibly I'm not -- maybe -- good in the same way -- but also as to me -- do you understand and feel the right way?" (ibid.; emphasis in original.) Still later in the same letter, Vincent underscores the equivalence even more explicitly by syllogizing one of the brothers' favorite mottos about women (from Pierre-Joseph Proudhon), "la femme est la desolation du juste" (woman is the desolation of the righteous man): "Similarly one could perhaps say: 'the artist is the desolation of the financier' and conversely, 'the financier is the desolation of the artist.' You see -- I don't know the conclusion myself -- but -- I see two sides to the same question." (ibid.; emphasis in original.) 

Context:
BVG 386a, 12/9/1884: "If a hussy won't have me, it's all right with me; I can hardly take it ill of her -- but nothing is more certain than that I shall try to find compensation elsewhere. And the same is true of other relations. I shall not obtrude myself upon you, neither shall I force you to be affectionate toward me -- but -- as a friend -- let alone as a brother -- you are too cool for my taste."
JLB 474, 12/10/1884: "If a girl won't have me, very well, I can hardly blame her -- but -- nothing is surer than that I'll try to find recompense elsewhere. So, too, with other relationships. I won't foist myself on you nor try to force your affection -- but -- as a friend -- let alone as a brother -- you're too cool to me." (Emphasis in original.)

186. "not to force you" BVG 386a, 12/9/1884: We have slightly altered the translation. 

Context:
BVG 386a, 12/9/1884: "I shall not obtrude myself upon you, neither shall I force you to be affectionate toward me -- but -- as a friend -- let alone as a brother -- you are too cool for my taste."
JLB 474, 12/10/1884: " I won't foist myself on you nor try to force your affection -- but -- as a friend -- let alone as a brother -- you're too cool to me" (emphasis in original).

187. "You have made it clear" BVG 388, 12/7/1884: We have slightly altered the translation. This most recent "break-up" unfolds over two letters, both in December. In the first letter, Vincent speaks of a separation in angry but strictly prospective terms: "I have -- kept working -- but -- increasingly realizing that a moment could come when we each go our own way instead of the same way together. ... But this can't be done all at once ... As soon as some dealer or other, however much of a cheapjack, -- gives me board and, even if it's a tiny attic, lodgings and some paint, I'll sell myself with great pleasure ... And whether I'll succeed in this and when? I can't say precisely, but -- I work too hard for me to be so very far away from it. ... Again, I work too hard for me to have to remain for much longer in a dependent position ... I'm nonetheless seriously thinking of seeing to it that we can part in peace and without damage to you or me." (JLB 473, 12/6/1884; emphasis in original.)

In the next letter, perhaps in response to an intervening letter from Theo, Vincent's tone has turned bitter and definitive: "It seems to me that we must split up -- in both our interests. Your position doesn't -- does it? -- admit of our associating with each other very intimately and actively and cordially. ... For -- you, like so many others, have things to say about my person, manners, clothes, words, important enough and evidently without redress -- that have gradually caused personal, brotherly relations to die and weaken over the years. ... Enough -- this is how things are -- aren't they? ... But personally you're of no use whatsoever to me, nor I to you." (JLB 474, 12/10/1884; emphasis in original.) But even in this embittered letter, Vincent foresees a friendly financial separation: " We will part -- this is a difficult transition for me -- and is coupled with financial difficulties that will certainly be thorny enough for me. ... I know you will agree that we should part -- precisely because it will be in peace. ... And -- if it's not asking too much -- help me to get on -- financially the obstacles are worse for me at this very time of the end of the year than at other times." (ibid; emphasis in original.)

In subsequent letters in December, Vincent continues to send contradictory signals. At first, he asks Theo only to "cover me for the end of this month," but also appears to envision a continuing subsidy -- yet another iteration of their financial relationship -- "[one] that is better for both sides than the present one" (JLB 475, 12/14/1884). Anger alternates with need as Vincent careers between frustration with Theo's poor brothering and efforts to ensure that Theo doesn't interpret anything he says -- no matter how harsh -- to mean that Theo should stop sending money any time soon: "And to seek to be rid of you -- I've never done that, but where you have only too plainly let me see how little chance there was that we'd actually do business together -- I accept it for the future, that's true" (JLB 476, 12/16/1884; emphasis in original). 

Context:
BVG 388, 12/7/1884: "But this cannot be done all at once -- and as for me, I am trying to do it for the one and only reason that you have shown me far too clearly and unmistakably that I should not presume to suppose that you are going to take notice of me personally or of my work, except by way of protection."
JLB 474, 12/10/1884: "But this can't be done all at once -- and for my part it's simply and solely because you've shown me all too clearly and unmistakably that I mustn't imagine that you intend to involve yourself with me personally or with my work other than by way of patronage."

188. "that you are not going" BVG 388, 12/7/1884: As he often does, Vincent couches his latest rebellion in layers and layers of indirection. We have removed several of these layers from the original. 

Context:
BVG 388, 12/7/1884: "But this cannot be done all at once -- and as for me, I am trying to do it for the one and only reason that you have shown me far too clearly and unmistakably that I should not presume to suppose that you are going to take notice of me personally or of my work, except by way of protection. Well, this I utterly refuse to put up with. "
JLB 474, 12/10/1884: "But this can't be done all at once -- and for my part it's simply and solely because you've shown me all too clearly and unmistakably that I mustn't imagine that you intend to involve yourself with me personally or with my work other than by way of patronage. Well, you can count me out."

189. adamantly deniedBVG 378, 10/1/1884. Theo apparently suggested the potential for scandal in a letter immediately after Margot's departure. Vincent responds dismissively: "Now listen here. What you write is all very well and good, and as far as fuss is concerned I'm beginning to be a bit better prepared to forestall it than before. No fear that Pa and Ma will leave, for instance." (JLB 464, 10/2/1884.) The last reference appears to be to the possibility that his parents might be forced to leave Nuenen on account of embarrassment -- a very high bar for scandal. Vincent even advances the preposterous notion that his parents could turn his behavior to their social advantage: "On the contrary, if they set about it the right way, Pa and Ma will be able to consolidate their position here" (ibid.). This comment may be part of his effort, in the immediate aftermath of the suicide attempt, to convince Theo that his relationship with Margot was still viable ("how it must end remains a mystery to me, but neither she nor I will do anything crazy" [ibid.; emphasis in original]). 

Context:
JLB 464, 10/2/1884: "Now listen here. What you write is all very well and good, and as far as fuss is concerned I'm beginning to be a bit better prepared to forestall it than before. No fear that Pa and Ma will leave, for instance. Although a call came just now. On the contrary, if they set about it the right way, Pa and Ma will be able to consolidate their position here." (Emphasis in original.)

190. that their relations BVG 388, 12/7/1884: Again, Vincent responds to an accusation, either explicit or implicit, from Theo: "I want to start by telling you that your letter really amazed me -- because there has been no difference of any significance between Pa and Ma and myself, and that as regards the Begemann ladies, they've just very recently been to see Pa and Ma in considerable numbers -- not just once but several times. Whether they come as often as or less often than before is something I can't see that I have anything to do with, nor take the least or slightest interest in." (JLB 474, 12/10/1884.) The dismissive concluding cavil may betray Vincent's disingenuousness on this point.  191. "Because of Vincent" b2258 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 10/27/1884. In the next letter, Anna wrote Theo, "The Begemanns avoid our house, but are very kind" (b2259 V/1982, ''Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'').  415 192. "It would be difficult" b2257 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 10/2/1884.  193. God's ultimate protection b2261 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 11/11/1884: "Our lives are always uncertain. But now one feels twice as much need for the belief in God's love and shelter." "We hope for the best and pray for light and wisdom and for him [Vincent], if only possible, a somewhat happy life" (b2267 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 2/19/1885).  194. Wil to stay with relatives b2257 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 10/2/1884: "This morning Will has departed for Middelharnis where she will stay with Cor Slis, who is married there. We thought it will be good for her to be in different surroundings. And we hope that she will enjoy it." Middelharnis is a small coastal town in the extreme southwest corner of the country, south of Rotterdam. This may not have been the first time her parents sent Willemina away while Vincent was staying at the parsonage in Nuenen. The previous summer, she was staying with her sister Anna in Hengelo (near Leyden); from there, she took a daytrip to see a royal funeral in The Hague in July (b2255 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 7/19/1884). However, it is difficult to believe that the timing of Wil's departure immediately after the revelation of the Begemann affair is merely coincidental. She returned from Middelharnis in late October, but did not stay long (b2258 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 10/27/1884).  195. "it will be good for her" b2257 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 10/2/1884.  196. Begemann cousin Willem Begemann, son of Louis Begemann and brother of Sien Begemann, one of the principal later witnesses to Vincent's affair with Margot (see Chapter 21). He first appears in the Van Gogh family letters in 1882 as one of the "boys of Begemann" who played with Cor during school vacations: "[Cor] is more and more becoming a cheerful fellow, who is having fun in his life and now that the Begemann boys are also home on vacation, and their sisters as well, the young ones are often together" (b2238 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 12/25/1882). Cor apparently knew that Willem worked as an apprentice at the Begemann factory in Helmond when he applied there: "Cor himself seems to want this very much and knows from close up, from the young ones he met in Helmond, that it is hard work there" (b2255 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 7/19/1884).

Despite Vincent's problems, Cor got on well in his first year in the Begemanns' employ and was still on good terms with Willem at Christmastime 1884. Dorus wrote at the end of the year that Cor had gone skating with his fellow apprentices and would participate in a "comedy for the New Year in the warehouse of Begemann" (b2264 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 12/30/1884). A month later, he reports happily: "This week I heard as an aside from Mr. Begemann that he had developed such a good opinion about Cor, he is so punctual. We saw him depart with pleasure, so happy, cheerful with Willem Begemann." (b2266 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 1/24/1885.) Anna liked Willem Begemann because he took confession ("that is nice for everyone"), and, of course, because he was a Begemann (b2268 V/1982, ''Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van en Gogh, Willemina van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 3/25/1885). 

197. "who [had] done so much" b2264 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 12/30/1884. (299) 198. resign from his position Van Crimpen, p. 85: Dorus had been appointed district governor of the Society in June 1882, when he arrived in Nuenen. (302) 199. for health reasonsVan Crimpen, p. 85. (316) 200. standing in March b2268 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van en Gogh, Willemina van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 3/25/1885: A year later, Anna celebrated the first anniversary of recovering enough from her injury to put her weight on her feet: "last year at this time ... the day before Vincent's birthday [March 30] was to be celebrated, I first stood up on my feet." (301) 201. to walking in July b2254 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 7/17/1884: Anna could walk, but she had to be supported every step: "I am becoming stronger now that I can stand against the table or buffet again to do some things. But otherwise it's going slowly." (303) 202. to traveling in September b2257 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 10/2/1884: Sometime after the middle of September, Dorus took his wife to Princenhage to visit her sister and Uncle Cent. Anna stayed there until September 26. "The return trip also ended well and since then Moe is walking much faster," Dorus reported in early October. Cent, however, was not doing well: "Uncle Cent was not too well and does not have much pleasure anymore. He is always tired and short of breath and weak and depressed and only seldom does his old cheerfulness show. So we feel pity for him. He still keeps making plans to go back to the South [Menton, on the Riviera]." This visit was the last time Dorus and Cent saw each other. (305) 203. "We do our best" b2257 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 10/2/1884. (307) 204. "We follow" b2263 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 12/9/1884. (310) 205. "One simply has to let" b2265 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 1/21/1885. (308) 206. "endure and try everything" b2257 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 10/2/1884. (314) 207. Dorus seriously considered leaving b2257 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 10/2/1884: In October, Dorus investigated (but ultimately dismissed) an offer from the congregation in Baardwijk, a town near Nuenen. He seriously analyzed the pros and cons of this position: "two days ago I received a calling for Baardwijk, a village in the Langstraat, close to Waalwijk, financially it seems to be similar to here, but the government pay is lower, and that determines the retirement pay. I don't believe there is a lot to be said for it, but still I intend to go there on Tuesday to investigate." Baardwijk and Waalwijk lay north and east of Eindhoven, not far from Helvoirt, halfway between 's Hertogenbosch and Tilburg, and only about twenty-five miles from Breda. (317) 208. former congregation in Helvoirt b2261 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 11/11/1884: This offer looked for a while as if it would bear fruit: "They sent me a promise to be called to Helvoirt and they expect that we will return there. I appreciate that trust very much and do not know yet what we must decide. God may give us wisdom." Anna liked it because she liked the town and because it offered "privileges to alliances that they couldn't give us here [in Nuenen]," Anna's code for a relationship with the local aristocratic family (b2262 V/1982, ''Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 11/11/1884). Dorus and the church elders went back and forth negotiating the most important benefit: pay. As Vincent reports, "Pa writes today that they don't seem to be raising any objections to making up the difference in stipend -- they have to add 150 guilders [about 300 francs], to it, I believe" (JLB 469, 11/14/1884).

In the Netherlands, a pastor's pay came in two parts: one part supplied by the local congregation, the other by the government. The amount of government pay was especially important to Dorus because it determined the amount of retirement pay (b2257 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 10/2/1884). Anna, not Dorus, kept Theo informed about the negotiations with the deacons in Helvoirt: "If they can improve their finances [i.e., their offer], we can think about it; if everything remains as it was, we cannot consider it" (b2262 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 11/11/1884). Anna leaves no doubt where her heart lies, but she is typically resigned to disappointment: "If it can't be our share, we'll stay here with heart and soul" (ibid.).

She says she is concerned for her son Cor, who has made a circle of prominent young friends in Helmond and, she is convinced, would make even better connections in Helvoirt -- "We would be sorry about it for Cor" -- but it was clearly Anna who longed to reestablish the social ties with Helvoirt's aristocracy that she enjoyed briefly in the 1870s. Strangely, Anna seems to assume that Vincent will join the family on the move to Helvoirt, if it happens -- "For Vincent, it would also give him a change" (ibid.) -- although this could be a reference to the "change" in Vincent's life if he were living in Nuenen without his family. Vincent leaves no doubt, however, that he never intended to accompany his parents to Helvoirt: "I wouldn't have gone with them to H. in any case, and would either have stayed here in my studio -- or would have left for Antwerp" (JLB 471, 11/24/1884).

