Notes

Notes

 

Chapters

Chapters

583 1. fifteen francs a month BVG 480, 5/1/1888. In announcing his new studio in May 1888, Vincent tells Theo: "I've rented it for 15 francs a month" (JLB 602, 5/1/1888). But there is subsequent evidence that this figure is a deception -- designed, no doubt, to defuse Theo's anger at not being consulted about the expense prior to Vincent's signing the lease. Only four months later, he writes, apparently absent-minded about the previous deception, "I have to pay 45 a month for my lodging alone" (JLB 673, 9/3/1888). The latter figure makes Vincent's projection elsewhere that he will spend 100 francs per month on the house (JLB 603, 5/4/1888; see Ch. 31, n. 30) seem more reasonable, although it still represents a significant prevarication.

Context:
JLB 602, 5/1/1888: "I've rented it for 15 francs a month."

2. Years of neglect BVG 570, 1/9/1889: Vincent does not tell Theo this until six months later, in January 1889, after Paul Gauguin had come and gone, when the landlord of the Yellow House tried to evict him, presumably because of the ear incident in December. He no doubt withheld this information in May 1888 because Theo would have immediately been alarmed about the potential cost of fixing it up. Given how little money Vincent had, and given the landlady's reported stinginess, it is highly probable that Vincent agreed to fix up the house (with his own money) as a kind of security deposit when he agreed to rent it in late April, without having consulted his brother first.

Context:
JLB 738, 1/9/1889: "That worries me a little, for I'm not much inclined to have myself turned out of this house almost shamefully when it was I who had it repainted inside and out and had gas put in &c., in short who made habitable a house that had been locked up and uninhabited for quite a long time, and which I took on in very poor condition."

3. the noise and dust Piérard, p. 103: Following in Vincent's footsteps three decades later, Piérard decribes "the corner of the dusty Place Lamartine, and the Avenue Montmajor" as "far from poetic. The trees have none of the admirable architecture of the plane-trees leading to the Alyscamps, and one does not hear the same nightingale's song mingled with the harmonious sound of rippling water. The railway-station is close at hand." Coquiot, who visited Arles around the same time as Piérard, added this about the traffic and noise outside the Yellow House windows: "Sometimes, one hears the puffing and whistling of a locomotive, and then a few cries. And there are donkeys trotting, and dogs ambling, and people walking along the avenue Montmajour, which runs along the right-hand side of the house." (Coquiot, p. 171.) 4. two tiny bedrooms BVG 480, 5/1/1888.

Context:
BVG 480, 5/1/1888: "I've taken the right wing of this complex, which contains 4 rooms, or rather two with two cabinets."
JLB 602, 5/1/1888: Ah, well -- today I rented the right-hand wing of this building, which contains 4 rooms, or more precisely, two, with two little rooms.

5. heat, gas, or electricity BVG 570, 1/9/1889. (See Ch. 31, n. 2.)

Context:
JLB 735, 1/9/1889: "That worries me a little, for I'm not much inclined to have myself turned out of this house almost shamefully when it was I who had it repainted inside and out and had gas put in &c., in short who made habitable a house that had been locked up and uninhabited for quite a long time, and which I took on in very poor condition."

6. There was no bathroom BVG 480, 5/1/1888. There was, apparently, running water in the kitchen, if that is what Vincent means when he writes: "I have water here" (JLB 602, 5/1/1888).

Context:
JLB 602, 5/1/1888: "It will seem funny to you that the water closet is at the neighbour's, in quite a large house that belongs to the same owner."

7. the filthy public toilets BVG 480, 5/1/1888.

Context:
JLB 602, 5/1/1888: "It will seem funny to you that the water closet is at the neighbour's, in quite a large house that belongs to the same owner. In a southern town I think you'd be wrong to complain about it, because these facilities are few and far between, and dirty, and you can't help thinking of them as nests of germs."

8. an all-night café BVG 543, 9/28/1888. This is the Café de la Gare (Train Station Café) that Vincent will famously depict in September 1888 (The Night Café in the Place Lamartine in Arles [F 463 JH 1575]). Clébert and Richard colorfully refer to the café as "a refuge for cart-drivers" -- the nineteenth-century equivalent of a trucker's stop (Clébert and Richard, p. 25).

Context:
JLB 691, 9/29/1888: "The night café that I painted isn't in the painting; it's to the left of the restaurant."

9. belching and screaming Coquiot, p. 171: The sounds of the nearby train station figure into Coquiot's visit to Arles in the 1920s: "Sometimes, one hears the puffing and whistling of a locomotive, and then a few cries." 10. a few scrawny trees BVG 539, 9/17/1888. In light of subsequent testimony (see Ch. 31, n. 3) and photographic evidence (see photo in Druick, pp. 156-157), Vincent's description of the place Lamartine has to be discounted for romantic exaggeration. Coquiot gave Vincent the benefit of the doubt (Coquiot, pp. 170-171). Observing the park thirty-five years later, he commented: "Today, where there used to be a nicely filled garden, there is just an empty square, the emptiness broken only by a few plane trees and benches. The garden was another part of the place's appeal. Vincent himself described, in painterly terms, the sunny flowerbeds which he depicted on many an occasion; and where the trees, shrubs and flowers have been replaced by old men dragging themselves from one bench to another, like in the cold corridors of a hospice." It is hard to know to what extent Vincent's paintings of the public park outside his door represent the actual condition of the park or his lush re-imagining of it. The park had been installed around 1871 and altered in 1877, but that was still eleven years before Vincent's arrival in Arles, plenty of time for it to fall into the disrepair that is evident in the earliest pictures from around the turn of the century, only a decade later.

The garden scenes that Vincent painted in 1888 (e.g., The Poet's Garden [F 468 JH 1578], Entrance to the Public Park in Arles [F 566 JH1585], Public Garden with Couple and Blue Fir Tree: The Poet's Garden III [F 479 JH 1601]) may have been exaggerated, rhetorical images designed to bolster his case for Gauguin coming to Arles (see Chapter 31). Indeed, the few depictions of the public garden that date from 1889 -- after Gauguin's departure -- (e.g., Red Chestnuts in the Public Park at Arles [F 517 JH 1689] and The Park at Arles [F 1468 JH 1498]) show far sparer foliage. It is also possible that some of the garden scenes in Vincent's works depict spots in the public garden to the west of the place Lamartine, between the Place and the Rhône River -- an area not recorded in any early photographs.

Context:
JLB 683, 9/18/1888: "It's ordinary plane trees, pines in tall clumps, a weeping tree and green grass."

11. overflow sexual traffic BVG 539, 9/17/1888: Vincent duly analyzes the park's plantings in terms of its nightly visitors. In other words, the town fathers have avoided planting bushes on the north side of the park, Vincent's side, because to do so would invite the same kind of nocturnal activity that goes on amidst the foliage on the south side.

Context:
JLB 683, 9/18/1888: But this side of the garden is also, for the same reason of chastity or morality, destitute of any flowering bushes such as the oleanders."

12. the other side of the park BVG 539, 9/17/1888: Vincent brags about this auspicious proximity. The street he is referring to is the rue de Ricoléts, just on the other side of the old city walls from the place Lamartine.

Context:
JLB 683, 9/18/1888: "But what scenery! It's a public garden where I am, just near the street of the good little ladies."

584 13. Allied bomb exploded it Clébert and Richard, p. 83: The building was severely damaged on June 25, 1944, although not completely destroyed. The remains were razed rather than rebuilt. 14. interior of peeling whitewash BVG 480, 5/1/1888: When he first announces the Yellow House to Theo, Vincent is rapturous about the whitewashed interior walls. Indeed, he refers to the space not as the "Yellow House" but as the "white studio" (JLB 602, 5/1/1888). He doesn't reveal until almost a year later that he had the entire house repainted, inside and out, when he moved in (JLB 735, 1/9/1889), indicating that the interior walls were in less-than-pristine condition.

Context:
JLB 602, 5/1/1888: "I have one big worry fewer now that I've found the little white studio. I looked at a whole lot of apartments without success."

15. rough brick floors BVG W7, 9/9/1888-9/16/1888.

Context:
JLB 678, 9/9/1888 and 9/14/1888: "And inside, it's all whitewashed, and the floor's of red bricks."

16. churchlike space JLB 682, 9/18/1888: "At present it makes me think of Bosboom's interiors, with the red tiles, the white walls." The reference is to Johannes Bosboom,a Hague School painter who specialized in depictions of church interiors. 17. "In this I can live" BVG W7, 9/9/1888-9/16/1888.

Context:
JLB 678, 9/9/1888 and 9/14/1888: "Inside, I can live and breathe, and think and paint."

18. "intensely blue" BVG 538, 9/17/1888. Here Vincent refers to "the patches of intense blue sky and greenery visible through the windows" (JLB 682, 9/18/1888). In a letter to Wil, he describes the Yellow House this way: "It's in the full sun on the square, where there's a green garden of plane trees, oleanders, acacias. And inside, it's all whitewashed, and the floor's of red bricks. And the intense blue sky above." (JLB 678, 9/9/1888 and 9/14/1888.)

Context:
BVG 538, 9/17/1888: "At present it reminds me of Bosboom's interiors, with the red tiles, the white walls, the furniture of white deal and walnut and the glimpses of an intense blue sky and greenery through the windows."
JLB 682, 9/18/1888: "At present it makes me think of Bosboom's interiors, with the red tiles, the white walls, the furniture in deal or walnut, the patches of intense blue sky and greenery visible through the windows."

19. "delightful" BVG 482, 5/4/1888.

Context:
BVG 482, 5/4/1888: "It is really quite possible that as far as the house goes. I might find something even better either in Martignes on the coast or some other place. Only what is so delightful in this studio is the garden opposite."
JLB 604, 5/4/1888: "It's quite possible that as far as houses go I'll find an even better one, either at Martigues, beside the sea, or in some other place. But the delightful thing about this studio is the gardens opposite."

20. "overlook[ed] a very pretty" BVG W7, 9/9/1888-9/16/1888.

Context:
BVG W7, 9/9/1888-9/16/1888: "For upstairs there are two little rooms overlooking a very pretty public garden, and from which one can see the sun rise in the morning."
JLB 678, 9/9/1888 and 9/14/1888: "Because there are 2 small rooms upstairs, which look out on a very pretty public garden, and where you can see the sunrise in the morning."

21. Vincent saw Daumier BVG 538, 9/17/1888.

Context:
JLB 682, 9/18/1888: "The public garden, the night cafés, the grocer's shop, aren't Millet, of course, but failing that, it's pure Daumier, pure Zola."

22. scenes from Flaubert novels BVG 543, 9/28/1888. (See Ch. 31, n. 24.)

Context:
JLB 691, 9/29/1888: "[Paul Eugène] Milliet [a lieutenant of the Zouaves] finds it horrible, but I don't need to tell you that when he says he can't understand that someone can enjoy doing such an ordinary grocer's shop, and such stiff, square houses with no charm at all, I reflect that Zola did a certain boulevard at the beginning of L'assommoir and Flaubert a corner of quai de la Villette in the summer heat, at the beginning of Bouvard et Pécuchet, that aren't half bad."

23. Monet landscapes BVG 539, 9/17/1888.

Context:
JLB 683, 9/18/1888: "It's ordinary plane trees, pines in tall clumps, a weeping tree and green grass. But it has such intimacy! There are gardens like that by Monet."

24. "absolute Zola" BVG 538, 9/17/1888. (See Ch. 31, n. 21.) In a later letter, Vincent returns to this parallel in advertising and advocating his new home: "I reflect that Zola did a certain boulevard at the beginning of L'assommoir and Flaubert a corner of quai de la Villette in the summer heat, at the beginning of Bouvard et Pécuchet, that aren't half bad." (JLB 691, 9/29/1888.)

Context:
BVG 538, 9/17/1888: "Its surroundings, the public garden, the night cafés and the grocer's, are not Millet, but instead they are Daumier, absolute Zola."
JLB 682, 9/18/1888: "Now the surroundings, with the public garden, the night cafés, the grocer's shop, aren't Millet, of course, but failing that, it's pure Daumier, pure Zola."

25. "I feel that I can" BVG 538, 9/17/1888.

Context:
BVG 538, 9/17/1888: "Besides, I feel that I can make something lasting out of it, from which others can profit as well."
JLB 682, 9/18/1888: "Besides, I feel that I can make something of it that will last, and from which someone else will also be able to benefit."

26. "The ground feels firmer" BVG 480, 5/1/1888 and JLB 602, 5/1/1888: We have used elements from both translations.

Context:
BVG 480, 5/1/1888: "But many things have changed since then, and the ground feels firmer underfoot, so let's get on ahead."
JLB 602, 5/1/1888: "But many things have changed since then, and as I feel I'm on firmer ground -- let's go ahead."

27. "dream house" Paul Gauguin, quoted by Thomson, in Homburg, p. 68. 585 28. "the yellow color" BVG W7, 9/9/1888-9/16/1888.

Context:
BVG W7, 9/9/1888-9/16/1888: "My house here is painted the yellow colour of fresh butter on the outside with glaringly green shutters; it stands in the full sunlight in a square which has a green garden with plane trees, oleanders and acacias."
JLB 678, 9/9/1888 and 9/14/1888: "My house here is painted outside in the yellow of fresh butter, with garish green shutters, and it's in the full sun on the square, where there's a green garden of plane trees, oleanders, acacias."

29. He fixed the doors BVG 491, 5/27/1888.

Context:
JLB 614, 5/27/1888: "I've got them to agree to repaint the house, the front, the doors and the windows outside and inside. Only I have to pay 10 francs for that myself. But I think it will be well worth the bother."

30. installed gas BVG 556, 10/21/1888: The first mention of this expense comes in a letter to Theo in October. (He reports it to Émile Bernard.) This is the appropriate timing for putting heat in the house, but he may have brought gas to the kitchen or done other preparatory work during the initial renovations over the summer. (Twenty-five francs is an implausibly low price for plumbing the house for gas from scratch.) That is the implication of a passage in a letter the following January when his improvements to the house become an issue in the inevitable dispute with his landlord: "I'm not much inclined to have myself turned out of this house almost shamefully when it was I who had it repainted inside and out and had gas put in &c., in short who made habitable a house that had been locked up and uninhabited for quite a long time, and which I took on in very poor condition." (JLB 735, 1/9/1889.) If the past is any guide, Vincent probably uses the dismissive "&c." here to disguise from Theo the considerable expenses involved in the renovations. In a letter from early May 1888, right as he begins work on the house, Vincent hints at the scale of expenditures he planned: "If in the first year -- the current one -- I spent 100 francs to live and 100 francs for this establishment per month, you can see there wouldn't be a sou left in this budget for painting." (JLB 603, 5/4/1888.) Since the rent was somewhere between 15 and 45 francs a month (see Ch. 31, n. 1), Vincent clearly intended to spend between 55 and 85 francs per month for the rest of the year (a total of 400 to 600 francs) on the renovation of the Yellow House.

Context:
JLB 709, 10/21/1888: "I've had gas put in, in the studio and the kitchen, which is costing me 25 francs for installation"

31. otherwise spent lavishly See Ch. 31, n. 30. 32. make the house habitable BVG 570, 1/9/1889.

Context:
JLB 735, 1/9/1889: "That worries me a little, for I'm not much inclined to have myself turned out of this house almost shamefully when it was I who had it repainted inside and out and had gas put in &c., in short who made habitable a house that had been locked up and uninhabited for quite a long time, and which I took on in very poor condition."

33. agreed to underwrite BVG 491, 5/27/1888: This is clearly a deception. Only about two weeks later, Vincent inadvertently reveals as much when he explains why he hasn't made a painting trip to the coast, as promised: "I haven't left for Saintes-Maries -- they've finished painting the house and I had to pay, and I also have to buy quite a considerable supply of canvas. And out of the fifty francs I've got one louis left and we're only Tuesday morning, and so it was hardly possible for me to leave and I fear it won't yet be possible next week either." (JLB 623, 6/12/1888.) In the next letter, he repeats the revealing complaint about the cost of repairs even more vehemently: "As the rent for the house and the painting of the doors and windows and the purchase of canvases have all come together and drained me dry, you'll do me a very great service by sending me some money a few days early." (JLB 624, 6/12/1888 or 6/13/1888.) The following January, when he has a fight with the landlord, he claims he should get full credit for the improvements to the house, clearly indicating that he paid for most if not all of them: "It was I who had it repainted inside and out and had gas put in &c., in short who made habitable a house that had been locked up and uninhabited for quite a long time, and which I took on in very poor condition." (JLB 735, 1/9/1889.)

Context:
JLB 614, 5/27/1888: "I've got them to agree to repaint the house, the front, the doors and the windows outside and inside. Only I have to pay 10 francs for that myself. But I think it will be well worth the bother."

34. "I've been swindled" BVG 484, 5/7/1888.

Context:
BVG 484, 5/7/1888: "I am writing you a second time today because when I tried to settle my bill at the hotel I stay at, I had still another proof of how I've been swindled."
JLB 606, 5/7/1888: "I'm writing to you again today because, when I wanted to pay my bill at the hotel where I'm staying, I realized once again that I was being fleeced there."

35. Forced to ransom BVG 484, 5/7/1888. Vincent's story is that he offered to re-negotiate his room charge with Albert Carrel, clearly with the intention of staying at the Hotel Carrel until the Yellow House was ready for habitation. ("I had intended to stay with these people until I was ready" [JLB 606, 5/7/1888].) But Carrel refused to be reasonable, by Vincent's lights. "I offered to come to some arrangement with them, they weren't willing to." Vincent's reaction, typically, was to take his things and just abandon the bill, but Carrel headed him off and barred him from taking his possessions, keeping them as collateral against the debt: "When I wanted to take my things they prevented me."

Vincent immediately took the matter to the magistrate, but in order to do that, he had to provisionally pay the 40 francs that he admitted owing Carrel and be prepared to pay (perhaps by depositing with the magistrate) the larger amount, 67.40 francs, that Carrel claimed he was owed (ibid.). This is Vincent's excuse for not buying a mattress and sleeping in the Yellow House: "That means I daren't buy my mattress and I'll also have to sleep at another hotel. So I wanted to ask you to put me in a position where I could buy my mattress anyway." It is not impossible that this controversy was either invented or inflated by Vincent to cover the considerable expenses that he must have been incurring in fixing up the Yellow House, expenses that he does not reveal to Theo until a year later. (See Ch. 31, n. 30.)

Context:
JLB 606, 5/7/1888: "I'm writing to you again today because, when I wanted to pay my bill at the hotel where I'm staying, I realized once again that I was being fleeced there. I offered to come to some arrangement with them, they weren't willing to, so when I wanted to take my things they prevented me."

36. refused to pay his bill BVG 479, 4/24/1888. Vincent hints at this typically precipitous flight toward the end of April: "Let me know your address in case you travel. ... Still same address for me but would like to move, as I don't feel comfortable here. ... Will be very hard up end of month but should get by, only it's being able to move right away that bothers me." (JLB 601, 4/25/1888.) As for leaving without paying his bill, this too was already in his thinking: "They won't get a sou out of me so easily any more" (ibid.). In the next letter a week later, Vincent reports having looked at "a whole lot of apartments" in the interim, before settling on the Yellow House (JLB 602, 5/1/1888). This should be taken with some skepticism, since within that same short period, he found, negotiated for, leased, and had already begun developing plans for 2, place Lamartine. It is much more likely that Vincent had his sights set on the new home already by mid-April but didn't want to alert Theo -- and risk his objections -- before the deal was sealed.

Context:
JLB 601, 4/25/1888: "Because the people here, in order to make me pay pretty high rates for EVERYTHING, make too much of the fact that I take up a little more room with my paintings than their other customers who aren't painters. For my part, I'll make the point that I'm staying longer and spend more in the guest-house than labourers who just stay a short time. And they won't get a sou out of me so easily any more." (Emphasis in original.)

37. over the all-night café The literature is not consistent on the name of the all-night café at which Vincent took a room. Tralbaut identifies it as the Café de L'Alcazar (Tralbaut, p. 238), while later sources (Clébert and Richard, p. 25, and Druick and Zegers, p. 107) identify it as the Café de la Gare, the establishment owned by Joseph Ginoux at 30, place Lamartine. 38. "I am going" BVG R6, 11/23/1881.

Context:
BVG R6, 11/23/1881: "So be it--thanks for your revelation, yes, thank God, at first I dared not believe it, but you have made it clear to me -- so I have a will, a conviction, I am going in a definite direction, and what is more, not being contented with this, I want others to go along with me!"
JLB 190, 11/23/1881: "I thank you for that revelation, yes, thank God, at first I didn't dare believe it myself but you've made it clear to me, so I have a will, an inclination, I'm going in a definite direction, and, what's more, not satisfied with that, I want others to go with me!" (emphasis in original).

39. glory days of The Graphic BVG R32, 3/21/1883: In describing his vision for his studio in 1883, Vincent described a print depicting the offices of The Graphic at Christmastime.

Context:
JLB 332, 3/21/1883: "The draughtsmen's models come to wish them a merry Xmas and no doubt receive a tip. Most of the models are disabled -- a man on crutches leads the way -- holding on to his coat-tail is a blind person with someone else on his back who can't walk at all -- his coat-tail is held by a second blind person who is followed by an injured person with a bandage round his head, behind whom yet more come trudging along. ... It would be wonderful if people joined forces and there was a place where models would rendezvous each day, as at The Graphic in the past."

40. "a colony of painters" BVG 316, 8/21/1883. (See Ch. 19, n. 441.)

Context:
BVG 316, 8/21/1883: "Once there, I think I would remain permanently in that country of heath and moorland, where more and more painters are settling down, so that perhaps, after a time, a kind of colony of painters might spring up."
JLB 378, 8/21/1883: "Once there, I believe I would stay for good in the heathland and the peat districts, where more and more painters are coming, and in time a kind of painters' colony might develop."

586 41. "pied à terre"JLB 514, 7/13/1885: "[W]ere any painter, no matter who, to come to this district," Vincent wrote, "I would be glad both to invite him home and to show him the way." This plea was directed, again, at Van Rappard, with whom he had just had the fight over The Potato Eaters (F 82 JH 764) that led to their final rupture: "And this is why I say to you that, if you want to paint here, you mustn't be embarrassed because we had a disagreement. And -- although I'm living on my own in my studio now -- you can even stay too." (ibid.) Desperate to repair the damage to their friendship, he repeats the offer in the next letter in almost the same terms: "I need to repeat yet again that you must know once and for all that in the house where I have my studio there's a spare room at your disposal, as it is for any painter whatsoever who wants to come and make studies here" (JLB 516, 7/15/1885). But this longing was not confined to Van Rappard, as Vincent made clear in a letter from October 1884: "Perhaps a few other painters might come to this region next year. I wish they would, because one shouldn't go for too long without ever seeing any painters." (JLB 467, 10/25/1884.)

Context:
BVG R52, 6/1/1885: "On the contrary -- if any painter, no matter who, should come to this district, I should be glad to invite him to my house and show him the way. For the very reason that it is not always easy to find models who are willing to pose, and that it is not a matter of indifference to all of them to have a pied à terre somewhere.” 
JLB 514, 7/13/1885: “On the contrary -- were any painter, no matter who, to come to this district, I would be glad both to invite him home and to show him the way. Precisely because it's not always easy to find models who are willing to pose -- and having a pied-à-terre somewhere isn't a matter of indifference to everyone.”

42. "founding a studio" BVG 449, 2/3/1886.

Context:
BVG 449, 2/3/1886: "But for the rest, I am very sympathetic to founding a studio, inasmuch as one might combine with other painters to take models together."
JLB 558, 2/4/1886: "But otherwise I like the idea of setting up a studio a great deal, a very great deal. Even, if need be, such that one could combine with other painters to take models together."

43. Horace Livens, a virtual stranger See Ch. 26, n. 371. 44. "share my lodgings" BVG 459a, 8/1/1886-10/31/1886.

Context:
BVG 459a, 8/1/1886-10/31/1886: "If ever you did come here, write to me before and I will, if you like, share my lodgings and studio with you so long as I have any."
JLB 569, 9/1886 or 10/1886: "If ever you did come here, write to me before and I will, if you like, share my lodgings and studio with you so long as I have any."