In the end, the congregation in Helvoirt did not sweeten its offer enough to satisfy Dorus. On Sunday, November 16, he announced to his Nuenen congregation that he was declining the Helvoirt call (De Brouwer, p. 54). He was rewarded with a bonus of 210 florins (more than 420 francs) for staying (b2263 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 12/9/1884). Vincent writes in mid-November: "I suppose you already know that Pa has turned down Helvoirt" (JLB 471, 11/24/1884). The next mention of the subject in Dorus's surviving letters to Theo does not occur until late January the next year: "A little while ago I also had such a difficulty, when I had to make a decision in that business about Helvoirt," he writes, obviously disappointed. "We are making our peace with the fact that we stayed here" (b2266 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 1/24/1885). (318)

209. in order not to alarmInterestingly, no doubt defensively, Vincent anticipated the Helvoirt "call" by almost a month. In October, he writes Theo: "a piece of news these days is that the minister in Helvoirt [Johannes Doorenbos] has died and so the parish is vacant. I consider it very likely that now they'd want to have Pa back there again, and at least the family in Helvoirt will sound Pa out about it. But since it was only the day before yesterday that the good minister dropped dead, I know nothing more about whether or not they'll call Pa. But would think it very likely." (JLB 465, 10/9/1884.) The language ("I know nothing more") suggests that Vincent has not yet discussed the possibility with his father. Still, he dismisses it out-of-hand: "Pa will not accept the call, that's certain" (ibid.). This is the first indication of his resistance to the move. Undoubtedly surprised when the discussions move to serious negotiations, and as soon as they do, he states his opposition unequivocally: "there's a real chance that as a result of his own words Pa will have to consider it very seriously. This is important to me, because I would certainly not want to go to Helvoirt with them. I just wanted to tell you exactly how things stand." (JLB 469, 11/14/1884; emphasis in original.) His objections certainly expressed themselves in arguments directly with his father ("as a result of his own words"), each one an encouragement to Dorus to tell his son as little as possible about the progress of the negotiations. (342) 210. "What troubles could" b2263 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 12/9/1884. (311) 416 211. "downright nonsense" BVG 388, 12/7/1884: Vincent writes this apparently in response to a suggestion from Theo. This was not an unreasonable or even an unprompted suggestion. Only two months earlier, Vincent had floated the idea of taking an apartment in "Den Bosch" ('s Hertogenbosch) so he could study at the academy there (JLB 465, 10/9/1884). 

Context:
BVG 388, 12/7/1884: "Taking rooms in Eindhoven would be downright nonsense, I cannot even think of it."
JLB 474, 12/10/1884: "So -- taking rooms in Eindhoven would be sheer nonsense -- and I can't even think about it."

212. even for part of the year BVG 386b, 11/15/1884-11/30/1884. Of course, this is exactly the plan that he advanced as recently as the previous month (October): "I wanted to let you know that in the winter, perhaps as early as next month, I'm going away from here for a while -- I've thought about Antwerp" (JLB 465, 10/9/1884). 

Context:
JLB 472, 11/28/1884: "And yet I can't leave -- either altogether -- or partly (partly if I keep my studio on, which is my plan) unless I make a whole lot more studies and -- find something new to settle me in Antwerp."

213. Rappard had advised him BVG 383, 10/15/1884-10/31/1884: That Van Rappard would have given him such detailed career advice is unlikely; that Vincent would have followed such advice if he disagreed with it, even less likely. 

Context:
JLB 467, 10/25/1884: "But in general Rappard advises me not to do it right away, but after having painted here for another few months, and to try to get a pied-à-terre to make nude studies. But I'll be able to benefit more from Antwerp if I first paint another 30 heads here -- and I'm starting on those 30 heads now, or rather I've already started with a large bust of a shepherd."

214. Dorus declined the Helvoirt offerBVG 387, 11/10/1884-11/20/1884. 

Context:
JLB 471, 11/24/1884: "I suppose you already know that Pa has turned down Helvoirt."

215. "would have been a failure" BVG 390, 12/15/1884-12/17/1884: Vincent's argument is largely based on the financial savings that came from living at home and having a cheap studio in remote Nuenen. 

Context:
BVG 390, 12/15/1884-12/17/1884: "For pity's sake, how is it possible that you do not seem able or willing to understand that by having fixed my studio here, and by keeping it here for the present, I have made it possible to have money enough for painting, and if I had done otherwise it would have been a failure for myself as well as for others. If I had not done so I would have had to drudge at least three years more, before I had definitely overcome the difficulties of colour and tone, just because of the expenses."
JLB 476, 12/16/1884: "How, for God's sake, is it possible that you don't seem to be able or willing to understand that, by setting up my studio here and keeping it on for the time being, I've made it possible for me to have enough money for painting -- and that if I had acted differently, no good would have come of it either for me or for others? Had I not done that, I would have had to muddle along for perhaps another 3 years before I had finally swallowed the bitter pill of colour and tone, also simply because of the expense." (Emphasis in original.)

216. "It is certainly not" BVG 390, 12/15/1884-12/17/1884: We have slightly altered the translation. 

Context:
BVG 390, 12/15/1884-12/17/1884: " It is certainly not for my pleasure that I live here at home, but for my painting, and this being so I think it a great mistake of yours if you were to rob me of an opportunity, if I had to leave here now, before I had found something else."
JLB 476, 12/16/1884: " I'm certainly not at home for my pleasure -- but for my painting -- and, this being so, I think it very wrong of you that you should deprive me of an opportunity if I were to leave here now -- before ever I have something new" (emphasis in original).

217. it would be a great mistake BVG 390, 12/15/1884-12/17/1884. 

Context:
JLB 476, 12/16/1884: "I'm certainly not at home for my pleasure -- but for my painting -- and, this being so, I think it very wrong of you that you should deprive me of an opportunity if I were to leave here now -- before ever I have something new" (emphasis in original).

218. "robbed"BVG 390, 12/15/1884-12/17/1884. 

Context:
BVG 390, 12/15/1884-12/17/1884: "It is certainly not for my pleasure that I live here at home, but for my painting, and this being so I think it a great mistake of yours if you were to rob me of an opportunity, if I had to leave here now, before I had found something else."
JLB 476, 12/16/1884: "I'm certainly not at home for my pleasure -- but for my painting -- and, this being so, I think it very wrong of you that you should deprive me of an opportunity if I were to leave here now -- before ever I have something new" (emphasis in original).

219. " For my painting" BVG 390, 12/15/1884-12/17/1884; emphasis in original.

Context:
BVG 390, 12/15/1884-12/17/1884: " For my painting I must stay here somewhat longer still, then as soon as I have made more definite progress, I am willing to go anywhere where I shall earn the same money that I have here."
JLB 476, 12/16/1884: " I have to be here for a time for my painting -- then -- as soon as I've conquered that more definitely, I'll be happy to go anywhere I can earn the same as I now have here" (emphasis in original).

220. "Until I have made" BVG 390, 12/15/1884-12/17/1884: We have slightly altered the translation. Vincent is vague and cryptic on the issue of leaving Nuenen -- intentionally so, it seems: " I have to be here for a time for my painting -- then -- as soon as I've conquered that more definitely, I'll be happy to go anywhere I can earn the same as I now have here" (JLB 476, 12/16/1884; emphasis in original). Is this a reference to the allowance Theo gives him or the balance of funds available after he pays his expenses, or other monies from teaching, etc.? Or is he saying that he will not leave until sales of his paintings (presumably to others) equals the amount of Theo's subsidy -- a particularly open-ended schedule? 

Context:
BVG 390, 12/15/1884-12/17/1884: "For my painting I must stay here somewhat longer still, then as soon as I have made more definite progress, I am willing to go anywhere where I shall earn the same money that I have here."
JLB 476, 12/16/1884: " I have to be here for a time for my painting -- then -- as soon as I've conquered that more definitely, I'll be happy to go anywhere I can earn the same as I now have here" (emphasis in original).

221. Theo pressed his parents' case BVG 388, 12/7/1884: Sometime in early December, Theo writes Vincent suggesting that there is much turbulence at home: that Vincent is causing his parents grief, both directly and indirectly through strained relations with the Begemanns and otherwise. In his reply to Theo, Vincent responds fiercely and unapologetically (JLB 474, 12/10/1884). 

Context:
JLB 474, 12/10/1884: "I want to start by telling you that your letter really amazed me -- because there has been no difference of any significance between Pa and Ma and myself, and that as regards the Begemann ladies, they've just very recently been to see Pa and Ma in considerable numbers -- not just once but several times. Whether they come as often as or less often than before is something I can't see that I have anything to do with, nor take the least or slightest interest in."

222. "I cannot give up" BVG 355a, 1/1/1885-1/15/1885; emphasis in original. 

Context:
BVG 355a, 1/1/1885-1/15/1885: " I cannot give up the studio, I must have some fixed place to work in, and in no event can they demand that I leave the village."
JLB 473, 12/6/1884: " I cannot give up the studio yet -- I have to have something fixed, and they can't in any event demand of me that I leave the village" (emphasis in original).

223. "I must paint" BVG 388, 12/7/1884: We have slightly altered the translation. There are two very similar expressions in sequential letters. The first is: "I still want to paint a fairly large number of heads first -- with which I'll make progress -- to the extent that it's at all possible for me to pay the models" (JLB 474, 12/10/1884). The second is: "I have to make 50 of these heads -- while I'm still here and can get models of all types relatively easily during the winter months" (JLB 475, 12/14/1884; emphasis in original). The imperative voice of the latter more accurately captures Vincent's urgent tone. 

Context:
BVG 388, 12/7/1884: "Taking rooms in Eindhoven would be downright nonsense, I cannot even think of it. Later on, taking a room in Antwerp, all right, that's my intention, but in the first place I have no money for it now, and in the second, I want to paint a rather large number of heads first, which will go more smoothly the better I can pay the models."
JLB 474, 12/10/1884: "So -- taking rooms in Eindhoven would be sheer nonsense -- and I can't even think about it. A room in Antwerp later on, all right -- that is indeed my intention -- but firstly I don't have any money for it now, and secondly I still want to paint a fairly large number of heads first -- with which I'll make progress -- to the extent that it's at all possible for me to pay the models."

224. an effete connoisseur BVG 393, 1/24/1885: Vincent does not explicitly name Theo in this indictment, but his target is, as usual, unmistakable. A week later, he levels the same accusation in a different way: "I think that it's something to know Paris well -- that if, once there, you become a Parisian through and through -- analytical, steely, and what they call shrewd -- I don't want to be so petty-minded as to condemn it. I'm not like that. Be a Parisian, remain one -- that's fine, if it's what you want." (JLB 481, 1/30/1885; emphasis in original.) This, of course, is the bitter obverse of Vincent's argument in Drenthe. 

Context:
JLB 480, 1/26/1885: "I also believe this -- if the critics or connoisseurs were more familiar with nature, their judgement would be better than now, when it's the routine to live only among paintings and to compare them with one another. Which, of course, is right in its context as one side of the question, but lacks a solid basis if one forgets nature and doesn't look deeply into it. Can't you understand that I may not be wrong in this -- and to say even more clearly what I mean by it, isn't it a pity, for instance, that you seldom -- or hardly ever now -- go into those interiors, or associate with those people, or see those moods in the landscape that are painted in the paintings you find most beautiful?" (Emphasis in original.)

225. "My situation here" BVG 386b, 11/15/1884-11/30/1884. 

Context:
BVG 386b, 11/15/1884-11/30/1884: " My situation here is a bit too tense, right now my life is not pleasant, and I do not find it easy to possess my soul in patience, as they say."
JLB 472, 11/28/1884: " My position here is rather too strained, I'm not comfortable at the moment and I have enough trouble sticking it out and 'possessing my soul in patience', as they say."

226. "Be so kind" BVG 386b, 11/15/1884-11/30/1884.

Context:
JLB 472, 11/28/1884: "Will you please bear this in mind? And if you'd do your best to make it rather easier for me financially, I believe that then there would be a real chance of keeping the peace later, albeit it far from concord." (Emphasis in original.)

227. "I am suspicious" BVG 388, 12/7/1884: We have slightly altered the translation. Vincent quotes his brother's letter directly, if incompletely (see context). Whether Theo specified or explained his suspicions, Vincent never reveals. Indeed, it probably doesn't matter. In his hypersensitive state, Vincent gives the implied accusation its broadest possible scope: he sees in it a total breakdown of their fraternal bond: "you can't enter into this or sympathize ... you're doing it deliberately to get rid of me" (JLB 473, 12/6/1884). Just how broadly Vincent interprets Theo's suspicion, whatever its original basis, can be seen in his immediate effort to associate it with his father's condemnation: "Pa -- has been very often and very seriously -- mistrustful -- of me" (ibid.; emphasis in original). Working from this conspiratorial link (perhaps related to the suspicion that Theo and Dorus shared about the paternity of Sien's son in The Hague), Vincent quickly escalates Theo's suspicion into a comprehensive rejection and betrayal: "people who think of me like that, they're not friends but enemies, the worst enemies as sure as 2 x 2 = 4. This also applies to you in answer to what you say about mistrust." (ibid.; emphasis in original.) 

Context:
BVG 388, 12/7/1884: "Now, as to what you say, probably for my special information, namely that you 'are suspicious' -- well, I won't influence this. Most certainly you have shown me this -- and it is one of the 'symptoms' that I told you I don't think particularly fine, nor can I complement you on it."
JLB 473, 12/6/1884: "Now -- as to what you say about yourself, probably also for my guidance, 'that you are mistrustful' -- very well -- I don't want to influence that. You've most certainly shown me this -- and it's one of those 'symptoms' which I told you I didn't find very attractive nor congratulated you on." (Emphasis in original.)

228. "I don't give a damn" BVG 386a, 12/9/1884. 

Context:
BVG 386a, 12/9/1884: "One cannot always find the right words to speak absolutely straightforwardly -- but I am so firmly resolved to speak my mind to you without reserve -- I don't give a damn whether you are suspicious or not -- that after some consideration I have now perhaps found clearer words for the feelings I want to express."
JLB 474, 12/10/1884: "One doesn't always have the words to lay all one's cards on the table, but -- towards you -- I'm so determined -- (I don't care whether you're mistrustful or not) -- to speak out completely frankly -- that with some reflection I've perhaps found clearer words for what I already made you feel."

417 229. " vicious" BVG 388, 12/7/1884; emphasis in original. 