45. "I should like to get"BVG 469, 3/14/1888.

Context:
BVG 469, 3/14/1888: “For many reasons I should like to get some sort of little retreat, where the poor cab horses of Paris -- that is you and several of our friends, the poor impressionists -- could go out to pasture when they get too beat up.
JLB 585, 3/16/1888: “For many reasons I'd like to be able to create a pied-à-terre which, when people were exhausted, could be used to provide a rest in the country for poor Paris cab-horses like yourself and several of our friends, the poor Impressionists.

46. with Rappard in Brussels BVG 483, 5/7/1888: The date would be 1881.

Context:
JLB 605, 5/7/1888: "I often took walks with Rappard in the place you mention. ... I recall a place called, I think, La Vallée de Josaphat, where there are poplars and where Hippolyte Boulenger, the landscape artist, did some fine things. I remember sunsets in the Botanical Garden, seen from the boulevard that runs alongside it."

47. "I reminded myself" BVG 480, 5/1/1888.

Context:
BVG 480, 5/1/1888: "All the same, it cost me positive agony to decide on a definite step, for I reminded myself that in The Hague and Nuenen I had tried to take a studio, and how badly it turned out!"
JLB 602, 5/1/1888: "All the same, it cost me a lot of agonizing to bring myself to make a decision, because I said to myself that in The Hague and in Nuenen I'd tried to take a studio and I said to myself that it had turned out badly."

48. sometime in mid-April The Yellow House does not make an appearance in Vincent's letters to Theo until the famous announcement on May 1 (Theo's birthday) (JLB 602, 5/1/1888). However, there is good reason to believe that Vincent found the house some weeks before this. In making his announcement, he admits that "it cost me a lot of agonizing to bring myself to make a decision" (ibid.). The following year (1889), his lease expired on April 21 (see Vellekoop, p. 18, n. 98), pointing not only to a lapse between finding the house and announcing it in 1888, but also possibly to an earlier date for signing the lease than May 1, 1888. It would be characteristic of Vincent to sign the lease before seeking his brother's approval. (See Ch. 31, n. 141.) 49. "I could quite well" BVG 480, 5/1/1888. Vincent made this announcement on the same day he signed the lease: "Ah, well -- today I rented the right-hand wing of this building" (JLB 602, 5/1/1888). (See Ch. 31, n. 48.)

Context:
JLB 602, 5/1/1888: "I could live at the new studio with someone else, and I'd very much like to. Perhaps Gauguin will come to the south."

50. following up on an invitation Welsh-Ovcharov, Vincent van Gogh: His Paris Period, 1886-1888, p. 59: "Letters B2 and 464 written shortly after Vincent's arrival in Arles presuppose earlier discussions with Bernard about a shared residence in the south." Most of the hints of earlier discussions in Paris are cited in the text or in the accompanying notes. 51. healthiness of life in the Midi BVG B4, 4/21/1888. When Vincent hears that Bernard plans to do military service in Algeria, he writes: "If I have a piece of advice to give you, it's to build yourself up by eating healthy and simple things for a year beforehand, yes. Starting now. Because it's better not to come here with a ruined stomach or spoiled blood." (JLB 599, 4/19/1888.) After reading this letter upon his arrival in Pont-Aven, Bernard wrote his parents: "[Vincent] advises me to build myself up before going for my service, which I also believe is very necessary" (quoted in Jansen, Luitjen, Bakker, Vincent van Gogh, Painted with Words, p. 13).

Context:
JLB 599, 4/19/1888: "If I have a piece of advice to give you, it's to build yourself up by eating healthy and simple things for a year beforehand, yes. Starting now. Because it's better not to come here with a ruined stomach or spoiled blood." (Emphasis in original.)

52. "a real advantage" BVG B2, 3/18/1888.

Context:
BVG B2, 3/18/1888: "There would be perhaps a real advantage as well for artists who love the sun and colour that exist in the Midi."
JLB 587, 3/18/1888: "Perhaps there'd be a real advantage in emigrating to the south for many artists in love with sunshine and colour."

53. a bargain over Brittany BVG 464, 2/25/1888: This early message from Arles already reveals the bind in which this argument puts Vincent. To tell Bernard that Arles is cheap would undercut his arguments to Theo for more money. In March, he restates the dilemma in more detail, admitting higher-than-expected expenses but still holding out the possibility of ultimate savings: "I regret that living here isn't as cheap as I'd hoped, and until now I haven't found a way of getting by as easily as one could do in Pont-Aven. I started out paying 5 francs and now I'm on 4 francs a day. One would need to know the local patois, and know how to eat bouillabaisse and aïoli, then one would surely find an inexpensive family boarding-house. Then if there were several of us, I'm inclined to believe we'd get more favourable terms." (JLB 587, 3/18/1888.) Vincent later claims that his ambivalent signals on expenses were one of the reasons Bernard did not accept his invitation to Arles: "When you left [Paris, in April] there was that dreadful money for the fare, and the bad news I had to give about the expenses here, which prevented it" (JLB 628, 6/19/1888).

Context:
JLB 578, 2/24/1888: "If you see Bernard tell him that so far I'm having to pay more than at Pont-Aven, but that I think if you live here in furnished rooms with middle-class people it must be possible to save money, which I'm trying to do, and as soon as I've found out I'll write and tell him what seem to me the average expenses."

54. "I don't yearn" BVG B4, 4/21/1888.

Context:
BVG B4, 4/21/1888: "I certainly intend to go do seascapes at Marseilles too; I don't yearn for the grey sea of the North."
JLB 599, 4/19/1888: "I really intend to go and do seascapes too, in Marseille, and I don't pine here for the grey sea of the north."

55. "blotches of a beautiful emerald" BVG B2, 3/18/1888.

Context:
BVG B2, 3/18/1888: "The water makes blotches of a beautiful emerald and a rich blue in the landscapes such as we see in crepons."
JLB 587, 3/18/1888: "The stretches of water make patches of a beautiful emerald and a rich blue in the landscapes, as we see it in the Japanese prints."

56. "rich blue landscapes" BVG B2, 3/18/1888.

Context:
BVG B2, 3/18/1888: "The water makes blotches of a beautiful emerald and a rich blue in the landscapes such as we see in crepons."
JLB 587, 3/18/1888: "The stretches of water make patches of a beautiful emerald and a rich blue in the landscapes, as we see it in the Japanese prints."

57. "splendid yellow suns" BVG B2, 3/18/1888.

Context:
BVG B2, 3/18/1888: "The pale orange setting sun making the land appear blue. Splendid yellow suns."
JLB 587, 3/18/1888: "Pale orange sunsets making the fields look blue -- glorious yellow suns."

58. "as beautiful as Japan" BVG B2, 3/18/1888.

Context:
BVG B2, 3/18/1888: "… having promised to write, I want to begin by telling you that the country struck me as being as beautiful as Japan for the limpidity of the atmosphere and gay color effects."
JLB 587, 3/18/1888: "Having promised to write to you, I want to begin by telling you that this part of the world seems to me as beautiful as Japan for the clearness of the atmosphere and the gay colour effects."

59. hints of advancement BVG 501a, 6/17/1888: Vincent is very deliberately reminding John Peter Russell of two things: (1) his brother is a dealer; and (2) his brother is active in the market for painters like themselves and Gauguin -- in particular, the most financially successful of all the Impressionist painters: Monet.

Context:
JLB 627, 6/17/1888: "My brother has an exhibition of 10 new pictures by Claude Monet, his latest works, for instance a landscape with red sun set and a group of dark fir trees by the seaside. ... I believe my brother has also another picture by Gauguin which is as I heard say very fine, two negro women talking. It is one of those he did at Martinique."

60. sell Bernard's work BVG 480, 5/1/1888.

Context:
JLB 602, 5/1/1888: "I intend to invite Bernard and some other people to send me canvases to show them here if the opportunity arises, and it will certainly arise in Marseille."

61. to do military service BVG B4, 4/21/1888: As a fan of military men and action, Vincent found Bernard's imminent service thrilling. Insistently self-absorbed, Vincent sees Bernard's military service as both an opportunity to rendezvous briefly in Marseille, and an educational artistic experience that will only bring the two friends closer together, both physically and artistically: "My dear old Bernard, don't despair and above all, don't be downhearted, my good fellow, because with your talent and your stay in Algeria, you'll be a hell of a good artist. True -- you'll be a southerner too." (JLB 599, 4/19/1888.) Still unsettled in Arles, Vincent even offers to follow his friend to Algiers: "If he does his service in Algeria, who knows, perhaps I'll go and keep him company" (JLB 594, 4/9/1888). Two months later, in June, Vincent resurrects the idea of an African sojourn as part of his campaign to persuade Gauguin to come south. "If Gauguin came here, he and I could perhaps accompany Bernard to Africa when he goes there to do his service" (JLB 620, 6/5/1888). This was probably an effort to appeal to Gauguin's taste for exotic travel.

Context:
JLB 599, 4/19/1888: "It interested me enormously that you intend spending your time [as a soldier] in Algeria. That's perfect, and a hell of a long way from being a misfortune. Truly, I congratulate you on it."

587 62. the handful of French artists Jirat-Wasiutnyski, pp. 80-81: Citing the weekly arts chronicle Homme de Bronze, Jirat-Wasiutnyski identifies three other professional artists (as well as several amateur artists) working in the Arles area in the summer of 1888: José Belon, a landscapist and Midi native; Alfred Casile,a Marseille painter who admired Corot and befriended Johan Jongkind; and "M. Stein," probably Georges Stein, best known for her urban scenes of Paris and Monte-Carlo. Vincent is referred to in the article as "M. Vincent, an impressionist painter, [who] works at night, we are told, by gaslight on one of our squares." The reference is to Vincent's famous The Café Terrace on the Place du Forum, Arles, at Night (F 467 JH 1580), painted in the Place du Forum in September (see Chapter 32). 63. "spineless" BVG 474, 4/9/1888.

Context:
BVG 474, 4/9/1888: ""He's an intelligent boy, and all right as far as fidelity and manners go, but his painting is still rather spineless.""
JLB 594, 4/9/1888: "He's an intelligent boy, and fine as far as loyalty and manners go, but his painting is still very poor."

64. his reluctance to join BVG 539, 9/17/1888.

Context:
JLB 683, 9/18/1888: "It's a public garden where I am, just near the street of the good little ladies, and [Christian] Mourier[-Petersen], for example, never went there, whereas we used to walk in these gardens almost every day."

65. "the street of kind girls" BVG 539, 9/17/1888.

Context:
BVG 539, 9/17/1888: "I am in a public garden, quite close to the street of the kind girls, and Mourier for instance hardly ever went there, although we took a walk in the gardens, practically every day -- but on the other side (there are 3)."
JLB 683, 9/18/1888: "It's a public garden where I am, just near the street of the good little ladies, and Mourier, for example, never went there, whereas we used to walk in these gardens almost every day, but on the other side (there are 3 of them)."

66. his plan to return home BVG 469, 3/14/1888. Mourier-Petersen did not leave Arles until May (JLB 610, 5/14/1888), but clearly he informed Vincent of his plan to leave as early as mid-March: "I think he'd do well to put off returning home for a year, or to come back after a short visit to his compatriots" (JLB 585, 3/16/1888). Vincent's pleas had no effect on Petersen's plans. In April, Vincent arranged for him to visit Theo on his return trip: "You'll probably see him when he passes through Paris" (JLB 594, 4/9/1888.) These arrangements did result in a brief and unhappy residence for Petersen in the rue Lepic apartment (see Ch. 30, n. 201).

Context:
JLB 585, 3/16/1888: "I think he'd do well to put off returning home for a year, or to come back after a short visit to his compatriots."

67. "He is a Yankee" BVG 479, 4/24/1888.

Context:
JLB 601, 4/25/1888: "He's a Yankee who probably does much better than the ordinary run of Yankees. But a Yankee all the same."

68. before seeing MacKnight's work BVG 480, 5/1/1888.

Context:
JLB 602, 5/1/1888: "I've seen [Dodge] MacKnight again, but still nothing of his work."

69. "come to some arrangement" BVG 480, 5/1/1888: This vision of domesticity with MacKnight is paired with Vincent's first suggestion of Paul Gauguin as a housemate.

Context:
BVG 480, 5/1/1888: "I could quite well share the new studio with someone, and I should like to. Perhaps Gauguin will come south? Perhaps I could come to some arrangement with MacKnight."
JLB 602, 5/1/1888: "I could live at the new studio with someone else, and I'd very much like to. Perhaps Gauguin will come to the south. Perhaps I'll come to an arrangement with MacKnight."

70. "Then the cooking" BVG 480, 5/1/1888.

Context:
JLB 602, 5/1/1888: "Then we could cook at home."

71. "I think we should" BVG 481, 5/3/1888.

Context:
JLB 603, 5/4/1888: "Then we would benefit, I think, on both sides."

72. trekked the five miles BVG 481, 5/3/1888: After visiting Fontvieille in early May, Vincent files a disparaging report on MacKnight's work. Since Vincent's attitude toward MacKnight takes a sharply negative turn at this time, we suspect that this oddly emphatic passage ("I had to go there specially and tell him I very much wanted to see his work"; emphasis in original) may disguise an acrimonious confrontation of the kind that often ended Vincent's nascent friendships (JLB 603, 5/4/1888). Vincent does not, however, give up immediately on the possibility of MacKnight as a housemate, because in the same letter as his negative assessment, he restates his ambitions for co-habitation: "Now it's not impossible that he may come to stay with me here for a while. Then we would benefit, I think, on both sides." (ibid.) But a corner has definitely been turned. Almost immediately after his visit to Fontvieille, Vincent reports that MacKnight and Petersen have gone to Marseille -- a trip on which he had planned to accompany them (JLB 604, 5/4/1888). It appears that Vincent was un-invited from the trip or that he dropped out voluntarily. His excuse for the sudden change of plans may reveal why: "I'm very keen to see something of that for myself [in Marseille], but for the very reason that I don't want to get all worked up I'll do it when my nerves are settled" (ibid.). We suspect that "get all worked up" is exactly what Vincent did in Fontvieille, and now regrets. Later that summer, in June, Vincent again trekked to Fontvieille only to find that MacKnight and his new housemate, Eugène Boch, had left for a week-long trip to Switzerland -- a trip Vincent was neither invited to join nor, apparently, even informed about (JLB 638, 7/10/1888 or 7/10/1888).

Context:
JLB 603, 5/4/1888: "He's at the stage when the new colour theories are tormenting him, and while they prevent him from doing things according to the old system, he hasn't sufficiently mastered his new palette to be able to succeed this way. He seemed very embarrassed to show them to me, so I had to go there specially and tell him I very much wanted to see his work." (Emphasis in original.)

73. "a dry sort of person" BVG 482, 5/4/1888.

Context:
BVG 482, 5/4/1888: "That friend of Russell's, MacKnight, is a dry sort of person and not too sympathetic either -- so much the worse if I should have the two of them against me. Yet I have not said anything about MacKnight, though I suppose he has no more heart than [Alexander] Reid."
JLB 604, 5/4/1888: "Russell's friend, MacKnight, is a cold and not very nice character, too bad if I have both of them against me. However, I've said nothing about MacKnight, although I imagine he has no more heart than Reid."

74. "heartless" BVG 482, 5/4/1888. (See Ch. 31, n. 73.)

Context:
BVG 482, 5/4/1888: "That friend of Russell's, MacKnight, is a dry sort of person and not too sympathetic either -- so much the worse if I should have the two of them against me. Yet I have not said anything about MacKnight, though I suppose he has no more heart than Reid."
JLB 604, 5/4/1888: "Russell's friend, MacKnight, is a cold and not very nice character, too bad if I have both of them against me. However, I've said nothing about MacKnight, although I imagine he has no more heart than Reid."

75. "dull" BVG 485, 5/10/1888.

Context:
BVG 485, 5/10/1888: "MacKnight is getting very dull and has worked very little so far."
JLB 607, 5/10/1888: "Right out in the country like MacKnight you pay less, but MacKnight is very bored and is working very little so far" (emphasis in original).

76. "common" BVG 505, 7/8/1888. JLB 637, 7/8/1888 or 7/9/1888. Describing MacKnight's new housemate, Eugène Boch, Vincent writes: " He's a lad whose outward appearance I like very much. Face like the blade of a razor, green eyes, and distinction with all that. MacKnight seems very coarse beside him." (JLB 637, 7/8/1888 or 7/9/1888.)

Context:
BVG 505, 7/8/1888: "MacKnight looks very common beside him."
JLB 637, 7/8/1888 or 7/9/1888: "MacKnight seems very coarse beside him."

77. "stultifying" BVG 514, 7/25/1888.

Context:
BVG 514, 7/25/1888: "Bock must get pretty well stultified in MacKnight's company."
JLB 650, 7/29/1888: "Boch must be getting pretty dull-witted with MacKnight."

78. "a slacker" BVG 531, 9/3/1888. When Vincent hears that Eugène Boch plans to spend another season with MacKnight in Fontvieille, he comments tartly: "He's going to stay with MacKnight again for reasons of living more cheaply. That, though, has a disadvantage for him, I believe, because living with an idler makes you idle." (JLB 673, 9/3/1888.)

Context:
BVG 531, 9/3/1888: "That, however, has I think one disadvantage, because living with a slacker makes one slack."
JLB 673, 9/3/1888: "That, though, has a disadvantage for him, I believe, because living with an idler makes you idle."

79. Out of deference BVG 498, 6/15/1888. On his part, Vincent continues to see MacKnight as a conduit to Russell's favor: "I'll write to Russell again, while at the same time thinking I'd do better to wait for his reply. But I'll write this evening anyway, and that's just why I'll go and see his friends MacKnight and Boch, to be able to talk about them and have an opportunity to say something to him before he replies to me." (JLB 637, 7/8/1888 or 7/9/1888.)

Context:
JLB 625, 6/15/1888-6/16/1888: "It seems that MacKnight wasn't very pleased with me but that Russell indicated to him in reply that he should shut up."

80. "frosty"BVG 502, 6/23/1888. In June, MacKnight and his new studio-mate Eugène Boch paid a visit to Vincent's studio: A month later, Vincent wrote of another visit by MacKnight and Boch to his studio: "Still icy silence about the work when they come" (BVG JLB 644, 7/17/1888-7/20/1888).

Context:
BVG 502, 6/23/1888: "MacKnight has a friend with him now, I never see any of his work. Yesterday I showed four or five new studies to him and his friend; they looked at them in frosty silence."
JLB 630, 6/23/1888: "MacKnight has a friend with him now, I never see any of his work, yesterday I showed him and his friend four or five new studies, which they looked at in icy silence.

81. criticisms of his work BVG 498, 6/15/1888: Despite the barrage of criticism leveled against him, Vincent faithfully reports MacKnight's occasional compliments to Theo: "MacKnight came to look again yesterday, and also found the portrait of a young girl good, and again said that he finds my garden good" (JLB 652, 7/31/1888). (See also JLB 625, 6/15/1888-6/16/1888.) Although Vincent later claims, as he did about Petersen, that MacKnight "keeps coming," this was probably just to convince Theo of the viability of the projected partnership with Gauguin (JLB 657, 8/8/1888). When MacKnight finally leaves Arles in late August, Vincent writes with evident relief: "Ah -- MacKnight has cleared off at last -- I don't regret it in the least" (JLB 669, 8/26/1888). 82. "It makes too queer" BVG W4, 6/22/1888: Vincent complains to his sister Wil in general terms about harsh criticisms leveled against his art, but such comments could only have come from one of the very few artists who had reviewed Vincent's work in his presence, and MacKnight was clearly the most hostile of these. It is always possible, of course, that Vincent is just defensively projecting -- anticipating the criticism that he has so often received in the past.

Context:
BVG W4, 6/22/1888: "But can't you understand too that there are people who say, 'This makes too queer an impression,' not to mention those who think it a total abortion or utterly repulsive?"
JLB 626, 6/16/1888-6/20/1888: "Can't you understand that some people say 'it looks too strange,' not to mention the ones who find it nothing or abominable?"

83. "a total abortion" BVG W4, 6/22/1888. (See Ch. 31, n. 82.)

Context:
BVG W4, 6/22/1888: "But can't you understand too that there are people who say, 'This makes too queer an impression,' not to mention those who think it a total abortion or utterly repulsive?"
JLB 626, 6/16/1888-6/20/1888: "Can't you understand that some people say 'it looks too strange,' not to mention the ones who find it nothing or abominable?"

84. "utterly repulsive" BVG W4, 6/22/1888. (See Ch. 31, n. 82.)

Context:
BVG W4, 6/22/1888: "But can't you understand too that there are people who say, 'This makes too queer an impression,' not to mention those who think it a total abortion or utterly repulsive?"
JLB 626, 6/16/1888-6/20/1888: "Can't you understand that some people say 'it looks too strange,' not to mention the ones who find it nothing or abominable?"

85. "[MacKnight] will soon be" BVG 514, 7/25/1888.

Context:
BVG 514, 7/25/1888: "Probably MacKnight will soon be making little landscapes with sheep for chocolate boxes."
JLB 650, 7/29/1888: "It's likely that MacKnight will shortly do little landscapes with sheep, for boxes of sweets."

86. "not hav[ing] the kind" BVG 469, 3/14/1888.

Context:
BVG 469, 3/14/1888: "I am deeply sorry for Gauguin's plight, especially because now his health is shaken: he hasn't the kind of temperament that profits from hardships -- on the contrary, this will only exhaust him from here on, and that will spoil him for his work."
JLB 585, 3/16/1888: "I'm really sorry about Gauguin's situation, especially since, now that his health has been undermined, he no longer has a constitution that could only benefit from being put to the test, on the contrary, it will just wear him out now, and that will surely make it difficult"

87. a letter Gauguin had sent Druick and Zegers, p. 111: According to Druick and Zegers, Gauguin sent the letter in late February, and the symptoms of which he complained were "the lingering effects of malaria and dysentery contracted in Martinique." The letter is worth quoting at length: "My dear Vincent, I wanted to write to your brother but I know that you see each other every day and I don't want to annoy him, occupied as he is from morning until night with business. I left to work in Brittany, (always the rage to paint), and I was optimistic that I would have the funds for that. The little which I sold was used to pay the few pressing debts and in one month I will be without anything. Zero is a negative force. I don't want to burden your brother but a small word from you on this subject will calm me down, or at least make me more patient. My god money problems are terrible for an artist. And if I must make reductions don't be afraid as long as I can find the funds. I have just spent 15 days in bed taken with a fever and I begin to work again. If I can spend 5 to 6 months I believe that I will bring back some good canvases. An encouraging word in answer if possible." (Gauguin, p. 203.) Less than a month later, after Vincent replied, Gauguin wrote again in the same plaintive vein: "The pictures trade is so hard in our time. Because of that I am here in a perpetual fright; money worr[ies] are the only ones that are pressing on me and unfortunately I believe myself destined to always be subject to them. Pont-Aven is at this moment very sad because of bad windy weather and continual rains and I await beautiful days to allow me to go back to work which I have abandoned a little because of poor health." (Gauguin, p. 209, 211.) 88. ill health and penury BVG 466, 3/3/1888.

Context:
JLB 582, 3/2/1888: "I've had a letter here from Gauguin, who says he's been ill in bed for a fortnight. That he's broke, since he's had to pay off some pressing debts."

89. "He is on the rocks" BVG 466, 3/3/1888.

Context:
BVG 466, 3/3/1888: "That he is on the rocks, as he has had to pay some noisy creditors. He wants to know if you have sold anything for him, but he can't write to you for fear of bothering you."
JLB 582, 3/2/1888: "That he's broke, since he's had to pay off some pressing debts. That he'd like to know if you've sold anything for him but that he can't write to you for fear of bothering you."

90. "deeply sorry" BVG 469, 3/14/1888.

Context:
BVG 469, 3/14/1888: "I am deeply sorry for Gauguin's plight, especially because now his health is shaken: he hasn't the kind of temperament that profits from hardships -- on the contrary, this will only exhaust him from here on, and that will spoil him for his work"
JLB 585, 3/16/1888: "I'm really sorry about Gauguin's situation, especially since, now that his health has been undermined, he no longer has a constitution that could only benefit from being put to the test, on the contrary, it will just wear him out now, and that will surely make it difficult for him to work."