Context:
BVG 388, 12/7/1884: "Something which you know yourself -- I say this to clarify things, and not to cause you grief -- I repeat, something which you know yourself; as, expressly to show you that I said what I said in all tranquility, I sent you a short note in which I told you that I thought your opinions vicious (you will have to decide for yourself whether it is vicious, but I thought and think it vicious)."
JLB 474, 12/10/1884: "What you also know yourself -- I say this for clarity, not to cause you sorrow -- what you also know yourself, that in order to show you how I said what I said with composure I deliberately dropped you a brief line that I thought your own opinion wrong -- (whether it is wrong is for you to decide, but I thought and think it wrong)" (emphasis in original).

230. "purposely acting this way" BVG 388, 12/7/1884: We have slightly altered the translation. 

Context:
BVG 388, 12/7/1884: "Unless the fact is that you purposely act this way in order to get rid of me, and by heaven, you are well on the way to reaching this goal."
JLB 474, 12/10/1884: "Except to the extent that if you're doing it deliberately to get rid of me, you're truly well on the way to achieving that goal."

231. "Just because you are in" BVG 355a, 1/1/1885-1/15/1885. We have slightly simplified the translation. 

Context:
BVG 355a, 1/1/1885-1/15/1885: "Just because you are in an elevated position, but this is no reason for being suspicious of those who are standing on low ground -- where I stand -- and where I intend to stay."
JLB 474, 12/10/1884: " You're in an elevated position, that's no reason to be mistrustful of someone who's in a lowly position, as I am -- where I also intend to stay."

232. "[If] you are suspicious" BVG 388a, 1/31/1885. 

Context:
BVG 388a, 1/31/1885: "I have explained to you at great length that the painting of the 50 studies of heads which I intend to do leads to my incurring more expense than usual. And as, by your writing that you are suspicious of me, you yourself are the cause of this, I feel vexed when I think that my being embarrassed every now and then is to be attributed more to this than to anything else."
JLB 481, 1/30/1885: "I've written to you at length about how my intention of painting 50 or so heads means that I have to incur even more expenses than usual. And since you yourself gave cause by writing that you were suspicious of me, I'm put out when I think that it's probably more due to this than to anything else that I'm sometimes embarrassed."

233. "You will have to" BVG 388a, 1/31/1885. 

Context:
JLB 481, 1/30/1885: "You'll also have to take back what you write to me about your suspiciousness."

234. "The ugliest" BVG 388a, 1/31/1885. 

Context:
BVG 388a, 1/31/1885: "When this will be, you will have to decide for yourself -- but I only want to say by way of caution that the ugliest misunderstandings are caused by suspicion."
JLB 481, 1/30/1885: "When -- you'll have to decide that for yourself -- but I just warn you that the very worst misunderstandings come about because of suspicion."

235. "Your being suspicious" BVG 388a, 1/31/1885. 

Context:
BVG 388a, 1/31/1885: "Now, however, you commit an error if on your part you are unable to understand that your being suspicious of me is positively improper. Most certainly I think differently, I feel differently, I act differently."
JLB 481, 1/30/1885: "Now, though, you're making a mistake if for your part you can't understand that your suspicion of me is downright inappropriate. Most certainly I think differently, I feel differently, I act differently."

236. "Withdraw the word" BVG 388b, 2/1/1885-2/15/1885. 

Context:
BVG 388b, 2/1/1885-2/15/1885: "But your additional remark about your suspiciousness was a bit too much me, and I have repeatedly begged you to withdraw the word or to explain it, for I will not tolerate such a thing being said to me without my asking for an explanation."
JLB 482, 2/2/1885: "That addition of your suspicion, though, that was a bit too much for me, and I repeatedly asked you to take it back or to explain it, because I don't allow something like that to be said without asking for enlightenment."

237. a Sinterklaas skit b2263 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 12/9/1884: Dorus described the festivities to Theo: "It was a nice evening for all. Van Dijk [a neighbor] and Waldeck [a friend of Cor's] had dressed up as St. Nicolas and his servant and had asked the different families if they could pick up and deliver the packages. They looked great and had a great deal of attention."  238. thoughtfully-chosen presents b2263 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 12/9/1884: Dorus acknowledged the arrival of Theo's presents in the nick of time for the important holiday that opened the Christmas season: "How you surprised us with your package for St. Nicholas. It arrived in the afternoon of the 5th ... how happy you made us with your presents for everyone, thought out with so much care. Many thanks for your love, for that is what gives it meaning. Moe and Wil and Cor thank you also and you even added something for Vincent. Very nice of you."  239. even with his sistersBVG 395, 3/1/1885. JLB 484, 3/2/1885: Vincent appears to acknowledge his disintegrating relationship with his sisters, presumably mostly through letters, although even Wil, his favorite who was staying on-and-off in the house at this time, does not escape his criticism. Referring to the " simplicity and of goodness" of Chardin's women, Vincent goes out of his way to compare his sisters unfavorably: "I find it a little hard to believe that one would find it in our sisters, say, either one of them. But if Wil were a Frenchwoman rather than a minister's daughter, she could have it." (JLB 484, 3/2/1885; emphasis in original.)  240. withdrew almost completely b2267 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 2/19/1885: "It is a pity that V[incent] does not join us more."  241. "He becomes more and more" b2267 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 2/19/1885.  242. destroying businesses b2263 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 12/9/1884: In an unusual passage, Dorus expatiates on the world's woes: "One hears here about such difficult times. Also bad news from the East Indies, as a result of the lower sugar prices there must be large losses. They are also moving towards helping out the people in Amsterdam that have no work. But that is also not very cheap. It is a very depressed situation everywhere." It is interesting that one never finds a passage like this in all of Vincent's hundreds of letters.  243. including Amsterdamb2263 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 12/9/1884.  244. Even Uncle Cent b2263 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 12/9/1884: "Last week we also received a letter from Uncle [Cent]. He had taken a short walk. But he does not feel very well. There also are few people in the hotel out of fear for the disease [cholera]."  245. "epileptic seizures" b2258 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 10/27/1884: Dorus first writes about these seizures two months before Christmas 1884: "But where don't you find worries? My brother Jan has them also, mostly about his son Hendrik. Who lately is suffering some bad epileptic fits. So worries aplenty." By the end of the year, there seems to have been some temporary improvement in Hendrik's condition, but not in the underlying problems: "Rather good news from Hijères. Uncle Jan's Hendrik is still in the hospital in Utrecht. He seems to be getting a bit better, but it remains a somber future." (b2264 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 12/30/1884.)  246. squandering the family's fortune b1820 V/1970, "Bonger, Andries" to "Bonger, H.C. en H.L.", 8/25/1885: When Uncle Jan died in August of 1885, Theo's closest friend in Paris and future brother-in-law, Andries Bonger, wrote a letter thanking his parents (Hendrik Christiaan Bonger and Hermine Louise Bonger-Weissman) for sending him a copy of the newspaper obituary. He writes of Admiral Van Gogh in a knowledgeable way that suggests his information comes directly from Theo: "At first his condition had improved but then he started taking a turn for the worse. His death was caused by the grief for his son, who had consumed his complete fortune. He died without leaving anything."  247. could not lie still in bed b2263 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 12/9/1884: At the beginning of the holidays, Dorus writes: "Moe's biggest problem is still that it is so difficult to lay in bed at night resulting in too little sleep." Three weeks later, at the end of the holidays, Dorus reiterates his perplexed concern: "Not getting a good rest at night still remains a lasting phenomenon because laying down tires her more, that does remain a strange thing" (b2264 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 12/30/1884).  248. another holiday cold b2266 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 1/24/1885: "I had a cold and stayed indoors." 249. "It is a very depressed" b2263 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 12/9/1884.  250. Kerssemakers never visited Vincent does not mention any visitors to the studio during the winter months, no doubt due to the difficulty of travel as well as the inhospitality of Nuenen and of Vincent himself. The recollections of visits to the studio by Gestel, Van de Wakker, and Kerssemakers refer almost exclusively to summer, or at least fair-weather (i.e., plein air) visits.  251. already ended in a fight Vincent reports the fight, over money, in October, but does not report the fall-out (JLB 465, 10/9/1884). There is a brief mention of Antoon Hermans in November when Vincent offers to paint a still life for Theo using objects in Hermans's studio that, according to Vincent, Hermans has offered to let him borrow (JLB 471, 11/24/1884). There is no evidence that he followed through on this offer, nor any explanation why Vincent would not paint the objects in Hermans's studio, as he had done before (ibid.), especially with winter coming on. That is the very last mention of Hermans in the corpus of surviving letters. In between these, Dorus tells Theo about Vincent's arguments with the prickly, pious Catholic burger in Eindhoven: "Mr. Hermans is an aficionado. But also finds fault with a lot and criticizes Vincent's way of thinking. ... it bothers that Gentleman that [Vincent] is so up front with the fact that he has done away with religion. But there is no arguing about it [with Vincent]." (b2258 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 10/27/1884.)

Just how provocative Vincent's statements on religion could be is suggested in a letter to Theo around the same time: "Oh -- I'm no friend of present-day Christianity, even though the founder was sublime -- I've seen through present-day Christianity only too well" (JLB 464, 10/2/1884). Hermans also no doubt heard the ugly rumors about Vincent and Margot Begemann. Dorus implies as much when he moves directly from the subject of Vincent's difficult relationship with Hermans to the following: "Because of Vincent's suit of Margot our relationship with people has changed somewhat" (b2258 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 10/27/1884). Hermans apparently never followed through on the promise he made to pay for Vincent's trip to Antwerp (JLB 470, 11/17/1884).

In early January, Vincent wrote to his student Anton Kerssemakers, whom he had met in November 1884: "I do foresee, though, that the better you do and the more you progress with your painting, the less pleasure you may experience from it because of certain Eindhoven folk. But at the same time it seems to me that the pleasure of being able to make something amply outweighs certain spiteful criticism." (JLB 478, 1/1/1885-1/8/1885; emphasis in original.) Another of Vincent's associates at the time, Dimmen Gestel, recalled to Stokvis: "If you did not agree with [Vincent's opinions], this provoked lengthy, exhaustive, and sometimes very scientific arguments on his part, but if you obstinately continued to doubt, then the friendship was quickly over" (Stokvis, p. 38). This, too, may be a reference to the break-up with Hermans. 

252. yet another froideur There are no surviving letters to Van Rappard after his visit in October 1884 until late the following May. Subsequently, Vincent informs Theo that he had "not heard anything from [Van Rappard] in 3 months or so," but that accounts for only half of the seven-month gap (JLB 509, 6/22/1885). There is evidence of missing correspondence when Vincent writes Theo in December: "I've had a series of drawings by [Charles Paul] Renouard from Rappard" (JLB 475, 12/14/1884) -- probably a holiday present (mentioned again in JLB 480, 1/26/1885). The first surviving letter after the hiatus comes from Van Rappard, and refers off-handedly to "your last letter" and to an open epistolary discussion regarding Vincent's "manner of working" (JLB 503, 5/24/1885). Van Rappard writes: "I return briefly to your last letter, in which you talk about the art of expressing oneself well in words. I wanted to point out to you that, poorly as may I do it verbally, I can do it well in writing, if I take pains. What I wrote to you about your manner of working expresses exactly what I think -- even though I didn't in fact take very great pains with that, but the only consequence has been a less beautiful style! I hoped and I still hope that I'm mistaken in my opinion of your manner of working." (ibid.; emphasis in original.)

This convoluted comment prefaces Van Rappard's devastating critique of a print of Vincent's painting The Potato Eaters (F 1661 JH 737, April, 1885, lithograph, 10.4 x 12.6 in., 26.5 x 32 cm., Amsterdam, Van Gogh Museum) (see Chapter 24). In his furious response to this attack, Vincent also alludes to multiple missing letters: "you hadn't replied to a letter from me. ... What you didn't write in your last, but did repeatedly and ad nauseam in previous letters, and was the reason for the letter to which you didn't reply, is about 'technique'. What I replied to you then and reply once more is -- the conventional meaning that people increasingly give to the word technique, and the actual meaning, knowledge." (JLB 514, 7/13/1885; emphasis in original.) Vincent refers repeatedly to these reproachful letters that appear to be missing from the winter of 1884-1885: "Whatever my faults may be ... I have too much heart to be as frivolous in my work as you always accuse me of being" (JLB 516, 7/15/1885).

Although there is undoubtedly some overlap with the previous argument over the issue of "technique" earlier in 1884, it appears there was another flare-up on this subject following Van Rappard's visit to Nuenen in October 1884, and that this dispute brought yet another temporary halt to their correspondence sometime in February or March 1885, prior to Dorus's death. That would explain Vincent's failure to notify Van Rappard about his father's death -- a slight that becomes another source of bitter disagreement when the correspondence resumes in May (JLB 514, 7/13/1885). Thus, a recent and sturdy foundation of acrimony was already in place when Van Rappard wrote his scathing critique of The Potato Eaters image. (See Chapter 24.) 

253. work rather than join b2266 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 1/24/1885: "It is a pity that Vincent also does not ride his skates for fun. But he is busy working." Around the same time, Dorus reports that Cor, who was home from Helmond for the holidays, "knows how to amuse himself with the young ones here and lately he is busy riding his skates" (b2264 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 12/30/1884).  254. "[Vincent] asks no advice" b2265 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 1/21/1885. We have converted Dorus's passive construction -- "no advice is asked for and no intimacy is sought" -- into the active voice.  418 255. a mere twenty extra francs BVG 390, 12/15/1884-12/17/1884. The pleas for additional money at the end of every month ("the ends of the months are always difficult for me, because the work costs me a lot" [JLB 480, 1/26/1885]) have become so routine by the end of 1884 that Vincent begins them by mid-month: "That's why I continue getting on with it -- and must urge most strongly, if it's even only half possible for you, that you try to cover me for the end of this month. I don't need much, 20 francs or 30 francs will go a long way towards covering it." (JLB 475, 12/14/1884.) He even advises Theo to borrow the money if he does not have it: "if you have borrowed or can borrow, help me with this" (ibid.). His arguments are always the same: he needs to carry on his work ("But that the work should be delayed by it is something I can't tolerate" [ibid.]), and success is just around the corner ("you can have the work I make with it in return, and if I'm in arrears with it now -- I'm on the right road even to get ahead of it" [JLB 476, 12/16/1884; emphasis in original]).  256. "wretched" BVG 389, 12/10/1884-10/20/1884. 

Context:
BVG 389, 12/10/1884-10/20/1884: "Those last days of the month when I sometimes must stop working on things I want to finish -- I can't tell you how impatient and wretched it makes me."
JLB 475, 12/14/1884: "I can't tell you how impatient and how distressed I become about these last days of the month, when I sometimes have to leave things that actually demand that I go on with them" (emphasis in original).

257. "handicapped" BVG 390, 12/15/1884-12/17/1884: We have removed the emphasis in original. 

Context:
BVG 390, 12/15/1884-12/17/1884: "I am wretched that I shall again be handicapped for ten or twelve days this month."
JLB 476, 12/16/1884: "I'm wretched because I'll be stuck again for 10 days, or 12, this month" (emphasis in original).

Context:
JLB 476, 12/16/1884: "And in the utmost seriousness, once again -- can't you find some way of helping me with 20 francs, say, to cover that little end? It's my time that will otherwise not be sufficiently occupied that really pains me."

258. "I have hardly ever" BVG 392, 1/20/1885.

Context:
JLB 479, 1/23/1885: "I've hardly ever begun a year that had a gloomier aspect in a gloomier mood, and so I don't expect a future of success, but -- a future of struggle."

259. "oozing away" BVG 384, 11/1/1884. 

Context:
BVG 384, 11/1/1884: "I have learned new things, but I need Mauve or somebody else who is very clever, not to make me think a great deal of myself, but to give me some courage, which oozes away if things drag too long."
JLB 468, 11/2/1884: "I've learned some new things, but I need Mauve again, or someone else who's very clever -- not to make me swollen-headed -- but to give me some courage, which fails me if things drag on too long."

260. "I cannot endure life" BVG 388, 12/7/1884. 

Context:
BVG 388, 12/7/1884: "But never think I desire to quarrel with you or with the people at home -- for this is not in character -- although you suppose it is, and so do others, for that matter. Quite the opposite is true of my character -- the fact is that I cannot endure life without more peace and cordiality."
JLB 474, 12/10/1884: "But please don't think that I want to quarrel with you or with them at home -- because this is not in my character -- although you imagine it is -- and for that matter several others think as you do -- actually the opposite is in me -- the fact is I can't endure it without more peace and cordiality" (emphasis in original).

261. "I would wish for Vincent" b2263 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 12/9/1884.  262. as Dorus suspectedSee Ch. 21, n. 199 263. "Perhaps it would be wise" BVG 391, 12/15/1884-12/31/1884: We have slightly altered the translation. 

Context:
BVG 391, 12/15/1884-12/31/1884: "And perhaps it will be wise to concentrate more exclusively on the figure. But the figure always stands in some surroundings, and one can't help doing those surroundings too, because one can't dispense with them."
JLB 477, 12/30/1884: "And it might perhaps be wise for me to concentrate even more exclusively on the figure. Only, the figure always stands somewhere, and one sometimes can't help putting in the surroundings, their being indispensable."

264. citing his Hague work BVG 391, 12/15/1884-12/31/1884.

Context:
JLB 477, 12/30/1884: "I feel most at home when I work on a figure. And it also seems to me that there's more character in, say, those heads I made back in The Hague and some other figures than in the other things I did."

265. "By constantly studying" BVG 393, 1/24/1885. 

Context:
BVG 393, 1/24/1885: "Though the month is not quite over, my purse is quite empty. I work on as hard as I can, and I for my part think that by constantly studying the model, I shall keep a straight course."
JLB 480, 1/26/1885: "The month isn't yet wholly over but my purse is wholly empty -- I keep working as hard as I can, and I believe for my part that I'll stay on course just by constantly studying the model."

266. fifty heads by February BVG 386, 11/10/1884-11/30/1884. 

Context:
JLB 470, 11/17/1884: "You don't have to involve yourself in the question with Tersteeg and Mauve right now -- don't bother, rather, but if, say, I have the 50 heads I'm going to get ready by the end of January, then for instance -- it might be good if you were unexpectedly just to say a word to them."

267. "It will help me" JLB 483, 2/5/1885-2/26/1885. 

Context:
BVG 394, 2/1/1885: "I am very busy painting those heads. I paint in the daytime and draw in the evening. In this way I have already painted at least some thirty and drawn as many. With the result that I see a chance of doing it even better before long, I hope. I think that it will help me for the figure in general."
JLB 483, 2/5/1885-2/26/1885: "I'm hard at work on painting those heads. I paint during the day and draw in the evening. I've already painted at least 30 or so this way, and drawn as many. With the result that I see a chance, before long I hope, of doing it very differently. I think that it will help me with the figure in general."

268. brushing aside his brother's BVG 388, 12/7/1884. As part of his furious Saint Nicholas Day letter, Vincent offers the seminal expression of his contrarian philosophy: "I let people say and think whatever they will of me more than you might imagine -- but you can take this much from me 'for your guidance' -- that just because I failed in something I don't admit that I shouldn't have started it -- on the contrary, if I fail many times I find this a reason even if it's sometimes impossible to continue in exactly the same way -- nevertheless to try again in the same direction, since my convictions, too, are considered and intended by me, and I believe that there's a raison d'être for them" (JLB 473, 12/6/1884; emphasis in original). This is virtually a manifesto of contrariness: no retreat, no concessions, no backtracking, no second thoughts; he owes no explanations and no apologies to anybody, especially Theo.  269. pleas for landscape and light BVG 391, 12/15/1884-12/31/1884: In December, Vincent tries lamely, almost laughably, to placate his brother on this old point of contention that must have flared again as Vincent's work sunk back toward figures. Two months later, he fleshes out the argument somewhat, although neither coherently nor convincingly: "it's the figure that creates the mood. I can understand, though, that there are people like Daubigny and [Henri Joseph] Harpignies and Ruisdael and so many others, who are absolutely and irresistibly carried away by the landscape itself; their work is totally satisfying because they themselves were satisfied by sky and soil and a pool of water and a bush. However, I think what Israëls said about a Dupré is a mighty clever saying -- it's just like a painting of a figure." (JLB 483, 2/5/1885-2/26/1885.) Theo's reaction to the anti-Impressionist darkness of Vincent's work is recorded by Vincent himself in April 1885: "I plan to make a start this week on that thing with the peasants around a dish of potatoes in the evening, or -- perhaps I'll make daylight of it, or both, or -- 'neither one' -- you'll say" (JLB 490, 4/6/1885). 

Context:
JLB 477, 12/30/1884: "And it might perhaps be wise for me to concentrate even more exclusively on the figure. Only, the figure always stands somewhere, and one sometimes can't help putting in the surroundings, their being indispensable." (Emphasis added.)

270. he had sent a dozen BVG 391, 12/15/1884-12/31/1884: According to JLB, this letter was sent until December 230, which means that the drawings did not reach Theo until after Christmas Day. (Saint Nicholas Day (December 6) was the traditional holiday for exchanging gifts.) Van Heugten advises that Vincent's figure of twelve "should be treated with some caution, however, for the passage about the series of 12 is merely an announcement of an intention. There is nothing in the letters to confirm that they had actually been sent." (Van Heugten, p. 124.) This caution is judicious, but given the precise number and the short time-frame Vincent gives ("3 days or so"), we believe that it is possible that he has already mailed them. Van Heugten calculates that Vincent sent a total of about twenty drawings of heads over the winter and spring, of which fifteen are known to have survived (ibid.). 

Context:
JLB 477, 12/30/1884: "In 3 days or so you'll receive 12 little pen drawings after studies of heads."

271. turned darker and darker BVG 383, 10/15/1884-10/31/1884. JLB 467, 10/25/1884. This move to darker images was a conscious decision on Vincent's part. He announced it explicitly in late October: "I'll change my manner of painting and my colour a great deal ... I'm likely to become slightly more sombre rather than lighter." (JLB 467, 10/25/1884.) In addition to contrariness (i.e., opposition to Theo's push toward Impressionism), Vincent's move to darker images appears to have been another instance of his following Van Rappard, whose "spectrum," he reports in the same letter, "has also become much lower" (ibid.) De Brouwer quotes Vincent's student, Willem Van der Wakker, recalling Vincent's instruction: "You should paint everything much darker than it is in reality, to make it more natural" (De Brouwer, p. 118). As to the darkness of the images, Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop note that, as dark as Vincent's portrait heads from this period are, some (Head of a Man [F 164 JH 558, November-January, 1884-1885, canvas on panel, 15 x 11.8 in., 38 x 30 cm., Amsterdam, Van Gogh Museum]) were even darker before Vincent repainted them (Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop, pp. 87-90). As to the drawings, Van Heugten points out that "the iron-gall ink [that Vincent used] would originally have been much darker than it is now" (Van Heugten, p. 131). 

Context:
JLB 467, 10/25/1884: "I think that in a year's time -- having spent that year once again painting a great deal and constantly -- I'll change my manner of painting and my colour a great deal, and that I'm likely to become slightly more sombre rather than lighter."

272. "It will be proved" BVG 386, 11/10/1884-11/30/1884. How could Vincent look at these almost-indecipherably dark images (e.g., Head of a Peasant Woman [F 132 JH 574, December, 1884, canvas on panel, 15.7 x 12.8 in., 40 x 32.5 cm., Private collection]) and make such extravagant claims for them? He seems to have convinced himself that he has discovered a new tonal system that is the equivalent of the Hague School's trademark silvery atmosphere, only at a "lower spectrum" better suited to his earthy, peasant subjects (JLB 467, 10/25/1884). That, at least, can be inferred from passages in which Vincent imagines that Tersteeg and Mauve will be convinced by his tenebrous imagery: "I don't think I'm mistaken about Tersteeg and Mauve when I dare say that there really is a chance of getting at them and winning them over. They can be won over by colour and I see a chance, by taking pains, to demonstrate to them convincingly that I understand and have a feeling for colour." (JLB 470, 11/17/1884; emphasis in original.) This is unquestionably delusional; but, like so many of the grand delusions Vincent constructed to keep himself going in the face of overwhelming discouragements, it has its own internal logic. 

Context:
BVG 386, 11/10/1884-11/30/1884: "A change has come into my colour since you were here; I already had a presentiment of it when you were here, and you will see that -- with some more studies, those which I am writing about now, which must be finished within a couple of months -- it will be proved beyond a doubt that, exactly in the matter of colour, I have achieved something."
JLB 470, 11/17/1884: "There has been a change in my colour since you were here -- which I already had a presentiment about when you were here -- and you'll see that with some more studies, those I'm writing to you about now should be finished in a few months, my studies will irrefutably prove that I really do know something about colour" (emphasis in original).

273. "I have always had" BVG 388a, 1/31/1885: We have slightly altered the translation. In his circuitous way, Vincent is asking questions truly breathtaking in their candor and implications: i.e., "Were things at home ever good? Was I ever really happy, or is my mind just playing tricks on me?" 

Context:
BVG 388a, 1/31/1885: " I always have the impression that at Zundert, and a few years earlier than that, there was a generally better atmosphere in the house. Since then, I feel it has not changed for the better. At present ... But what I don't know is whether the former -- the feeling that things were better in Zundert -- is only my imagination; this may easily be the case."
JLB 481, 1/30/1885: " I always imagine that in Zundert and for a few years afterwards there was generally a better atmosphere at home. Since then, I don't feel it's got any better. These days -- But what I don't know is whether that former -- that it was better in Zundert -- is just my imagination -- it could well be."

274. "I am terribly sensitive" BVG 212, 7/6/1882. 

Context:
BVG 212, 7/6/1882: "I do not like to be in company, and often find it painful and difficult to mingle with people, to speak to them. But do you know what the cause is -- if not at all, of a great deal of this? Simply nervousness; I am terribly sensitive, physically as well as morally, the nervousness having developed during those miserable years which drained my health."
JLB 244, 7/6/1882: "I don't enjoy company, and dealing with people, talking to them, is often painful and difficult for me. But do you know where a great deal if not all of this comes from? Simply from nervousness -- I who am terribly sensitive, both physically and morally, only really acquired it in the years when I was deeply miserable."

275. "nervousness" BVG 212, 7/6/1882. 

Context:
BVG 212, 7/6/1882: "I do not like to be in company, and often find it painful and difficult to mingle with people, to speak to them. But do you know what the cause is -- if not at all, of a great deal of this? Simply nervousness; I am terribly sensitive, physically as well as morally, the nervousness having developed during those miserable years which drained my health."
JLB 244, 7/6/1882: "I don't enjoy company, and dealing with people, talking to them, is often painful and difficult for me. But do you know where a great deal if not all of this comes from? Simply from nervousness -- I who am terribly sensitive, both physically and morally, only really acquired it in the years when I was deeply miserable."

276. "miserable years" BVG 212, 7/6/1882: Vincent elaborates this explanation in a way that suggests considerable thought and probably research on the question: "Ask a doctor and he'll immediately understand entirely how it couldn't be otherwise than that nights spent on the cold street or out of doors, the anxiety about coming by bread, constant tension because I didn't really have a job, sorrow with friends and family were at least 3/4 of the cause of some of my peculiarities of temperament -- and whether the fact that I sometimes have disagreeable moods or periods of depression couldn't be attributable to this?" (JLB 244, 7/6/1882). Vincent does not say what caused the other "1/4" of his "peculiarities of temperament." This may be a limited admission of responsibility for his actions, or it may be a reservation for Vincent's developing notion of inherited degeneracy. 

Context:
BVG 212, 7/6/1882: "I do not like to be in company, and often find it painful and difficult to mingle with people, to speak to them. But do you know what the cause is -- if not at all, of a great deal of this? Simply nervousness; I am terribly sensitive, physically as well as morally, the nervousness having developed during those miserable years which drained my health."
JLB 244, 7/6/1882: "I don't enjoy company, and dealing with people, talking to them, is often painful and difficult for me. But do you know where a great deal if not all of this comes from? Simply from nervousness -- I who am terribly sensitive, both physically and morally, only really acquired it in the years when I was deeply miserable."

277. as they did in Drenthe BVG 343, 12/1/1883: Referring to his loneliness in Drenthe, Vincent writes in December 1883: "I say loneliness and not even in peace -- but that loneliness which a painter in an isolated region encounters when every Tom, Dick and Harry takes him to be a madman -- a murderer -- a vagabond &c. &c." (JLB 408, 12/1/1883).

In one of the strangest moments in Drenthe, Vincent blurts out what appears to be a recollection from his time at Goupil: "People said that I was going mad" (JLB 394, 10/12/1883). This is the first and only time this information escapes from Vincent's guarded pen. It may have been triggered by the locals calling him a "madman." He gives no real context to the confession, so it is impossible to know at what point in his career at Goupil -- in The Hague, in London, or in Paris -- the accusation was leveled (or he thought he heard it).