91. petition both Theo BVG 466, 3/3/1888. Vincent also extended some imaginary help to Gauguin by including him among the beneficiaries of his grand scheme for a combination of artists which involved major impressionists like "Degas, Claude Monet, Renoir, Sisley and C. Pissarro" contributing works that would be sold to provide support to lesser-known artists like "Guillaumin, Seurat, Gauguin &c. &c." (JLB 584, 3/10/1888). This is still a long way from Vincent's later vision of a monastic order, the so-called "Studio of the South," with Gauguin as its abbot.

Context:
JLB 582, 3/2/1888: "Would you risk buying the seascape from him [i.e., Gauguin's] for the firm? If that were possible he would be out of difficulties for the time being."

92. and Russell BVG 466, 3/3/1888. With a reticence unusual for Vincent, he seems to try to step out of the dealings between Gauguin and Russell: "I've already written to [Gauguin] direct and I've sent him Russell's address as well as sending Gauguin's to Russell, so that if they wish they can make direct contact" (JLB 583, 3/9/1888). This is additional indication of how little interest Vincent had, at this point, in a partnership with Gauguin.

Context:
JLB 582, 3/2/1888: "I can do nothing about this business from my end except write to Russell, which I'll do this very day."

93. his first letter to Gauguin Gauguin, pp. 35-37: In assessing the relationship between Vincent and Gauguin, it is relevant to note that Vincent did not initiate their correspondence. 94. "My God!" BVG 467, 3/9/1888. Vincent sent this cry of solidarity in sickness to Theo as part of his effort to enlist his brother's help for the ailing Gauguin: "That poor Gauguin has no luck, I do fear that in his case convalescence will take longer than the fortnight he had to spend in bed ... Sometimes I'm really furious with myself because it isn't good enough to be iller or less ill than others, the ideal thing would be to have a strong enough constitution to live for 80 years and along with that, blood that was real good blood" (JLB 583, 3/9/1888).

Context:
JLB 583, 3/9/1888: "For Christ's sake, when are we going to see a generation of artists with healthy bodies?"

95. forty-year-old Frenchman Gauguin turned forty right at this critical juncture in his career: on June 7, 1888. Druick and Zegers raise the interesting possibility that this milestone may have influenced Gauguin's behavior toward the Van Gogh brothers in their negotiations over coming to Arles (Druick and Zegers, p. 111). 96. the older man's art Rewald, Post-Impressionism from Van Gogh to Gauguin, p. 68. Rewald, among others, makes the point that the art that Theo exhibited on the entresol in December 1887 and January 1888 was somewhat conventional "impressionist" fare: "The paintings Gauguin had brought back from [Martinique] did not differ basically from those he had executed previously in Brittany, except for their richer colors and occasional simplifications of design. His execution and conception were still related to those of the impressionists." Stolwijk and Thomson second this assessment: "At this stage, Gauguin was still an 'impressionist' painter, and the five canvases Theo took from him on consignment between October and December 1888 were landscapes or unexceptional Breton figure subjects that were not particularly adventurous in style" (Stolwijk and Thomson, p. 137). 97. proclaimed Cloisonnism Cloisonnism is a style of painting that became popular in the 1880s with many French artists. The term derived from the Medieval technique cloisonné, in which thin metal strips were used to outline a shape, which was then filled in with pieces of colored glass and other materials. (Cloisonné was a very popular technique for jewelry and small goods during the Gothic period.) Similarly, the Cloisonnist movement involved outlining figures and objects on a canvas or other support with strong bright lines, then filling the interiors of the fields created by these lines with areas of flat color. Cloisonnism resulted in a loss of three-dimensionality and a flattened affect, as well. Louis Anquetin, Émile Bernard, Paul Gauguin, and Paul Sérusier were among the artists most closely associated with the new movement. Their stylistic and subjective choices, expressed through Cloisonnism, greatly influenced and ultimately led to another major movement in nineteenth-century art: Symbolism.

The term Cloisonnism was coined during the height of the movement. In 1888, the French art critic Édouard Dujardin published an essay on Anquetin in La Revue Indépendante in which he was the first to apply the term "Cloisonnism" to the new art: "The painter traces his design with enclosing lines, within which he places his various tones juxtaposed in order to reproduce the desired sensation of general colouration. Drawing predicates coulour and coulour predicates drawing. And the work of the painter will be something like painting by compartments, analogous to cloisonné, and his technique consists in a sort of cloisonnisme." For an example of Cloisonnism, see Anquetin's Avenue de Clichy-Five-o-Clock in the Evening. (Grove Art Online, "Cloisonnism.")

98. Gauguin's meteoric success Mathews, p. 94: In addition to the sales to Theo (see Ch. 31, n. 99), Gauguin also had "no fewer than nine works on view at Theo's boulevard Montmartre branch of Boussod and Valadon." He was exhibited on the entresol alongside work by Degas (as well as Pissarro and Guillaumin), and his work there was favorably reviewed by Félix Fénéon, a prominent critic. 588 99. almost a thousand francs worth Mathews, p. 94: "In early January, Theo bought three paintings for a total of 900 francs and put more on view. Gauguin was stunned!" The sales are recorded in Gauguin's excited report to his wife at the end of 1887 (Gauguin, p. 33). 100. Les négresses Gauguin, p. 33: This is the name by which Gauguin referred to it in a receipt dated January 4, 1888. The image is also known as Aux Mangoes (Tropiques) (Among the Mangoes [Tropics]). 101. hung proudly over the sofa Druick and Zegers, p. 82: According to Druick and Zegers, Theo always intended this painting (see Ch. 31, n. 100), for which he paid 400 francs, for his personal collection, not for resale: "The most expensive purchase they [sic] would ever make, it occupied pride of place in their apartment, over the sofa in the sitting room." (See Ch. 31, n. 437.) 102. sent the letter to Paris BVG 466, 3/3/1888. After Vincent receives the forwarded letter, he instructs Theo: "Open letters if any come for me, because you'll know sooner what's in them if you do that and that will save me the trouble of telling you what's in them" (JLB 582, 3/2/1888).

Context:
JLB 582, 3/2/1888: "But what can we do, he must really be hard up. I'm sending you a few lines for him in case you have something to tell him, but open letters if any come for me, because you'll know sooner what's in them if you do that and that will save me the trouble of telling you what's in them."

103. unaware that Vincent Gauguin, pp. 35-39: What is most surprising is that, as of late February, Gauguin not only didn't know that Vincent had moved to Arles, he wasn't even aware of Vincent's intention to do so -- an ignorance that should dispel any doubt about their separateness in Paris. As late as May 22, 1888, Gauguin did not seem certain of the nature of Vincent's stay in the South. He jokingly inquired of Theo, "Is your brother still sunbathing in the South?," and closed on this confused note: "While waiting to hear from you, I shake your hand and Vincent's, if he is in Paris." This is especially surprising given how many letters the two men have exchanged since early March. It is not clear why Vincent would have wanted to keep his commitment in Arles a secret from Gauguin for so long. 104. a second plaintive letter BVG 470, 3/18/1888.

Context:
JLB 588, 3/21/1888 or 3/22/1888: "I've had a line from Gauguin, who complains about the bad weather, is still unwell and says nothing vexes him more than lack of money among the variety of human ills, and yet he feels doomed to be broke for ever."

105. "He complains" BVG 470, 3/18/1888.

Context:
JLB 588, 3/21/1888 or 3/22/1888: "… Gauguin, who complains about the bad weather, is still unwell and says nothing vexes him more than lack of money among the variety of human ills, and yet he feels doomed to be broke for ever."

106. Vincent forwarded the letter BVG 470, 3/18/1888.

Context:
JLB 588, 3/21/1888 or 3/22/1888: "Included with the other letters the one from Gauguin, so that you can read them."

107. a Gauguin painting BVG 471, 3/24/1888. This is, apparently, the same "seascape" that Vincent tried earlier, unsuccessfully, to persuade his brother to buy for the firm (JLB 582, 3/2/1888; see Ch. 31, n. 91).

Context:
JLB 589, 3/25/1888: "I hope you'll send him [Tersteeg] Gauguin's fine seascape."

108. his trip to Holland BVG 483, 5/7/1888: Theo stopped in Brussels on this trip. It appears that Theo took at least three trips to the lowlands in 1888, despite his ill health: in late February-early March (JLB 579, 2/24/1888), probably for Mauve's death; in late April-early May on business (JLB 605, 5/7/1888), and in July-August after Uncle Cent's death.

Context:
JLB 605, 5/7/1888: "I've just received your letter containing 100 francs, I really thank you for it -- and for the previous one (also dated Brussels) containing 50 francs. This to tell you that I received them safely."

109. as worrisomely sick as ever BVG 489, 5/20/1888. Theo's doctor, David Gruby, had diagnosed a "heart condition" (JLB 611, 5/20/1888). The prognosis was serious enough to lead Vincent to this flight of sympathy in mid-May: "What I wish you as well as myself is to succeed in recovering our health ... You suffered to see your youth going up in -- smoke; ... So be serious about getting better, because we'll need our health" (JLB 611, 5/20/1888).

Context:
JLB 611, 5/20/1888: "Well then -- what I wish you as well as myself is to succeed in recovering our health, because we'll need it. That Hope of Puvis de Chavannes is such a reality. There's an art in the future and it will surely be so beautiful and so young that, really, if at present we leave it our own youth, we can only gain in tranquillity. Perhaps it's too silly to write all this, but it's what I felt; it seemed that like me, you suffered to see your youth going up in -- smoke -- but if it comes back and appears in what we do, there's nothing lost, and the power to work is a second youth. So be serious about getting better, because we'll need our health."

110. "You will see some" BVG 483, 5/7/1888.

Context:
JLB 605, 5/7/1888: "You'll see beautiful things at Claude Monet's. And you'll think what I send you is pretty poor, in comparison."

111. Flies and mosquitoes BVG 506, 7/9/1888.

Context:
JLB 638, 7/10/1888 or 7/10/1888: "I think the heat is still doing me good, in spite of the mosquitoes and flies."

112. Color continued to drain BVG 521, 8/9/1888. By mid-June, Vincent was already disillusioned: "I don't find the southern gaiety here that Daudet talks about so much." (JLB 630, 6/23/1888.) By the end of the summer, his descriptions of the Midi have faded from Japanese color and light to Velázquez gray (JLB 658, 8/9/1888).

Context:
JLB 658, 8/9/1888: "This restaurant where I am is very odd, it's grey all over, the floor is of grey bitumen, like a pavement, grey paper on the wall. Green blinds, always closed. A big green curtain in front of the ever-open door stops the dust coming in. It's altogether a Velázquez grey, as in women spinning. Not even the very narrow and very violent shaft of sunlight through a blind, like the one that falls across Vincent's painting, is missing. Of course, small tables with white cloths. Now behind this Velázquez-grey room you can see the old kitchen, clean as a Dutch kitchen ... Now there are two women who serve, also in grey ... In the kitchen, an old woman and a short, fat, serving-woman, also in grey, black, white. I don't know if I'm describing it clearly enough, but that's what I've seen here of real Velázquez."

113. confidence from his brush BVG 483, 5/7/1888.

Context:
JLB 605, 5/7/1888: "At present I'm unhappy with myself and unhappy with what I'm doing, but I can glimpse some possibility of doing better in future."

114. "glimmer of hope" BVG 483, 5/7/1888.

Context:
BVG 483, 5/7/1888: "Just now I am dissatisfied with myself and dissatisfied with what I do, but I have just a glimmer of hope that I'm going to do better in the end."
JLB 605, 5/7/1888: "At present I'm unhappy with myself and unhappy with what I'm doing, but I can glimpse some possibility of doing better in future."

115. "We may be able" BVG 488, 5/15/1888.

Context:
BVG 488, 5/15/1888: "And at the end of several years' work we may be able to make up a bit for the past. And at the end of a year I shall have a quiet home of my own."
JLB 610, 5/14/1888: "And after a few years' work we could recoup the past to some extent. And after a year I'll have a quiet home of my own."