There are hints in the immediately preceding and following passages. The train of thought begins: "I now have to look back into my own past to see what the matter was, spending years in that stony, barren state of mind and trying to emerge from it, and yet it got worse and worse instead of better. Not only did I feel indifferent instead of responsive to nature but also, which was much worse, I felt exactly the same about people." (ibid., emphasis added.) And it concludes with a reference to his dismissal from the firm in 1876: "I don't see that, given my circumstances, I could be other than I have been. Here is the ground that sank beneath my feet -- here is the ground which, if it sinks, must make a person miserable, whoever he may be. I was with G&Cie for 6 years -- I had put down roots in G&Cie." (ibid., emphasis added.) The italicized passages seem to point toward the latter part of Vincent's tenure at Goupil -- especially Paris. (The "emergence" may refer to religion.) They may also shed light on the otherwise obscured circumstances of his departure from the London branch of the firm in 1875. (See Chapter 6.) 

419 278. "tricks nerves play"BVG 332, 10/12/1883: We have slightly altered the translation. Clearly invoking his own experience, Vincent warns Theo to "beware of your nerves," and advises him to see a doctor every day, if possible, but not because treatment would be effective (JLB 394, 10/12/1883). 

Context:
BVG 332, 10/12/1883: "It is a question of self-knowledge, of serenity notwithstanding all the tricks nerves must play."
JLB 394, 10/12/1883: "It's a question here of self-knowledge, of serenity, despite all the tricks that the nerves must play" (emphasis in original).

279. "serenity"BVG 332, 10/12/1883. 

Context:
BVG 332, 10/12/1883: "It is a question of self-knowledge, of serenity notwithstanding all the tricks nerves must play."
JLB 394, 10/12/1883: "It's a question here of self-knowledge, of serenity, despite all the tricks that the nerves must play" (emphasis in original).

280. "I felt my own disease"BVG 332, 10/12/1883 and JLB 394, 10/12/1883: We have combined elements from both translations. 

Context:
BVG 332, 10/12/1883: "They said I was out of my mind, but I knew myself that it was not true, for the very reason that I felt my own disease deep within me, and tried to remedy it. I exhausted myself with hopeless, unsuccessful efforts, it is true, but because of that fixed idea of reaching a normal point of view again, I never mistook my own desperate doings, worryings and drudgings for my real innermost self. At least I always felt, 'Just let me do something, be somewhere, and it must redress itself. I will rise above it, let me keep hold of patience to redress things.'"
JLB 394, 10/12/1883: "I myself felt that I wasn't, if only because I felt my own malady very deep inside myself and tried to get over it again. I made all sorts of forlorn attempts that led to nothing, so be it, but because of that idée fixe of getting back to a normal position I never confused my own desperate doings, scrambling and squirmings with I myself. At least I always felt 'let me just do something, be somewhere, it must get better, I'll get over it, let me have the patience to recover.'" (Emphasis in original.)

281. "empty stupidity" BVG 378, 10/1/1884: We have slightly altered the translation. Vincent transcribes a long passage from Au bonheur des dames

Context:
BVG 378, 10/1/1884: "Mouret did not seem to understand immediately, but when he remembered their earlier conversation about the empty stupidity and the pointless torture of life, he replied, 'Of course -- I have never lived so intensely ... Ah! old fellow, don't scoff! The hours when one dies of suffering are shortest.'"
JLB 464, 10/2/1884: "Mouret seemed not to understand immediately. But, when he recalled their old conversations about empty foolishness and the pointless torment of life, he replied: 'No doubt -- never have I lived so much ... Ah! old chap -- don't mock! Those are the shortest hours in which one dies of suffering!'" (Emphasis in original.)

282. "I think that painting" BVG 380, 9/15/1884-9/30/1884. 

Context:
JLB 463, 9/30/1884: "I sometimes think now and again that painting can in any event forestall many disasters, and that otherwise it would be even worse."

283. "family failing"BVG 388a, 1/31/1885: Vincent uses this term to bolster his criticism of Theo -- specifically his charge that Theo is unsympathetic toward and "suspicious" of Vincent in the same way as their father. He proceeds immediately from this criticism, however, to an admission of his own delusion about the family in Zundert. 

Context:
BVG 388a, 1/31/1885: "As for me, at times I feel wretched because it seems that your character has congealed in this mould, which I believe will cause you trouble later on. But what's the use of talking? What I mean is a family failing, as far as I can see."
JLB 481, 1/30/1885: "For my part, I'm sometimes upset that your character seems to have set fast in a form which I believe could cause you disquiet later. But what's the use of talking about it? What I mean is a family ailment, it seems to me."

284. "I am a black sheep" BVG 386a, 12/9/1884. 

Context:
BVG 386a, 12/9/1884: "To this must be added my past, and that at Goupil & Co.'s you are quite the plush gentleman, and I am a black sheep and an ill-natured fellow."
JLB 474, 12/10/1884: "Added to that is my past, and the fact that you feel quite the little gentleman at G&Cie, and I'm insufferable and an awkward customer."

285. "a sober, severe figure" BVG 391, 12/15/1884-12/31/1884: At first, Vincent appears to be recalling images of Dante, but only vaguely. Eventually, the images in his head come into focus: "Giotto painted Dante, and with much emotion as you know, for you're familiar with the old portrait. From which I draw the conclusion that Dante's expression, however sad and melancholy, is essentially an expression of something infinitely good and tender." (JLB 477, 12/30/1884.) About a year later, another image of Dante crosses Vincent's thoughts: "an old Delacroix, The barque of Dante" (JLB 535, 10/13/1885). 

Context:
BVG 391, 12/15/1884-12/31/1884: "Surely these two things can hardly go together, for the sober, severe figure of Dante, full of indignation and protest against what he had seen happening, protesting against the terrible medieval abuses and prejudices, is certainly one of the most sincere, honest, noble ones imaginable."
JLB 477, 12/30/1884: "Surely the two can hardly go together, since the sober, austere figure of Dante, entirely filled with indignation and protest at what he had seen happen -- in protest at the atrocious medieval abuses and prejudices -- is certainly one of the most upright, most honest, most noble that are conceivable."

286. the Waternix BVG 391, 12/15/1884-12/31/1884: This strange discussion around Christmastime 1884 is sparked by a description from Theo of The Water Sprite (1881), a painting by Ernst Josephson, based on the legend of the Waternix. But Vincent appears to be familiar with the legend independently of Josephson's work ("I'm curious to see that painting you got, sooner or later" [JLB 477, 12/30/1884]). Probably unknown to Vincent, Josephson became obsessed with the subject of the Waternix and went insane at age thirty-seven. 

Context:
JLB 477, 12/30/1884: "I'm curious to see that painting you got, sooner or later. I don't exactly understand the legend itself -- what it's getting at."

287. "an evil spirit luring people" BVG 391, 12/15/1884-12/31/1884: In Swedish folklore, the Waternix waited in lakes and rivers and lured passersby into the water to drown. Vincent casts the Waternix in the grander role of a Faustian demon -- an incarnation of the devil rather than a pagan spirit: "In short -- people said of Dante, 'there is the one who went into hell and who returned' -- something very different to go in oneself and come out again than to lure others in satanically. Consequently -- one can't have a Dantean figure play a satanic role without a huge misconception of character. And the silhouette of a Mephistopheles is mightily different from Dante's. ... I therefore can't imagine Satan or Mephistopheles as Dantean at all." (JLB 477, 12/30/1884; emphasis in original.) Interestingly, this disturbing image prefaces Vincent's New Year's greeting to his brother. 

Context:
BVG 391, 12/15/1884-12/31/1884: "I don't understand it because you say the figure is Dante-esque, but it is the symbol of an evil spirit luring people into the abyss."
JLB 477, 12/30/1884: "Why I don't is because you say: the figure is Dantean -- yet -- it's the symbol of an evil spirit that lures people into the abyss."

288. dragged others downBVG 391, 12/15/1884-12/31/1884. 

Context:
JLB 477, 12/30/1884: "In short -- people said of Dante, 'there is the one who went into hell and who returned' -- something very different to go in oneself and come out again than to lure others in satanically" (emphasis in original).

289. he had come to discount Stolwijk and Thomson, p. 39: Stolwijk and Thomson comment piquantly on a similar reprimand at the start of the following year, 1886: "As had become the tradition, [Vincent] accused his younger brother around New Year's of 'severity and callous disregard,' and of being 'remote' [JLB 551, 1/2/1886]."  290. one in January BVG 355a, 1/1/1885-1/15/1885: Calling their relationship "unsustainable for both of us" (JLB 473, 12/6/1884; emphasis in original), Vincent concludes: "Let's part, old chap, in a while -- as friends -- that can do no harm -- neither to you nor to me. Staying together -- that would end badly if it were to go on like this." (JLB 474, 12/10/1884.) 

Context:
JLB 473, 12/6/1884: "I cannot give up the studio yet -- I have to have something fixed, and they can't in any event demand of me that I leave the village. The fact that it can be foreseen that I have to prepare myself for this, though, is precisely the point that makes me regret that I didn't already realize last year that our arrangement was unsustainable for both of us." (Emphasis in original.)

291. another in February BVG 388b, 2/1/1885-2/15/1885: "Final" break-up follows final breakup, as Vincent leaves no door unslammed. In February 1885, the threatened separation extends over two letters. In the first, he insists on "pressing on with it, it's in order to put an end to the possibility of quarrelling," and describes the brothers' relationship as "wretched for both of us," but puts off the actual separation to "as soon as I find a means of covering myself financially," and, in the meantime, asks Theo to send him some magazine illustrations (JLB 482, 2/2/1885). In the second, a particularly bitter example of this form, Vincent retracts a previous letter in which he demanded that Theo "take back" the charge of suspiciousness. He says that he can no longer believe Theo's retraction: "But while I asked you in it then to take back one thing and another that you said, I don't ask it of you any more. Because even if you were to say that you'd started to think differently about it, I still wouldn't be able to believe it." (JLB 455, 8/23/1884; emphasis in original.)

Still, Vincent is unwilling to forego his brother's money completely. He compromises between his fury and his pocketbook by telling Theo that, under no circumstances, will he accept more than 100 francs a month. If Theo were to defy him and send more, Vincent promises to send it back. This is, indeed, an odd threat and an even odder conception of a break-up. (This latest "parting" lasts for two months. In April, however, Vincent tries to pry extra money out of Theo by claiming credit for not having demanded extra in February or March: "But -- it's very necessary for me to pay off my paint bill as soon as possible. You know I didn't say another word to you about it either in February or in March. But I didn't have it easy in those months, I can tell you that" [JLB 489, 4/4/1885].) 

Context:
JLB 482, 2/2/1885: "And when I insist on pressing on with it, it's in order to put an end to the possibility of quarrelling. Because even the possibility of quarrelling ceases to exist as soon as I find a means of covering myself financially. Then my work will no longer be at issue, and at present it still is. And therefore don't despair. But now it's wretched for both of us." (Emphasis in original.)

292. a plea for additional fundsBVG 355a, 1/1/1885-1/15/1885. 

Context:
JLB 473, 12/6/1884: "It's too much for me all at once, losing you in this respect, and having to pay for my keep again as well. Gradually, though, I'll see to it that I find another resource of my own accord."

293. "If it gives you any" BVG 355a, 1/1/1885-1/15/1885. 

Context:
JLB 473, 12/6/1884: "If it can give you any satisfaction that what you call 'my plans for the future' are also lying pretty much in ruins, good luck to you."

294. "If I should drop dead" BVG 355a, 1/1/1885-1/15/1885. 

Context:
BVG 355a, 1/1/1885-1/15/1885: " If I should drop dead -- which I should not try to evade if it happened, but which I should not seek expressly -- you would be standing on a skeleton, and this would be a damned insecure standpoint."
JLB 473, 12/6/1884: " If I were to drop dead -- which I shan't refuse if it comes but won't expressly seek -- you'd be standing on a skeleton -- and -- that would be a mightily insecure standpoint" (emphasis in original).

295. Theo withheld the news In November 1884, Theo told Vincent that he had not had a good year: "When you write that you're again facing your bad half year -- for it lasts a 1/2 year, I think -- it isn't exactly pleasant news for you to write nor for me to receive" (JLB 468, 11/2/1884). The first contrary report reaches Dorus by the end of the year, after Goupil's inventory: "How perfect that you did have such a good year at the business while they are complaining everywhere else" (b2264 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 12/30/1884). Theo wrote his father at least twice in January about the offer of another job from "a client who works in the utility business and could become one of the very rich" (b2266 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 1/24/1885). Theo apparently turned the position down once before the client raised his offer to 1,000 francs per month. This renewed Theo's interest in both the offer and the offerer. "Now you mention it again and say he still wants you to come to his office," Dorus wrote. "He is a man with a clear insight into business and also has the courage to do something" (ibid.).

But Dorus is leery of anything that smacks of easy money or that would take Theo away from his birthright at Goupil. This is a caution that Theo obviously shares: "my dear son, it is your old father who perhaps is a bit afraid. ... I think you are wise enough to look at this with a clear eye. It sounded so good to us in your last [letter], when you said that you enjoyed the security of your current position." (ibid.) Finally, Theo asks his father not to share this prospect with Vincent, and Dorus agrees: "We will not talk with Vincent about that business of yours, do as you please with it" (ibid.). 

420 296. He also kept secretb2266 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 1/24/1885: "We will not talk with Vincent about that business of yours, do as you please with it."  297. a job offer from a clientb2266 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 1/24/1885. The detail about the amount of the salary comes from Vincent's letter (JLB 479, 1/23/1885), after he found out about it. From Dorus's letter to Theo on January 24, it appears the Theo wrote at least two letters to his father that month discussing the offer in considerable detail.  298. a thousand francs per month BVG 392, 1/20/1885. 

Context:
JLB 479, 1/23/1885: "I heard at home that you'd had a good year -- and an offer of 1,000 francs a month -- which you had refused."

299. Dorus weighed in against itb2266 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 1/24/1885.  300. Vincent found out anyway BVG 392, 1/20/1885: Vincent says only "I heard at home" about the astounding offer (JLB 479, 1/23/1885). How he found out is anybody's guess. It is unlikely that Dorus or Anna would have slipped and told him. But either could have told a third party, like Willemina, who did not understand fully why both Dorus and Theo wished to keep the information from Vincent. 

Context:
JLB 479, 1/23/1885: "I heard at home that you'd had a good year -- and an offer of 1,000 francs a month -- which you had refused."

301. a drama of penury BVG 392, 1/20/1885. 

Context:
JLB 479, 1/23/1885: "Regards -- I hope you'll be able to send; I have less than a guilder left and must have a model for several more hours today. So tomorrow I'll be stuck again, but possibly your letter will come."

302. "plush gentleman" BVG 386a, 12/9/1884: We have slightly altered the translation. 

Context:
BVG 386a, 12/9/1884: "For -- against my person, my manners, clothes, words, you, like so many others, seem to think it necessary to raise so many objections -- weighty enough and at the same time obviously without redress -- that they have caused our personal, brotherly intercourse to wither and die off gradually in the course of the years. To this must be added my past, and that at Goupil & Co.'s you are quite the plush gentleman, and I am a black sheep and an ill-natured fellow."
JLB 474, 12/10/1884: "For -- you, like so many others, have things to say about my person, manners, clothes, words, important enough and evidently without redress -- that have gradually caused personal, brotherly relations to die and weaken over the years. Added to that is my past, and the fact that you feel quite the little gentleman at G&Cie, and I'm insufferable and an awkward customer."

303. "I cannot help seeing" BVG 388a, 1/31/1885. 

Context:
BVG 388a, 1/31/1885: "Since last summer I cannot help seeing you in my mind's eye wearing a pince-nez with black glasses. This does not change a man so much, you will say. Maybe not -- but my impression is that, in a sense other than the literal one, in your actions and thoughts, you have procured such black eyeglasses. Suspiciousness for instance."
JLB 481, 1/30/1885: "Since this summer I can't help always visualizing you with your lorgnette with dark lenses. This doesn't change a person very much, you'll say. Maybe so -- but my impression is that you have perhaps, in a sense other than the literal one, acquired dark glasses in what you think and do. Suspicion, for instance."

304. shrill protests BVG 390, 12/15/1884-12/17/1884. 

Context: 
JLB 476, 12/16/1884: "And to seek to be rid of you -- I've never done that, but where you have only too plainly let me see how little chance there was that we'd actually do business together -- I accept it for the future, that's true" (emphasis in original).
305. "leave the matter" BVG 388a, 1/31/1885: We have slightly altered the translation. 

Context:
BVG 388a, 1/31/1885: "So give up your suspicions, for they are simply improper. And the means must be found in the good progress my work is making -- leaving the matter of more or less mutual sympathy out of the question -- to be at least inoffensive to each other, however much our ways may run in opposite directions."
JLB 481, 1/30/1885: "So keep your suspicion to yourself, because it's simply inappropriate. And it's precisely in the good progress of my work that the means lie, whatever may happen about being more or less in sympathy with each other, of being at least harmless to each other, even where the ways lie in quite opposite directions." (Emphasis in original.)

306. "go on painting"BVG 384, 11/1/1884: Vincent quotes this from Theo's letter: "You ... say 'just keep on painting,' and that's all you can say. I don't blame you for it, but I don't find it intelligent of you either." (JLB 468, 11/2/1884; emphasis in original.) Later the same month (November), Vincent raises the subject again, more angrily, apparently in response to another critical letter in which Theo reluctantly shared more unwelcome honesty with his brother. After dismissing Theo's claim that the letter was difficult for him to write, Vincent lambasts him for his lack of sympathy: "What shall I say to you? -- your letter sounds very correct to me, and has a tone like that of a good Minister for Fine Arts, say. But -- that doesn't alter the fact that it isn't much good to me and it doesn't satisfy me -- and above all your 'perhaps later, once you have expressed yourself more clearly, we'll perhaps also find something in your present work -- and then not act as we do now.'" (JLB 472, 11/28/1884, emphasis in original.)

Vincent refers to Theo's message of perseverance and forecast of future success as "a ministerial fata Morgana," a reference to the legendary mirage that appeared in the straits of Messina to entice sailors. It was named in Italian after Morgan le Fay, King Arthur's enchantress half-sister ("fata" and "fey" both mean "fairy"). Vincent probably knew of the legend from the poem, "Fata Morgana," by Henry Wadsworth Longfellow, and he uses it here to apply to any dangerously illusory prospect. In this way, fata morgana relates to Vincent's later use of the Waternix.

              As the weary traveller sees
              In desert or prairie vast,
              Blue lakes, overhung with trees,
              That a pleasant shadow cast;

              So I wander and wander along,
              And forever before me gleams
              The shining city of song,
              In the beautiful land of dreams.

              But when I would enter the gate
              Of that golden atmosphere,
              It is gone, and I wonder and wait
              For the vision to reappear.

              [H.W. Longfellow, "Fata Morgana," stanzas 3, 5, 6.] 

Context:
BVG 384, 11/1/1884: "This is a thing you never feel or understand. You say 'go on painting,' but for the rest you know nothing. I do not take this in bad part, but on the other hand I do not think it intelligent of you, which please note."
JLB 468, 11/2/1884: "You never feel or understand that and say 'just keep on painting', and that's all you can say. I don't blame you for it, but I don't find it intelligent of you either -- be aware of that." (Emphasis in original.)

307. "If I do better work" BVG 393, 1/24/1885; emphasis in original. 

Context:
BVG 393, 1/24/1885: " If I do better work later on, I certainly shall not work differently than now, I mean it will be the same apple, though riper; I shall not change my mind about what I have thought from the beginning. And that is the reason why I say for my part: if I am no good now, I shall be no good later on either, but if later on, then now too. For corn is corn, though people from the city may take it for grass at first, and also the other way round."
JLB 480, 1/26/1885: " If I make better work later, I still won't work otherwise than now; I mean it will be the same apple only riper -- I myself won't turn from what I've thought from the start. And this is why I say for my part, if I'm no good now, I won't be any good later either -- but if later, then now too. For wheat is wheat, even if it looks like grass at first to townsfolk -- and the other way round too." (Emphasis in original.)

308. a path to self-sufficiency BVG 377, 9/15/1884-9/30/1884: Theo's reaction to Vincent's disappointment over Margot Begemann apparently underscored the priority, in Theo's mind, of achieving financial self-sufficiency. Vincent writes in response: "you'll see that your own theory in this respect doesn't always produce the results that one would say it promises to produce. Once you've attained a position and can maintain a certain status, then you'll find wife and children and domestic happiness." (JLB 458, 9/21/1884.) (The second sentence appears to be Vincent's characterization of Theo's "own theory.") It is impossible to overstate the importance of self-sufficiency to the entire Van Gogh clan.

Even Vincent, in the midst of his own internal and external struggles against conventional notions of success, cannot escape this defining mandate. In September 1884, when seventeen-year-old Cor graduated from HBS and needed to find a vocation, Vincent wrote this astonishing and apparently un-ironic analysis of his young brother's situation: "Cor himself, as far as I know, has no particular idea about wanting to enter this profession or that -- because he's probably seen little else at close quarters but books, the main road &c. He's a nice boy now, it seems to me, but it's time that he did something practical, it seems to me, otherwise they go to seed, ... go to seed in pedantry and nonentity." (JLB 443, 3/28/1884, emphasis added.) Vincent concludes, even more astonishingly: "But it does surprise me greatly that I've simply never heard any talk about Goupil in regard to Cor. Why not? Particularly if you stay there, it seems to me, it's obvious that Cor should go there too." (ibid.)

In fact, Cor took an engineering apprenticeship at a factory in Helmond. Three years later, when Cor began his first paying job, Theo sent him a congratulatory note that shows his own single-minded allegiance to the practical and moral imperative of self-sufficiency, and also suggests how deep and damning his disapproval of Vincent's dependence was: " I heard from Wil that tomorrow is you first payday and I didn't want to let that pass without congratulating you on the occasion. It will be a happy day brother, and a stimulation to proceed as you have been doing. You have shown that you don't lack the energy, and if you succeeded at your age to earn your own living it has been through your own effort and strength. Keep it up and make sure that you can be independent, for being dependent is a misery for yourself and for others." (b0907 V/1962, ''Gogh, Theo van'' to ''Gogh, Cor van'', 3/11/1887; emphasis added.) 

Context:
JLB 458, 9/21/1884: "It's true that for my part I've now experienced great sadness in two cases, sadness of a very different character. So be it -- but you'll see that your own theory in this respect doesn't always produce the results that one would say it promises to produce. Once you've attained a position and can maintain a certain status, then you'll find wife and children and domestic happiness. This is a fine promise that society makes, but does it also keep that promise? Society leaves everyone and all ways of doing things relatively disappointed." (Emphasis in original.)

309. "particularly unpleasant" BVG 388b, 2/1/1885-2/15/1885. 

Context:
BVG 388b, 2/1/1885-2/15/1885: "I've a good deal to say about your calling my last letter 'particularly unpleasant.'"
JLB 482, 2/2/1885: "I have a great deal to say about your calling my last letter 'particularly unpleasant.'"

310. his excesses of rhetoricBVG 384, 11/1/1884: In an apparent response to Vincent's elaborate conceit comparing the brothers to revolutionary fighters facing each other across the "barricades", Theo sends a curt rejoinder that Vincent quotes back at him: "What you say is perfectly true: that if I make good paintings I'm more likely to achieve something than by discussing revolutionary questions" (JLB 468, 11/2/1884). Despite the seeming acquiescence ("What you say is perfectly true"), Vincent adds archly: "I actually find this so true that while you were writing it I was just taking a step directly aimed at the progress of my work, by asking once more to paint a few studies in Mauve's studio" (ibid.). In fact, this is a move that Vincent knows Theo will not approve of, and is exactly the opposite of Theo's advice to focus on "making good paintings."  311. his manipulative threats BVG 390, 12/15/1884-12/17/1884: In response to one of many threats of separation, Theo apparently wrote back complaining that Vincent was trying to "be rid" of him. Vincent, of course, who always carefully modulated his threats to allow for continued relations, especially financial relations, takes umbrage: in October, Vincent responds angrily to Theo's apparent exasperation over Vincent's complaints about Theo's failure to find buyers for his work: "And perhaps you're right that I should just find a way for my work myself, and become my own dealer" (JLB 466, 10/22/1884). Two months later, Vincent adds, "And to seek to be rid of you -- I've never done that, but where you have only too plainly let me see how little chance there was that we'd actually do business together -- I accept it for the future, that's true" (JLB 476, 12/16/1884; emphasis in original).  312. "You make me think" BVG 388b, 2/1/1885-2/15/1885. 

Context:
BVG 388b, 2/1/1885-2/15/1885: "If you on your part turn this inside out now, and write me, 'You make me think of old people who are always saying that in their young days everything was better, meanwhile forgetting that they themselves have changed,' this does not stagger me in the least."
JLB 482, 2/2/1885: "When you now turn this round and write to me, 'you remind me of the old people who say that things were better in their young days than now, forgetting meanwhile that they themselves have changed', this doesn't upset me" (emphasis in original).

313. "His quick temper" b2267 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 2/19/1885.  314. fought over Margot Begemann b2257 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 10/2/1884: "The story with Margot keeps him [Vincent] very preoccupied. And these days he is rather melancholy. We do our best to calm him down which now is the first necessity. But his outlook on life and his forms are so different from ours, that it is the question whether living together in the same place can continue in the long run."  315. the proposed move to Helvoirt When Vincent first heard about the call from Helvoirt in October, he dismissed its likelihood: "Pa will not accept the call, that's certain" (JLB 465, 10/9/1884). Thus, he must have felt ambushed, or at least surprised, when Dorus eagerly pursued the offer (b2261 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 11/11/1884). Within a month, he had made his opposition to the move clear to Theo -- and undoubtedly to his father as well: "Pa will have to consider it very seriously. This is important to me, because I would certainly not want to go to Helvoirt with them. I just wanted to tell you exactly how things stand." (JLB 469, 11/14/1884.) A few weeks later, when Dorus refuses the offer, Vincent gloats in a way that suggests the fervor of his arguments against the move: "The decision wasn't a matter of indifference to me -- since I wouldn't have gone with them to H[elvoirt] in any case, and would either have stayed here in my studio -- or would have left for Antwerp. Now -- as far as I can see, the best thing for me is simply to carry on as things are -- and stay here." (JLB 471, 11/24/1884.)  316. "unpleasant tone" b2257 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 10/2/1884.  317. "you really cannot" b2257 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 10/2/1884.  318. his father's arrogance BVG 440, 12/15/1885: Almost a year later, Vincent wrote: "until the end Pa also spoke and acted towards me, yes, like the priest" (JLB 548, 12/17/1885).  319. "the man really thought" BVG 388, 12/7/1884.

Context:
BVG 388, 12/7/1884: "Father has felt suspicious of me very often and to a high degree. For that matter, you know something about it, and I for my part know perhaps even more about it. But -- for all that -- he always called himself 'my friend' -- for all that -- the man really thought he was in the right, and he was unable to take any other view of things, and -- after all is said and done -- he meant well, that is to say, if you want to take it that way ..."
JLB 474, 12/10/1884: "Pa -- has been very often and very seriously -- mistrustful -- of me. You know your side of that anyway, and I for my part perhaps know even more about it. But -- nonetheless -- he always called himself 'my friend' nonetheless -- the man thought that he was right and simply couldn't see any differently -- and -- so, after all -- meant well if you will -- namely." (Emphasis in original.)

421 320. "the other pain" b2265 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 1/21/1885: "We re-lived in our hearts those days of Ma of last year. So far she has been spared for us and it is so nice that she is always with us. We are keeping our peace with the fact that we stayed here. And appreciate the good things we have here, which makes up for the other pain I carry. But that also comes in spurts, but it seems one simply has to let some things happen as they may, because no advice is asked for and no intimacy is sought. That could have been so different, but the responsibility may not be there."  321. "my worst enemy" BVG 388, 12/7/1884: We have slightly altered the translation. Vincent recounts an angry conversation in which he told his father "foursquare": "don't call yourself my friend if you think this or that of me -- people who think of me like that, they're not friends but enemies, the worst enemies as sure as 2 x 2 = 4" (JLB 474, 12/10/1884; emphasis in original). 