116. "[and] I should be" BVG 481, 5/3/1888.

Context:
BVG 481, 5/3/1888: "And at the end of the year I should be a different man."
JLB 603, 5/4/1888: "And I would be a different man by the end of the year."

117. the careful calculation A good example is the calculated way in which Vincent unrolls his plan for Gauguin to come to Arles. In the May 1 letter in which he first announces that he has leased the rooms in the Yellow House, Vincent only casually mentions Gauguin's name: "If necessary, I could live at the new studio with someone else, and I'd very much like to. Perhaps Gauguin will come to the south." (JLB 602, 5/1/1888.) This is the same strip-tease strategy that he used in revealing his relationship with Sien Hoornik. In the next letter, he shows a little more of his intention to establish a permanent studio in Arles, but continues to withhold Gauguin's name, clearly intending to sell Theo on the concept before dropping the name of his not-at-all-obvious choice of partners: "I'm quite aware that it's not possible to say in advance: I'll stay here for such or such a length of time; however, I have many reasons to believe that a long stay here is likely" (JLB 603, 5/4/1888). Less than a week later, Vincent has become much firmer in his commitment to Arles, talking about "a long stay," and musing, "I'll begin to have a home of my own" (JLB 605, 5/7/1888). Over the next two weeks, he presses the emotional advantages of staying in Arles, and of setting up a home there, but doesn't mention Gauguin at all in his letters to Theo. (By contrast, he lavishly praises Gauguin's Negresses to Bernard: "everything his hand makes has a sweet, heart-rending, astonishing character" [JLB 612, 5/22/1888].) At the end of the month, just before he mounts his "frontal assault" (Druick and Zegers, p. 108) on both his brother and Gauguin, he complains about his financial situation (JLB 613, 5/26/1888), which sets up this familiar argument: "But it's bad policy to live there alone when two or three could help each other to live on little" (JLB 620, 6/5/1888). 589 118. "the Studio of the South" BVG 532, 9/4/1888. Vincent first mentions the phrase descriptively ("un atelier dans Midi") in September 1888 (JLB 674, 9/4/1888). Later that month, he uses the phrase again to describe the studio that Adolphe Monticelli "should" have established in the south ("un grand atelier dans Midi") and claims his ambitions as successor to that vision: "Now you can see we are setting up that studio in question" (JLB 686, 9/23/1888 or 9/24/1888). Although he eventually worked himself into a considerable lather of expectations over the potential combination with Gauguin, Vincent never used the formal, capitalized designation (alluringly alliterative only in English) bestowed by subsequent commentators.

Context:
BVG 532, 9/4/1888: "But we'd have it at less than a thousand, so far as having a studio in the South where we could give someone a bed goes."
JLB 674, 9/4/1888: "Now we'd have it for less than a thousand, in that we'd have a studio in the south where we could put someone up."

119. "plain matter of business" BVG 493, 5/28/1888.

Context:
BVG 493, 5/28/1888: "Take the thing as a plain matter of business, that is the best way for everyone, and let's treat it squarely as such."
JLB 616, 5/28/1888 or 5/29/1888: "Think of it as a simple business arrangement, that's best for everyone, and let's treat it straightforwardly that way."

120. two could live as cheaply BVG 493, 5/28/1888. Given how often Vincent's own behavior has disproven this notion, it is hard to know if he really believed it still, or if he had just spent himself into a hole and would say anything to pry more money out of Theo. One can hear his frustration in this confession, which could not have assured his brother: "You must feel how much it vexes me to spend more than they [Gauguin and Bernard] do; I have to find a partnership that's more advantageous, both to you and to them. And that's how it would be. However, think it over carefully, but isn't it true that in good company you could live on little as long as you spent your money at home?" (JLB 616, 5/28/1888 or 5/29/1888.) Vincent is still pushing this argument in August: "While the money that [Gauguin will] have received from us will be to a large extent recovered through the savings that become possible if we live at home at the studio, he and I, instead of living in cafés" (JLB 658, 8/9/1888).

Context:
JLB 616, 5/28/1888 or 5/29/1888: "And the two of us will live on the same money as I spend on myself alone."

121. "treble or quadruple" BVG 516, 7/31/1888. To prove it, Vincent immediately launched a parallel campaign to sell a Gauguin painting to Russell. (See Ch. 30, n. 278.)

Context:
BVG 516, 7/31/1888: "… since Gauguin will often be in want of money, it is in his interest that we do not keep it [one of Gauguin's paintings] until his prices have trebled or quadrupled, a thing which we believe will happen."
JLB 652, 7/31/1888: "As Gauguin will still very often be in need of money, in his interests should we not keep it [one of Gauguin's paintings] until his prices have tripled or quadrupled -- which will happen -- we believe?"

122. add a hundred francs BVG 493, 5/28/1888.

Context:
JLB 616, 5/28/1888 or 5/29/1888: "You may agree that we should share, and set a sum of, let's say, 250 a month if every month, in addition to and apart from my work, you were to have a Gauguin."

123. "wouldn't it even mean" BVG 493, 5/28/1888.

Context:
BVG 493, 5/28/1888: "Provided that we did not exceed this sum, wouldn't it even mean a profit?"
JLB 616, 5/28/1888 or 5/29/1888: "As long as we didn't exceed that amount, wouldn't there even be a benefit?"

124. "in a stronger position" BVG 521, 8/9/1888.

Context:
BVG 521, 8/9/1888: "Besides that, provided we keep on good terms and are determined not to quarrel, we shall be in a stronger position as far as reputation goes."
JLB 658, 8/9/1888: "The fact remains that provided we lived in harmony and with an understanding not to quarrel, we'd gain a firmer position as far as reputation goes."

125. as many as four, paintings BVG 495, 5/29/1888: These numbers are based on two somewhat disparate calculations Vincent makes. On May 10, he assures Theo, "If you put aside what's best in the consignment -- and if you were to think of these paintings as a payment on my part to be deducted from what I owe you -- Then the day when, from my side, I would have contributed something like 10 thousand francs in this way, I would feel more at ease" (JLB 607, 5/10/1888). In late May, he writes: "I say to myself that nevertheless we can begin to hope that soon I'll be selling one or two paintings a month -- BECAUSE THINGS WILL GET BETTER" (JLB 617, 5/29/1888 or 5/30/1888; emphasis in original). Less than two months later, his expectations have more than quadrupled. "I say to myself that if I manage to do 50 studies at 100 francs this year ... " (JLB 637, 7/8/1888 or 7/9/1888). This represents not "one or two pictures a month" but four a month, or 48 a year.

Context:
JLB 617, 5/29/1888 or 5/30/1888: "Then I say to myself that nevertheless we can begin to hope that soon I'll be selling one or two paintings a month -- BECAUSE THINGS WILL GET BETTER."

126. a hundred francs apiece BVG 505, 7/8/1888.

Context:
JLB 637, 7/8/1888 or 7/9/1888: "But I say to myself that if I manage to do 50 studies at 100 francs this year I shall in a certain sense not have done a great injustice by eating and drinking as if that was a right."

127. "So I tell myself" BVG 500, 6/5/1888.

Context:
BVG 500, 6/5/1888: " So I tell myself that bit by bit expenses will be balanced by the work. I should like to earn a lot of money so as to get good artists down here, instead of leaving them shivering in the mud of the Petit Boulevard, as too many of them do."
JLB 620, 6/5/1888: " So I tell myself that gradually the expenses will be balanced by work. I'd like us to earn a lot of money to bring good artists here who too often get despondent in the mud on the Petit Boulevard."

128. secure the commercial backing BVG 495, 5/29/1888.

Context:
JLB 617, 5/29/1888 or 5/30/1888: "It would be risking a lot to take on Gauguin, but that's the direction in which we have to work, and I have hopes that you'll get help from Tersteeg ... "

129. "If we have [Gauguin]" BVG 551, 10/22/1888.

Context:
JLB 710, 10/22/1888: "With whom one can't go wrong, no matter what."

130. My dear comrade Gauguin BVG 494a, 5/28/1888.

Context:
JLB 616, 5/28/1888-5/29/1888: "My dear old Gauguin, ...Wanted to write now to tell you I've just rented a four-room house here in Arles. And that it seems to me that if I find another painter who feels like getting the most out of the south, and who like me was sufficiently absorbed in his work to be able to resign himself to living like a monk who'd go to the brothel once a fortnight ... the thing would be good ... if my brother were to send us 250 francs a month for both of us ...we would share ... And you would give my brother one painting a month ..."

131. 250 francs a month BVG 494a, 5/28/1888: We have simplified the translation of this rather convoluted, subjunctive-heavy passage from Vincent's French original.

Context:
BVG 494a, 5/28/1888: "However this may be, if my brother were to send 250 francs a month for both of us, we might share, should you care to come."
JLB 616, 5/28/1888-5/29/1888: "… if my brother were to send us 250 francs a month for both of us, would you like to come, and we would share ..."

132. And you would give BVG 494a, 5/28/1888.

Context:
BVG 494a, 5/28/1888: " And you would give my brother one picture a month; you could do what you like with the rest of your work."
JLB 616, 5/28/1888-5/29/1888: " And you would give my brother one painting a month, while you'd be free to do whatever you liked with the rest."

133. one picture a month BVG 494a, 5/28/1888. In addition to this monthly "payment" in pictures, Vincent's proposal included "reimbursement" for the expense of Gauguin's trip to Arles and even for the cost of additional bed: "We mustn't forget that there would now be the cost of travel and of buying a bed, which would also have to be paid for with paintings" (JLB 616, 5/28/1888-5/29/1888).

Context:
BVG 494a, 5/28/1888: " And you would give my brother one picture a month; you could do what you like with the rest of your work."
JLB 616, 5/28/1888-5/29/1888: " And you would give my brother one painting a month, while you'd be free to do whatever you liked with the rest."

134. "my brother and I" BVG 494a, 5/28/1888.

Context:
BVG 494a, 5/28/1888: "You know that my brother and I greatly appreciate your painting, and that we are most anxious to see you quietly settled down."
JLB 616, 5/28/1888-5/29/1888: "You know that my brother and I have a high regard for your painting and that we'd very much wish to know you were a little at your ease."

135. "working out-of-doors" BVG 494a, 5/28/1888.

Context:
BVG 494a, 5/28/1888: "I was ill when I came here, but now I am feeling better, and as a matter of fact, I am greatly attracted by the South, where working out-of-doors is possible nearly all the year round."
JLB 616, 5/28/1888-5/29/1888: "I was ill when I came, I'm better now and in fact, I feel rather attracted to the south, where outdoor work is possible almost all the year round."

136. "I was ill" BVG 494a, 5/28/1888.

Context:
BVG 494a, 5/28/1888: " I was ill when I came here, but now I am feeling better, and as a matter of fact, I am greatly attracted by the South, where working out-of-doors is possible nearly all the year round."
JLB 616, 5/28/1888-5/29/1888: " I was ill when I came, I'm better now and in fact, I feel rather attracted to the south, where outdoor work is possible almost all the year round."

137. "business must come first" BVG 494a, 5/28/1888.

Context:
BVG 494a, 5/28/1888: "I want to tell you a great many other things -- but business must come first."
JLB 616, 5/28/1888-5/29/1888: "There's plenty more I could tell you -- but here we are, business first."

138. "My brother cannot send" BVG 494a, 5/28/1888. Note how this statement backs up Vincent's "invitation" to Arles with the threat that Theo will stop sending Gauguin money if he does not accept the invitation (i.e. "Theo can't continue to send you money -- so join me or you'll be cut off") (JLB 616, 5/28/1888-5/29/1888). In fairness to Vincent, he was genuinely concerned that money pressures -- especially those from Vincent himself -- were contributing to Theo's worsening health.

Context:
BVG 494a, 5/28/1888: "Now the fact is that my brother cannot send you money in Brittany and at the same time send me money in Provence. But are you willing to share with me here? If we combine, there may be enough for both of us, I am sure of it, in fact."
JLB 616, 5/28/1888-5/29/1888: "But all the same, my brother can't send money to you in Brittany and at the same time money to me in Provence. But would you like to share with me here? Then by joining forces, there would perhaps be enough for two; I'm sure of it, even."