Context:
BVG 388, 12/7/1884: "... but one fine day I told him flatly: Don't call yourself my friend as long as you think such and such things of me. People who think that way about me are not my friends but my enemies, and as sure as 2 x 2 = 4, they are my worst enemies."
JLB 474, 12/10/1884: "But for my part, one day I spoke out foursquare and said, don't call yourself my friend if you think this or that of me -- people who think of me like that, they're not friends but enemies, the worst enemies as sure as 2 x 2 = 4" (emphasis in original).

322. rebelled against him sooner BVG 388b, 2/1/1885-2/15/1885: Vincent appears to be referring to his earlier ambition to be a parson, although it is not clear that he is reaching that far back in the past. 

Context:
JLB 482, 2/2/1885: "If I'd kept on top of things with Pa from the start and not simply stayed silent, a great deal wouldn't have happened."

323. openly accused the parson The dissidents were apparently centered in Geldrop, a similarly-sized community about five miles south of Nuenen that was included in Dorus's congregation. According to one article, some people in Geldorp thought Pastor Van Gogh "was not orthodox enough, leading to a schism" ("Article about Dr. Theodorus van Gogh (1882-1885)," pp. 44-47). Dorus does not discuss the specifics of the dispute in the surviving letters to Theo, nor does Vincent ever mention it. However, the family letters do show Dorus paying an unusual amount of attention to his Geldrop congregants in the first months of 1885 ("I have to go to Geldrop on Sunday so I have to hurry to get better" [b2265 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 1/21/1885]) and Anna worrying about relations with her friends in Geldrop ("I don't even see my Geldropsche friends" [b2259 V/1982, ''Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'']).

On the day before his fatal stroke, Dorus wrote about the situation in Geldrop with apparent optimism: "Last Sunday [March 22], for the occasion of the confirmation of three young people in Geldrop, I received Frithiofs Saga as a present, a magnificent edition with photographs. Very beautiful." (b2268 V/1982, ''Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van en Gogh, Willemina van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 3/25/1885.) The reference is to the 1825 lyric poem by Esaias Tegner based on a fourteenth-century Icelandic (or perhaps Norwegian) saga. Tegner's poem did for the "Vikings" what Idylls of the King by Alfred, Lord Tennyson did for King Arthur and Camelot, sparking the cultural "revival" of a heavily mythologized Nordic past that, especially in Britain, provided an alternative model of manhood to the heavily homoeroticized Greco-Roman (i.e., French) model. 

324. a man who prized unity b2346 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 7/8/1875: Dorus wrote in 1875: "there will always be worries and difficulties, but if only there is unity between us and no dissension, then difficulties don't hurt but can be the source of so much that is good." (For more, see Chapter 4.)  325. sapped both spirit and health b2259 V/1982, ''Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'': A glimpse of the low morale in the parsonage at the time can be seen in a letter from Vincent's mother Anna: "Coming home here is not as nice, it's everyone for himself, so that it's fewer rays of sunshine for me." The parents tried not to burden Theo with their domestic problems, and Anna adds guiltily: "I believe you don't see this complaining from your mother [very often]. With a feeling of such great thankfulness, [I believe] everything will come right after all" (ibid.).

In her "Memoir," Jo Bonger, probably relying on what she had been told by Vincent's mother and sisters, as well as Theo's contemporaneous letters from his father, writes that Dorus "became more and more melancholy, as if he was not equal to the difficulties of living with his gifted, unmanageable son, and felt helpless against Vincent's unbridled violence" (Van Gogh-Bonger, in Van Gogh, p. xxxviii). 

326. a bitterly cold winter b2269 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 3/25/1885: "Is it also this cold in Paris? It is very raw here. Last is remembered best, but one would say that it never was so cold."  327. delusions of conspiracy BVG 388, 12/7/1884: Vincent viewed Theo's unguarded admission to "mistrustfulness" as yet another dimension of the conspiracy -- dispositional more than calculated -- between his brother and his father: "Listen -- Pa -- has been very often and very seriously -- mistrustful -- of me" (JLB 473, 12/6/1884, emphasis in original). "I can only shrug my shoulders at that opinion -- the people who think like that about me, though, I decidedly do not exactly regard as friends, though. Even if they were my father or my brother a thousand times over -- if they think like that -- I'm grieved by it, but at the same time fortunately have the wit not to allow myself to be overwhelmed by it." (JLB 474, 12/10/1884, emphasis in original.)

After the New Year, Vincent, in his typical fashion, returns again and again to this bond of suspiciousness that unites his father and brother against him: "your character seems to have set fast in a form which I believe could cause you disquiet later. But what's the use of talking about it? What I mean is a family ailment, it seems to me." (JLB 481, 1/30/1885.) "Since you repeatedly say that you know me better than anyone else and yet it still all ends in suspicion, though, this is serious enough for me to decidedly object to it, and to that 'know so well', and to the other thing, that suspicion. I've a history like that behind me with Pa -- I'm not starting on a Pa II." (JLB 482, 2/2/1885, emphasis in original.) 

328. a bold, conciliatory gesture There is no doubt that Vincent appreciated the boldness and generosity of this offer. Ten months previously, in March 1884, when Theo criticized Vincent's work as not being up to the standards of the Salon jury, Vincent reacted with indignant incredulity because the idea of submitting a painting to the Salon -- when he had not yet exhibited anywhere -- struck him as ludicrous and mocking: "I think that what you say about my work is silly on two counts -- I think it's silly of you to give your opinion of how the Salon jury would judge my work when I've never uttered a syllable to you about sending anything to the Salon. I think it's silly ... I never spoke to you about sending anything to the Salon, did I?" (JLB 436, 3/10/1884; emphasis in original.) As recently as July, Vincent had demurred from Theo's suggestion that he send a watercolor to the Society of Draftsmen in The Hague -- a threshold of accomplishment far below showing in the Salon -- obviously because he feared it would be rejected (JLB 451, 7/2/1884).  329. He offered to submit BVG 395, 3/1/1885. Van Tilborgh makes the very nice point that Theo's offer represented "a subtle and tactful compromise. It gave Vincent an opportunity to prove himself, without Theo having to risk his reputation at Goupil's. All he had to do was submit the work, the rest was up to the jury of the Salon" (Van Tilborgh, The Potato Eaters by Vincent van Gogh, p. 10). 

Context:
JLB 484, 3/2/1885: "Now as to when you write that if I had something ready that I thought was good, you would try to enter it for the Salon -- I appreciate your wanting to do this."

330. on March 27, 1885 b1811 V/1970, "Bonger, Andries" to "Bonger, Hendrik Christiaan", 3/31/1885: Dorus was pronounced dead at eight in the evening on Thursday, March 26. For whatever reason, the telegram informing Theo of his father's death did not arrive until the following morning, as witnessed by Theo's friend Andries Bonger: "Never did I have to take a friend to the north rail track [Gare du Nord] under more melancholy circumstances than Friday a week ago [i.e., Friday, March 27]. That morning my friend van Gogh received the news that his father had suffered a sudden stroke and had passed away."  331. spent the whole day Van Tilborgh, "Letter from Willemien van Gogh," p. 21: According to Willemina's account of her father's death, Dorus "went out in the morning healthy and that evening he came home and as he entered the door, he collapsed and didn't give another sign of life."  332. in Geldrop Van Tilborgh and Pabst, p. 88: According to Uncle Jan's account, written only two days after the events it describes, "After the meal [at the Tirions] he sat there so peacefully while Mrs. Tirion played the piano for him." The Tirions were Van Gogh friends in Geldrop who are mentioned with some frequency in the family letters. ("A pity that I can not see my friends Tirion and Geldrop very often, but we like each other and that is a lot already" [b2260 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 11/5/1884].) "From the Tirions I received a beautiful pouch wallet" (b2252 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 2/10/1884). Willemina and Anna continued to see members of the Tirion family until at least 1890 (b2432 V/1982, ''Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 3/26/1889). "The Tirions will come soon and this way their memories also remain vivid" (b2924 V/1982, ''Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van'' to ''Gogh, Theo en Jo van'', 3/23/1890). The Van Gogh family chronicle, kept at this time by Dorus's sister Mietje and based largely on Jan's account, states: "[Dorus] had gone to make a house call in Geldrop and at the end he had eaten there with the Tirion family and rested and walked back home" (Van Gogh, "History of the Van Gogh Family," pp. 3-4). 333. After dinner with friendsVan Tilborgh and Pabst, p. 88.  334. a piano recitalVan Tilborgh and Pabst, p. 88.  335. across the windswept heathb2268 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van en Gogh, Willemina van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 3/25/1885. See Anna's reference to the "always-terrible north wind.") Interestingly, the account of Dorus's death given by Uncle Jan (who did not arrive in Nuenen until several days later), strains to portray his brother's last hours as peaceful and serene. Thus, the long walk back across a freezing, inhospitable heath becomes a "stroll in the fine evening air" ("Gogh, Johannes van" to ''Gogh, Maria Johanna van'', 3/29/85; quoted in Van Tilborgh and Pabst, p. 88).  336. a freezing night b2269 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 3/25/1885: The night before he died, Dorus wrote Theo: "Is it also this cold in Paris? It is very raw here. Last is remembered best, but one would say that it never was so cold." Anna confirmed this report in her letter the same night: "Is it just as bitter cold in Paris as here? That always-terrible north wind" (b2268 V/1982, ''Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van en Gogh, Willemina van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 3/25/1885).  337. About 7:30Van Tilborgh, "Letter from Willemien van Gogh," p. 21: This is based on Wil's account: "I shall never forget that night. It happened at seven thirty at night." The death certificate witnesses put the death at eight o'clock. Jan's account describes Wil's return from the neighbor's house and her futile efforts to revive her father's lifeless body (Van Tilborgh and Pabst, p. 88). In her family journal, Aunt Miejte refers to a doctor being summoned and indicates that one did come ("the doctor could only ascertain death, because of the heart") (Van Gogh, "History of the Van Gogh Family," p. 5). These probably account for the half-hour time difference.  338. a passing maid heard Van Tilborgh and Pabst, p. 88: According to Uncle Jan, "[Dorus] turned the handle of the front door. The maid in the corridor thought she heard him and went to meet him, and in the doorway she collapsed in her arms." Aunt Mietje's account tells this piece of the story in a slightly different way: "On his stoop he tried in vain to open the door, which is why the maid arrived at that point, just in time to catch him" (Van Gogh, "History of the Van Gogh Family," pp. 3-4).  339. the weight of his bodyVan Tilborgh and Pabst, p. 88.  340. he sank against her Van Tilborgh and Pabst, p. 88: According to Jan's account, "he collapsed in her arms, as it were."  341. the only family member Wil was at a neighbor's house. Cor was in Helmond; he was summoned and arrived at 1:30 the next morning, according to Wil's account (Van Tilborgh, "Letter from Willemien van Gogh," p. 21). The other children -- Lies, Anna, and Theo -- no longer lived at home.  342. into the living room Van Gogh, " History of the Van Gogh Family," p. 5: This detail comes from Aunt Mietje's journal: "They put him in the living room on the sofa." As translated by Van Tilborgh and Pabst, Willemina's account puts the sofa in the "back room" (Van Tilborgh and Pabst, p. 88). This may be the same room -- i.e., the family living room -- where a fire was probably already lit, as opposed to the parsonage parlor.  343. Wil rushed back Van Tilborgh and Pabst, p. 88: According to Jan's account, "Willemien had gone to visit the Buijsman family nearby and came home immediately." A hint of what Willemina, recently turned twenty-three, was doing unaccompanied at a neighbor's house that evening can probably be read into this passage from a letter she wrote to Theo the day before Dorus's death: "We are busy rehearsing for a comedy piece/play. If it goes well it will be very nice, it provides a little variety again." (b2268 V/1982, ''Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van en Gogh, Willemina van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 3/25/1885.)  344. "oh it was so terrible" Van Tilborgh, "Letter from Willemien van Gogh," p. 21.  345. "restore life to it" Van Tilborgh and Pabst, p. 88: Jan's contemporaneous report that Wil "tried to restore life to the body," is echoed in Aunt Mietje's journal: "They put him in the living room on the sofa, sent for the doctor, and tried all kinds of things" (Van Gogh, "History of the Van Gogh Family," p. 5).  346. Dorus was pronounced dead De Brouwer, p. 69: Two witnesses, Lucas Albertus and Gerardus Huizing, appeared before the Nuenen Registrar, Johannes van Hombergh, on Friday, March 27, 1885, and certified that "at eight o'clock in the evening has died Theodorus Van Gogh, husband of Anna Cornelia Carbentus, old sixty-three years."  347. Four days later JLB Chronology 1885. For some reason, Aunt Mietje's journal appears to place Dorus's funeral on March 31 (Van Gogh, "History of the Van Gogh Family," p. 5).  348. the entire congregation Van Gogh, "History of the Van Gogh Family," p. 5: According to Aunt Mietje's account (which was undoubtedly based on reports from her brother Jan), "almost the entire congregation were present" at the funeral.  349. church dignitaries Van Gogh, "History of the Van Gogh Family," p. 5: "The funeral was most solemn; a lot of family, district ministers, members of the P.C. [Society for Prosperity, the church's welfare and proselytizing arm in Brabant]."  350. fellow preachersVan Gogh, "History of the Van Gogh Family," p. 5.  351. to the Oude TorenSee Ch. 23, n. 350. 352. the green winter wheat b2415 V/1982, "Gogh, Elisabeth van" to "Bonger, Jo", 2/6/1889: For years after Dorus's death and after she moved away, Anna continued to visit her husband's grave in Nuenen on or around the anniversary of his death. After one such visit in February 1889, she wrote, "I found the place in a tidy and green condition. The sun was shining and the green winter wheat fields, which were surrounding the place, were speaking of life." The cemetery, and Dorus's gravestone, still survive in a small, overgrown plot carved out of a modern suburban landscape that Vincent would have detested. The headstone reads: "HIER RUST / THEODORUS VAN GOGH / GEBOREN 8 FEBR. 1822 / OVERLEDEN 26 MAART 1885 / HERDER EN LEERAAR TE NUNEN / VAN 1882 TOT 1885" (Here lies / Theodorus Van Gogh / Born February 8, 1822 / Died March 26, 1885 / Shepherd and Teacher in Nuenen / From 1882 to 1885). 353. the telegram arrived Stolwijk and Thomson, p. 195: Stolwijk and Thomson, quoting Theo's friend Andries Bonger, says the telegram read: "Father has suffered an attack, come, but it's too late -- Vangogh." This strange construction strongly suggests the telegram was sent by Vincent, who also knew at least one of the telegraphers in Nuenen, Willem van der Wakker. (See Chapter 21.)  354. "He had gotten a letter" b1811 V/1970, "Bonger, Andries" to "Bonger, Hendrik Christiaan", 3/31/1885.  422 355. Vincent's first subjects Churchyard in Winter (F 1236r JH 432) and Churchyard in Winter (F 1237 JH 433).  356. scheduled demolition See Chapter 23.  357. Uncle Cor from Amsterdam BVG 397, 4/1/1885: Vincent never wrote a word about his father's death or funeral, but only days afterward, he wrote hopefully about one of his Uncle Cor's activities on his recent sorrowful trip to Nuenen. 

Context:
JLB 489, 4/4/1885: "If I thought that C.M. meant it when he asked for heads of children, I could send him this one I did today, but ... I can't say I feel much inclined to enter into correspondence (unless he asks for something more specifically). It can do no harm, though, that he's been to the studio."

358. Uncle Jan, the rear admiral Van Gogh, "History of the Van Gogh Family," p. 5: According to Aunt Mietje's journal, "Our brother Jan arrived on Saturday [March 28], together with Mrs. Stricker, and was able to help out."  359. Willemina StrickerVan Gogh, "History of the Van Gogh Family," p. 5.  360. Devastated by the newsVan Gogh, "History of the Van Gogh Family," p. 5.  361. Uncle Cent had locked Van Gogh, "History of the Van Gogh Family," p. 5: "The family in Menton [France, on the Côte d'Azur] was also devastated. Nonetheless, Cornelia [Anna's sister] and Mietje [Dorus's sister] sat downstairs at déjeuner, he [Cent] upstairs."  362. "tendency to cool"Van Tilborgh and Pabst, p. 88: "Vincent is bearing up well enough, a bit withdrawn, of course, but tolerable all the same, for the rest a tendency to cool rationalisation." We have slightly retranslated the passage, based on Vincent's subsequent testimony on the subject. Also, it is hard to imagine that Uncle Jan considered Vincent "shy" as a rule ("of course").  363. "[He is] a bit withdrawn"Van Tilborgh and Pabst, p. 88. Vincent admits this withdrawal a year later in a letter to Van Rappard: "You know -- I haven't been on the best of terms with them at home for years. In the first few days after my father died, I had to correspond with the immediate family. But otherwise, as soon as family arrived, I withdrew from it all completely." (JLB 514, 7/13/1885, emphasis in original.)  364. "Dying is hard" b2002 V/1982, "Gogh, Elisabeth van" to "Gogh, Theo en Jo van", 8/2/1890: As quoted by sister Willemina five years later: "When Father died and Mrs. Poots wanted to see Father once again, Vincent stood beside her and said: 'Yes, Mrs. Poots, dying is hard, but living is harder still.'"

Unlike many commentators, we see in this bitter epitaph a continuation of Vincent's hostility toward his father. The comment echoes closely an argument Vincent made to Theo almost exactly one year previously: "And you'll say that it's also pretty sad when a painter dies miserably in a hospital and is buried with the whores in the common grave -- where a lot of them lie, after all -- particularly when one considers that dying may not be as difficult as living" (JLB 432, 3/2/1884). This comes in the middle of a long and extremely bitter letter in which Vincent accuses Theo of ignoring his art and betraying their brotherhood. In the heat of his fury, he labels Theo as "Pa II" (JLB 474, 12/10/1884).

In the later use at his father's deathbed, Vincent clearly means to express the same bitter resentment, which he has always felt against his father, and often against his brother. If they had supported him as they should have, Vincent is arguing, living would not be so difficult for him; he would not be fated to die miserably alongside whores in a fosse commune. Also, we find no evidence to support De Brouwer's report that "Vincent made a drawing representing [Dorus] lying in the coffin" (De Brouwer, p. 118). This would have been completely contrary to Vincent's lifelong avoidance of the subject of his father's death and denial of his role in it. 

365. Vincent never referred to BVG 573, 1/22/1889-1/23/1889: Except for a couple of en passant politenesses in the first few letters after Dorus's death ("They have therefore been days that none of us will forget, and yet the overall impression isn't terrible but only grave" [JLB 489, 4/4/1885]), and a description of a still life: "in the foreground are a tobacco pouch and a pipe of Pa's" [JLB 490, 4/6/1885]), there is only one arguable exception to the rule of silence that fell over Dorus's death. It comes four years later and takes the form of a tribute to his parents' relationship: "Whatever I think on a few other points, our father and our mother have been exemplary as married people. And I'll never forget Mother on the occasion of our father's death, when she said only one small word, which for me made me begin to love our old mother again more than before. Anyway, as married people our parents were exemplary." (JLB 741, 1/22/1889.) Not only is this a vague, perhaps invented recollection, but Vincent neglects to supply the "small word" that moved him so deeply.

Hulsker goes to great lengths to explain and excuse Vincent's silence on the momentous events of late March 1885. "Vincent's letters do not contain any sentimental meditations about their father and his death, not only because in the last few years the relationship with his father had left much to be desired (he was not used to writing in a sentimental way in any case!), but also because the brothers had ample opportunity to talk about their father in the days around the funeral" (Hulsker, Vincent and Theo, p. 132). The suggestion that Vincent had exhausted the subject in his brief (and, no doubt, fraught) encounter with Theo in Nuenen is unsustainable. Vincent could explore repeatedly, over years, a simple walk along the Rijswijk canal, if it had emotional significance for him. (And he frequently wrote in a highly sentimental way.) The same was true whether the event had positive or negative significance, as witness his recent obsessive references to Theo's "suspicion." According to Stolwijk and Thomson, Theo did not believe that he and Vincent had exhausted the subject of their father's death in Nuenen: "It must have been painful for Theo to realise that Vincent could be so unmoved by their father's passing. He was chillingly rational, reminding Theo simply that life was short and then proceeding to discuss at great length various artistic matters that were currently occupying his thoughts. Theo did not reply for two whole weeks; his silence spoke volumes." (Stolwijk and Thomson, p. 37.) 

366. "I cannot bear it" BVG 169, 1/5/1882-1/8/1882. 

Context:
BVG 169, 1/5/1882-1/8/1882: "Whenever one says something to Father to which he has no reply, he comes out with a reproach of that sort and says, for example, 'You will be the death of me,' while he sits there perfectly calmly reading his newspaper and smoking his pipe. So I take such reproaches for what they are. But as to such expressions as 'I cannot bear it', 'it's killing me,' 'my life is embittered,' I no longer attach any importance to them, for that's only their little way."
JLB 197, 1/5/1882: "Pa regularly comes up with some such saying if someone says something to him that he doesn't know how to answer, and says, among other things, 'you'll be the death of me', while calmly reading the newspaper and smoking his pipe. So I take such expressions at their face value. But as to those expressions, 'I can't stand it', 'this will be the death of me', 'my life is a misery', I no longer take any notice, because it's only a mannerism."

367. "it's killing me" BVG 169, 1/5/1882-1/8/1882. 

Context:
BVG 169, 1/5/1882-1/8/1882: "Whenever one says something to Father to which he has no reply, he comes out with a reproach of that sort and says, for example, 'You will be the death of me,' while he sits there perfectly calmly reading his newspaper and smoking his pipe. So I take such reproaches for what they are. But as to such expressions as 'I cannot bear it', 'it's killing me,' 'my life is embittered,' I no longer attach any importance to them, for that's only their little way."
JLB 197, 1/5/1882: "Pa regularly comes up with some such saying if someone says something to him that he doesn't know how to answer, and says, among other things, 'you'll be the death of me', while calmly reading the newspaper and smoking his pipe. So I take such expressions at their face value. But as to those expressions, 'I can't stand it', 'this will be the death of me', 'my life is a misery', I no longer take any notice, because it's only a mannerism."

368. "you will be the death of me" BVG 169, 1/5/1882-1/8/1882. 

Context:
BVG 169, 1/5/1882-1/8/1882: "Whenever one says something to Father to which he has no reply, he comes out with a reproach of that sort and says, for example, 'You will be the death of me,' while he sits there perfectly calmly reading his newspaper and smoking his pipe."
JLB 197, 1/5/1882: "Pa regularly comes up with some such saying if someone says something to him that he doesn't know how to answer, and says, among other things, 'you'll be the death of me', while calmly reading the newspaper and smoking his pipe."

369. "I do not much care" BVG 347, 12/18/1883: This was part of Vincent's angry and unapologetic response to Theo's criticism of Vincent for fighting with their father when he first arrived in Nuenen at Christmastime 1883. 

Context:
BVG 347, 12/18/1883: "You say you think it cowardly of me to rebel against Father. In the first place this is a verbal rebellion -- no violence is involved. On the other hand it might be argued that I am all the sadder and more disappointed and I speak all the more gravely and resolutely precisely because Father's gray hairs make it evident to me that the time left to us for reconciliation is perhaps, in truth, not very long. I do not much care for deathbed reconciliations, I prefer to see them during life."
JLB 413, 12/15/1883: "You say that you think it cowardly of me to rebel against Pa -- in the first place this rebellion is in words -- there's no violence here. It can be seen from another side, that is, that I'm all the sadder and more disappointed and speak all the more earnestly and resolutely precisely because Pa's grey hair tells me that the time that we have for reconciliation is verily perhaps not very long. I don't think much of deathbed reconciliations, I'd rather see them during life." (Emphasis in original.)

370. "He seems not to be" b2267 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 2/19/1885: The full passage suggests that the encounter was especially acrimonious: "It is as if he becomes more and more a stranger to us. ... He seems not to be able to tolerate any hints at all, never mind how gently and carefully they are made. His quick temper prevents any conversation, and that in itself already proves that he is not normal. It certainly is not easy for me to be passive, and still previous experience has shown that you don't win by fighting and that that does not improve the situation. So we will just wait and see if perhaps our worries are exaggerated. We feel such pity for him; for such a relation cannot give satisfaction."

Most Van Gogh biographers (see, e.g., Tralbaut, p. 156), eager to see some glimmer of reconciliation between Vincent and his father at the end, focus on a brief, formulaic expression of hope in Dorus's last letter to Theo, written the night before he died: "May [Vincent] just succeed, in whatever way; that is to be wished" (b2269 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 3/25/1885). Often neglected is the immediately preceding sentence in which Dorus reports that he saw a portrait of Anton Mauve in a journal and was reminded once again of his son's many mistakes in life: "What a shame that Vincent cut off the connection with him. How much [Mauve] could have taught him." (ibid.) Nothing in the letter suggests another major conversation between father and son since the blow-up a week earlier. 

371. every pious tributeVan Gogh, "History of the Van Gogh Family," p. 5: Aunt Mietje proudly reports that "cordial speeches were given. Also the [tributes] and other papers and letters all revealed much respect while his relatives etc. had lost much in him." Kools records the reaction of Dorus's former congregation in Zundert (Kools, p. 125).

Van Geertruy reports a similar reaction in another former parsonage: "he was also remembered in Etten. Clergyman Mijs recorded in the minute book of the church council: 'Since he had gained the esteem and love of many through his loyalty and diligence, it is no wonder that this news was received with profound emotion.'" (Van Geertruy, p. 62.) Jansen and Robert cite a poem written by Gijsbertus Jan van Lakerveld, a preacher in Helmond, that was read at the parsonage in Nuenen after the funeral, referring to his "esteemed confrère and friend Theodorus van Gogh" (Jansen and Robert, p. 96, n. 10). It is quite possible that in one of the family gatherings around the time of the funeral, somebody had the strength to read a letter that Dorus had written almost twenty years earlier in Zundert, specifically for this occasion: "Zundert August 19 1866 in the morning at 5 o'clock. Thinking about the possibility of my death, I want to write down the following":

1. I thank my wife for what she has been in my life since I was with her, She made my path more clear, She built my home. She refreshed me with her love. She has given me much that is good through her religious devotion and wisdom. I bless her for what she has done for me and my lovely children.

2. From my children I expect that they will reciprocate their mother the love that they have received from her and from me. They will be their mother's support when she is a widow.

3. Love each other dearly forgive each other often be humble and modest, follow Jesus, do all that is good out of love for, and gratefulness to, God.

4. I thank all who were good to me I pray for forgiveness for all that was not good in me. I recommend to God my wife and children and relatives and community.

5. I count on my children that they will honor, support, and love their mother. God bless her and them, with the best of his blessings.

Goodbye!
Your husband and Father who loves you so very much.

Ths van Gogh.'

It was later noted that "A large number of people attended the funeral four days later and the ceremony was 'filled with the respect and love for a man who took the interests of those entrusted to his care to heart with great concern and devotion, who did everything in his power to fulfill such tasks as presented themselves to him and whose piety, fairness, love and tolerance had won the hearts of all who knew him.'" (Van Crimpen, p. 86.)

372. Anna dared to say BVG 398, 4/5/1885: Although nowhere precisely recorded, Anna's accusation can be read clearly in Vincent's furious denial: "I still very much regret the incident with Anna," he wrote about a week after the funeral. "What she said to you changed nothing of what she reproached me for, and however absurd those reproaches were and her unfounded presumptions about things that are still in the future -- she hasn't told me she takes them back" (JLB 490, 4/6/1885; emphasis added). The obscure reference to "presumptions about things that are still in the future" strongly implies that Anna made an additional accusation: that, if Vincent were allowed to stay in the parsonage, he would undoubtedly kill their mother as well.

In Wil's account to a friend, this family explosion is rendered without the ugly details: "after my father's death Anna thought it would be more peaceful for Mum if he no longer lived at home and she made sure he left us" (Van Tilborgh, "Letter from Willemien van Gogh," p. 21). Tralbaut attributes Anna's accusation generally to "the people of Nuenen [who] thought that Vincent, the 'schildermenneke' whose work they did not begin to understand, was in some way to blame for his father's death" (Tralbaut, p. 154). 

Context:
JLB 490, 4/6/1885: "I still very much regret the incident with Anna that decided me in this respect. What she said to you changed nothing of what she reproached me for, and however absurd those reproaches were and her unfounded presumptions about things that are still in the future -- she hasn't told me she takes them back. Well -- you understand how I simply shrug my shoulders at such things -- and anyway, I increasingly let people think of me just exactly what they will, and say and do too, if need be."

373. others were whisperingTralbaut, p. 154: "The people of Nuenen thought that Vincent, the 'schildermenneke' whose work they did not begin to understand, was in some way to blame for his father's death."