590 139. "We have thought" BVG 494a, 5/28/1888.

Context:
BVG 494a, 5/28/1888: "He will only assure you that up to the present the only means we have found of coming to your aid in a more practical way is this combining, if it should appeal to you. We have thought it over carefully."
JLB 616, 5/28/1888-5/29/1888: "He'll just assure you that the only means we've found up to now of helping you in a more practical way would be this arrangement, if it suits you. We've thought about it a good deal."

140. "and the only means" BVG 494a, 5/28/1888; emphasis added: Vincent clearly intended to head off any appeal to his brother and convey to Gauguin that the plan he presented was the only and the best offer Gauguin would receive from either Van Gogh brother.

Context:
BVG 494a, 5/28/1888: "Of course you are free to exchange views with my brother about this business, however I must warn you that in all probability he will decline responsibility for it. He will only assure you that up to the present the only means we have found of coming to your aid in a more practical way is this combining, if it should appeal to you. We have thought it over carefully."
JLB 616, 5/28/1888-5/29/1888: "You are, of course, free to correspond with my brother about this matter, but I warn you that he'll most probably refuse to take responsibility for it. He'll just assure you that the only means we've found up to now of helping you in a more practical way would be this arrangement, if it suits you. We've thought about it a good deal."

141. unusual show of restraint BVG 493, 5/28/1888. Vincent's characterization of this "draft" and its purpose should be taken with some skepticism (JLB 616, 5/28/1888 or 5/29/1888). Between the letter Vincent wrote on May 1 in which he off-handedly mentioned the possibility of Gauguin joining him ("If necessary, I could live at the new studio with someone else, and I'd very much like to. Perhaps Gauguin will come to the south." [JLB 602, 5/1/1888]), there is not a single mention of the combination with Gauguin until the end of the month, when he encloses the drafted invitation in a letter to Theo that begins, "I thought of Gauguin" (JLB 616, 5/28/1888 or 5/29/1888). This points to a long gestation in Vincent's formulation of the proposal to Gauguin -- a gestation that he hid from Theo.

This was a typical strategy for Vincent: to drop a hint and then wait until the plan was fully formed -- or sometimes until it had already been executed -- before informing Theo about it. The Yellow House is just the most recent example of a major initiative that Vincent launched and informed his brother about only after the fact (see Ch. 31, n. 48). In every case, his reason seems to be that he feared Theo would explicitly veto the project, risking a fraternal confrontation. Vincent clearly operated on the principle that it was easier to ask forgiveness than permission. There is reason to believe that the invitation to Gauguin may have followed the same strategy and that the letter Vincent drafted to Gauguin was, in fact, drafted before he discussed the idea with Theo (except for the casual mention in JLB 602, 5/1/1888, and probably with the intent of sending it and only then informing Theo about it. The invitation itself betrays signs of this, especially in this odd admonition to Gauguin: "You are, of course, free to correspond with my brother about this matter, but I warn you that he'll most probably refuse to take responsibility for it." (JLB 616, 5/28/1888 or 5/29/1888.)

Here Vincent appears to be preparing for the possibility that Gauguin will contact Theo directly before Vincent has had a chance to brief his brother on the proposal and secure his approval, at least in broad outline. Vincent apparently felt that he was more likely to secure that approval on the general idea of combining than on the exact financial terms that he proposes, so he adds: "[Theo will] just assure you that the only means we've found up to now of helping you in a more practical way would be this arrangement" (ibid.). Vincent appears to have re-thought this risky strategy at the last minute, but vestiges of the previous plan can be found in the letter to Theo that enclosed the draft invitation to Gauguin. "In order to prepare things, and to expand on this letter," he writes Theo, "I'm writing to Gauguin, but without saying anything about all this, just to talk about work" (JLB 616, 5/28/1888 or 5/29/1888; emphasis in original). Yet in the enclosed letter, Vincent apologizes to Gauguin for not having written (ibid.). It would seem, therefore, that either Vincent lied to Theo about having written Gauguin; or, after drafting his invitation letter to Gauguin, Vincent decided not to send it but to write a different letter that did not mention the invitation. This would confirm that Vincent was contemplating asking Gauguin to come without Theo's approval, taking for granted that he could secure Theo's acquiescence after the fact. Tangentially, this knot of contradictions also indicates clearly that Vincent and Gauguin had not been in contact for at least a month, adding support to the text's argument that they were not, at this point, more than peripherally acquainted. (See Ch. 29, n. 310.)

Context:
JLB 616, 5/28/1888 or 5/29/1888: "So herewith rough draft of a letter to Gauguin, which I'll write if you approve, with the changes that will doubtless have to be made to turns of phrase. But I wrote that way first."

142. for Theo's approval BVG 494, 6/5/1888.

Context:
JLB 621, 6/5/1888 or 6/6/1888: "So I've written [the letter], although I hardly had the time, having two canvases on the easel. If you think the letter's clear enough, send it, if not, it would be better for us, too, to abstain when in doubt."

143. "one's senses get keener" BVG B17, 9/28/1888: This passage is from a letter to Bernard, but Vincent undoubtedly made the same arguments to Gauguin. It is interesting that Vincent also argued, somewhat contrarily, that the Midi had been stultifying: "Being too long alone in the country you become dull-witted, and not just yet -- but this winter, I could become sterile from that. Now this danger will no longer exist if [Gauguin] comes, because we won't be short of ideas." (JLB 648, 7/24/1888 or 7/25/1888.) This slip of inconsistency probably reveals the extent to which Vincent's high-flown, hyperbolic arguments on behalf of the artistic nirvana to be found in the Midi were driven by simple but powerful loneliness.

Context:
BVG B17, 9/28/1888: "In the South one's senses get keener, one's hand becomes more agile, one's eye more alert, one's brain clearer, however on condition: that all this is not spoiled by dysentery or something else of a debilitating nature."
JLB 690, 9/27/1888-10/1/1888: In the south, the senses are elated, the hand becomes nimbler, the eye livelier, the brain clearer, on one condition, though: that dysentery or something else doesn't spoil all that by debilitating you too much.

144. a painter of faith, ambition BVG 525, 8/15/1888.

Context:
BVG 525, 8/15/1888: "If I had the faith to do it, I'd be a notable madman; now I am an insignificant one, but you see I am not sufficiently ambitious for that fame to set a match to the powder."
JLB 662, 8/15/1888: "If I had faith in that, I'd be a famous madman -- now I'm not a famous one -- but you see I don't have enough ambition for that particular kind of fame to put the match to the powder."

145. "daring" BVG 525, 8/15/1888. Sund makes elegant use of Vincent's word choice: "Van Gogh's work at Arles was increasingly informed by the artistic 'daring' he associated with Zola and Maupassant: a commitment to the manipulation of nature according to one's own temperament, to render it more complete, compelling, and -- to use Van Gogh's term -- 'consoling'" (Sund, p. 177).

Context:
BVG 525, 8/15/1888: "I would rather wait for the next generation, which will do in portraiture what Claude Monet does in landscape, the rich, daring landscape 146. artists who loved japonisme BVG 500, 6/5/1888.

Context:
JLB 620, 6/5/1888: "About staying in the south, even if it's more expensive -- Look, we love Japanese painting, we've experienced its influence -- all the Impressionists have that in common -- and we wouldn't go to Japan, in other words, to what is the equivalent of Japan, the south?"

147. "Why not come to Japan" BVG 500, 6/5/1888. (See Ch. 31, n. 146.)

Context:
BVG 500, 6/5/1888: "About this staying on in the South, even if it is more expensive, consider: we like Japanese painting, we have felt its influence, all the impressionists have that in common; then why not go to Japan, that is to say to the equivalent of Japan, the South?"
JLB 620, 6/5/1888: "About staying in the south, even if it's more expensive -- Look, we love Japanese painting, we've experienced its influence -- all the Impressionists have that in common -- and we wouldn't go to Japan, in other words, to what is the equivalent of Japan, the south?"

148. "There is an art" BVG 489, 5/20/1888.

Context:
BVG 489, 5/20/1888: " There is an art of the future, and it is going to be so lovely and so young that even if we give up our youth for it, we must gain in serenity by it."
JLB 611, 5/20/1888: " There's an art in the future and it will surely be so beautiful and so young that, really, if at present we leave it our own youth, we can only gain in tranquillity."

149. shared sacrifice BVG 482, 5/4/1888. Vincent's loveliest expression of the exquisite satisfaction of sacrifice to a higher cause comes in a letter to Theo in May: "There's an art in the future and it will surely be so beautiful and so young that, really, if at present we leave it our own youth, we can only gain in tranquillity. Perhaps it's too silly to write all this, but it's what I felt; it seemed that like me, you suffered to see your youth going up in -- smoke -- but if it comes back and appears in what we do, there's nothing lost, and the power to work is a second youth." (JLB 611, 5/20/1888.)

Context:
JLB 604, 5/4/1888: "It seems to me that I'm in the right when I feel it will come in a later generation and that in our case we have to do what our means allow us in that direction, without having doubts and without flinching."

150. greater good BVG 489, 5/20/1888.

Context:
JLB 611, 5/20/1888: "There are things one senses in the future and that really come about. And we, who, I'm inclined to believe, are by no means so close to dying, nevertheless feel the thing is bigger than us and longer-lasting than our lives."

151. "coming generation" BVG 482, 5/4/1888. In an August 1888 letter, Vincent refers again to the next generation: "I prefer to wait for the generation to come, which will do in portraits what Claude Monet is doing in landscape, the rich, bold landscape in the style of Guy de Maupassant. ... So here's to -- not us -- but the generation to come." (JLB 662, 8/15/1888.)

Context:
BVG 482, 5/4/1888: "I think that I am right when I feel that in a later generation it will come."
JLB 604, 5/4/1888: "It seems to me that I'm in the right when I feel it will come in a later generation."

152. "rise up in this" BVG 483, 5/7/1888.

Context:
BVG 483, 5/7/1888: "And then I hope that later on other artists will rise up in this lovely country and do for it what the Japanese have done for theirs."
JLB 605, 5/7/1888: "And I hope that later on, other artists will emerge in this beautiful part of the country. To do here what the Japanese have done in their country."

153. "clearing the way" BVG 494a, 5/28/1888. In late May, Vincent wrote Gauguin. Frankly, it is doubtful whether this "opening the way for others" notion appealed to the egocentric Gauguin.

Context:
BVG 494a, 5/28/1888: "Well, the two of us would immediately start exhibiting at Marseilles, thus clearing the way for other impressionists as much as for ourselves."
JLB 616, 5/28/1888-5/29/1888: "Now the two of us would start exhibiting in Marseille straightaway, thus opening the way for other Impressionists as well as for ourselves."

154. "I am not sufficiently " BVG 525, 8/15/1888.

Context:
BVG 525, 8/15/1888: "If I had the faith to do it, I'd be a notable madman; now I am an insignificant one, but you see I am not sufficiently ambitious for that fame to set a match to the powder."
JLB 662, 8/15/1888: "If I had faith in that, I'd be a famous madman -- now I'm not a famous one -- but you see I don't have enough ambition for that particular kind of fame to put the match to the powder."

155. "the Bel-Ami of the Midi" BVG 482, 5/4/1888.

Context:
BVG 482, 5/4/1888: "But I should be heartily glad if this Bel Ami of the Midi, which Monticelli was not -- but was by way of being--whom I feel to be coming, though I know it isn't myself -- I should be heartily glad, I say, if a kind of Guy de Maupassant in painting came along to paint the beautiful people and things here lightheartedly."
JLB 604, 5/4/1888: "But I'd be mightily pleased if that Bel-ami of the south -- which Monticelli -- wasn't -- but was preparing the ground -- which I can feel in the air while at the same time feeling that it isn't me -- I'd be, I tell you -- mightily pleased if in painting a man like Guy de Maupassant came along and cheerfully painted the beautiful people and things in these parts."

156. "a kind of Guy de Maupassant" BVG 482, 5/4/1888.

Context:
BVG 482, 5/4/1888: "But I should be heartily glad if this Bel Ami of the Midi, which Monticelli was not -- but was by way of being -- whom I feel to be coming, though I know it isn't myself -- I should be heartily glad, I say, if a kind of Guy de Maupassant in painting came along to paint the beautiful people and things here lightheartedly."
JLB 604, 5/4/1888: "But I'd be mightily pleased if that Bel-ami of the south -- which Monticelli -- wasn't -- but was preparing the ground -- which I can feel in the air while at the same time feeling that it isn't me -- I'd be, I tell you -- mightily pleased if in painting a man like Guy de Maupassant came along and cheerfully painted the beautiful people and things in these parts."

157. rival Monticelli in color BVG 482, 5/4/1888.

Context:
JLB 604, 5/4/1888: "I'd be mightily pleased if that Bel-ami of the south -- which Monitcelli -- wasn't ... but what Claude Monet is in landscape ... Rodin? Rodin doesn't do colour -- it's not him."

158. " a colorist such as" BVG 482, 5/4/1888.

Context:
BVG 482, 5/4/1888: "But the painter of the future will be a colourist such as has never yet existed."
JLB 604, 5/4/1888: "But the painter of the future is a colourist such as there hasn't been before" (emphasis in original).

159. like Zola's Octave Mouret BVG 482, 5/4/1888: That Vincent meant to invoke Zola's famous womanizer is supported by his report in early May that he had just re-read Zola's Au bonheur des dames, the novel in which Mouret triumphs. "I find it more and more beautiful," Vincent wrote Theo (JLB 604, 5/4/1888).

Context:
JLB 604, 5/4/1888: "I've just read Zola's Au bonheur des dames again and I find it more and more beautiful."

160. great French realist writers BVG 525, 8/15/1888: The implied argument is that the new impressionists (Gauguin in particular) will revolutionize art just as the French naturalists revolutionized literature. Vincent makes this argument even more explicitly in a letter from later that summer.

Context:
JLB 662, 8/15/1888: "I prefer to wait for the generation to come, which will do in portraits what Claude Monet is doing in landscape, the rich, bold landscape in the style of Guy de Maupassant. Now I know that I myself am not one of those people, but didn't the Flauberts and Balzacs make the Zolas and Maupassants? So here's to -- not us -- but the generation to come." (Emphasis in original.)

161. it pointed the finger BVG 482, 5/4/1888. Vincent underscores the point of this odd passage about the "Bel Ami of the Midi" with some unexpected humor at his own expense (JLB 604, 5/4/1888). With this self-deprecating coda, Vincent not only lodges a direct complaint about his underfunded life in Arles, he also indirectly petitions Theo to support the Yellow House more generously. He does this by transposing Maupassant's glamorous hero, Duroy, into his own very unglamorous circumstances.

Context:
JLB 604, 5/4/1888: "This painter of the future, I can't imagine him living in small restaurants, working with several false teeth and going into Zouave brothels like me."

591 162. previous artistic "brotherhoods" The text does not list every example that Vincent gives of a previous era when artists behaved more collegially -- more fraternally. In 1882, while in The Hague, Vincent cited "that group of artists from Alsace" and listed some of the artists: Benjamin Vautier (the Elder), Ludwig Knaus, Gustave Adolphe Jundt, Georg Saal, Alfred van Muyden, Gustave Brion, Albert Anker, and Théophile Schuler (JLB 267, 9/19/1882).

Interestingly, this paean comes during a similar campaign to recruit companionship -- namely, Van Rappard's. As part of his current recruitment drive for Gauguin, Vincent invokes another idealized fraternity of artists from the past, "the 12 English Pre-Raphaelites," and represents that these mid-nineteenth century artists (such as William Holman Hunt, John Everett Millais, and Dante Gabriel Rossetti) provided a model of mutual support ("the artists would guarantee their livelihood amongst themselves") that could be emulated by the Impressionists (JLB 625, 6/15/1888-6/16/1888). In fact, the Pre-Raphaelites shared some artistic principles and even, briefly, a journal, but their cohesiveness went no deeper and quickly dissipated, as even Vincent admits ("The association is dissolved" [JLB 736, 1/17/1889].)

In his astoundingly erudite discussion of Vincent's self-portrait as a bonze, Kôdera cites other historical examples of fraternal brotherhoods of artists that Vincent might have known about but does not mention, especially the Nazarenes, a group that existed from roughly 1820 to 1850; and its predecessor, the Lukasbrüder in Vienna in the second decade of the nineteenth century (Kôdera, pp. 98 - 100). (Johann Friedrich Overbeck, Franz Pforr, and Peter Cornelius were leading figures in both groups.) The Nazarenes led a literally monastic life, wearing long frocks and occupying a monastery in Rome that dated from the same era, the sixteenth century, as the art they championed. As admiring as we are of Kôdera's research and originality, we think his analysis misses the point: Vincent was not engaged in a theoretical exploration of artist-priesthoods. Unlike Kôdera, he trafficked in neither thoroughness nor consistency. He was merely making arguments to support his yearning for Gauguin to give him the companionship he needed, to delay the increasingly inevitable and unthinkable failure of his venture in the South, and to fend off the increasingly irresistible forces of despair.

163. medieval guilds of artists BVG B11, 7/17/1888. The Guilds of St. Luke (patron saint of artists) began as early as the fourteenth century in Antwerp. They spread throughout Flanders and into the Dutch Republics in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.

Context:
JLB 643, 7/17/1888-7/20/1888: "The material difficulties of the painter's life make collaboration, union among painters, desirable -- (just as much as in the days of the guilds of St. Luke). By safeguarding their material life, by liking each other as pals instead of getting at each others' throats, painters would be happier and anyway less ridiculous, less foolish and less guilty."

164. "loved one another" BVG B11, 7/17/1888.

Context:
BVG B11, 7/17/1888: "If only they would ensure their material well-being, and love one another like friends instead of making one another's life hell, painters would be happier, and in any case less ridiculous, less foolish and less culpable."
JLB 643, 7/17/1888-7/20/1888: "By safeguarding their material life, by liking each other as pals instead of getting at each others' throats, painters would be happier and anyway less ridiculous, less foolish and less guilty."

165. "complemented one other" BVG 519, 8/8/1888.

Context:
BVG 519, 8/8/1888: "What's to be done? To include it all requires a whole school of men working together in the same country, complementing one another like the old Dutchmen, portrait painters, 'genre' painters, landscape, animal, still-life painters."
JLB 657, 8/8/1888: "What can you say, to encompass everything you'd need an entire school of people working together in the same area, complementing each other like the old Dutch: portrait painters, genre painters, landscape painters, painters of animals, still-life painters."

166. writers and draftsmen BVG 252, 12/11/1882: In an extensive fantasy in December 1882, in The Hague, Vincent imagines the offices of the Graphic. Vincent introduces this reverie with the prayer-like invocation: "I have every respect for this, I feel something holy here, something noble, something sublime" (JLB 293, 12/11/1882).

Context:
JLB 293, 12/11/1882: "I'm now looking at that group of great artists and thinking of foggy London and the scurrying about in that small set-up. Deeper in my imagination I see the draughtsmen in their various studios setting to work with the best kind of enthusiasm. I see Millais going up to C. Dickens with the first No. of The Graphic. Dickens was then in the evening of his life, he had a paralyzed foot, walked with a kind of crutch. Millais says, while showing Him the drawing by Luke Fildes, Homeless and hungry -- the poor and vagabonds outside a night refuge -- Millais says to Dickens, give him your Edwin Drood to illustrate, and Dickens says, 'Very well.'" (Emphasis in original.)

167. "something holy" BVG 252, 12/11/1882. (See Ch. 31, n. 166.)

Context:
BVG 252, 12/11/1882: "I have full respect for this; here I feel something holy, something noble, something sublime. Then look at that group of great artists, and think of foggy London and the bustle in that small workshop."
JLB 293, 12/11/1882: "I have every respect for this, I feel something holy here, something noble, something sublime. I'm now looking at that group of great artists and thinking of foggy London and the scurrying about in that small set-up."

168. community of kindred spirits BVG 247, 11/24/1882. Naming specifically two groups of artists -- the first consisting of the Barbizon painters Corot, Millet, Daubigny, Jacques, and Breton; and the second consisting of the Hague School artists Israëls, Mauve, and Jacob Maris.

Context:
JLB 286, 11/24/1882: "There was a body of painters, writers, artists in short, who were united despite their divisions, and formed one force. They did not walk in darkness but had this light, that they clearly knew what they wanted and did not doubt. ... One thing reinforced the other, it was powerful and noble. ... Those crammed studios, those smaller shop windows, collier's faith of the artists above all, their warmth, their fire, their enthusiasm -- what sublime things they were" (Emphasis in original.)

169. "their warmth" BVG 247, 11/24/1882. (See Ch. 31, n. 168.)

Context:
BVG 247, 11/24/1882: "Those crammed studios, those smaller show windows, but above all, la foi de charbonnier of the artists -- their warmth, their fire, their enthusiasm -- how sublime they were."
JLB 286, 11/24/1882: "Those crammed studios, those smaller shop windows, collier's faith of the artists above all, their warmth, their fire, their enthusiasm -- what sublime things they were" (emphasis in original).

170. known as bonzes Childs, p. 130: Childs makes the point that the word bonze was not a Japanese word but a French term "used in travel accounts to describe a Buddhist priest." 171. Gonse's L'art japonais Silverman, pp. 42-43. 172. Madame chrysanthéme BVG B7, 6/18/1888.

Context:
JLB 628, 6/19/1888: "These last few days I read Pierre Loti's Madame Chrysanthème; it provides interesting remarks about Japan."

173. simple, self-abnegating BVG B18, 10/6/1888. 

Context:
JLB 696, 10/3/1888: "It seems ... that those Japanese earned very little money and lived like simple labourers."

174. "liked and upheld" BVG B18, 10/6/1888. As Kôdera points out, Vincent's source for much of this information about Japanese monks is not traceable to the sources he is known to have read and probably reflects either conflation, invention, wishful thinking, or some combination thereof (Kôdera, p. 97). One can detect in Vincent's history lesson traces of many of the preoccupations of his adult life, from evangelical zeal to ascetic monasticism to identification with the peasants to fraternal solidarity to artistic collegiality.

Context:
BVG B18, 10/6/1888: "It certainly proves that they liked and upheld each other, and that there reigned a certain harmony among them; and that they were really living in some sort of fraternal community, quite naturally, and not in intrigues."
JLB 696, 10/3/1888: "It clearly proves that they liked one another and stuck together, and that there was a certain harmony among them and that they did indeed live a kind of brotherly life, in a natural way and not in the midst of intrigues."

175. "fraternal communities" BVG B18, 10/6/1888. (See Ch. 31, n. 174.)

Context:
BVG B18, 10/6/1888: "It certainly proves that they liked and upheld each other, and that there reigned a certain harmony among them; and that they were really living in some sort of fraternal community, quite naturally, and not in intrigues."
JLB 696, 10/3/1888: "It clearly proves that they liked one another and stuck together, and that there was a certain harmony among them and that they did indeed live a kind of brotherly life, in a natural way and not in the midst of intrigues."

176. the Moravian Brothers BVG 524, 8/14/1888.

Context:
JLB 660, 8/13/1888: "If you're a painter, you're taken either for a madman or for a rich man. A cup of milk costs you one franc, a slice of bread and butter two, and paintings don't sell. That's why we have to join together as the old monks did, the Brethren of the Common Life of our Dutch heathlands."

177. "cold water, fresh air" BVG 481, 5/3/1888.

Context:
BVG 481, 5/3/1888: " Cold water, fresh air, simple good food, decent clothes, a decent bed, and no women."
JLB 603, 5/4/1888: " Cold water, air, good simple food, wear the right clothes, sleep in a good bed and don't have worries."

178. "poor devils, whose homes" BVG W4, 6/22/1888.

Context:
BVG W4, 6/22/1888: "And consequently, though some of those twenty painters or so who are called impressionists have become comparatively rich men, and rather big fellows in the world, yet the majority of them are poor devils, whose homes are cafes, who lodge in cheap inns and live from hand to mouth, from day to day."
JLB 626, 6/16/1888-6/20/1888: "And so those 20 or so painters whom people call Impressionists, although a few of them have become fairly rich and fairly big men in the world -- all the same, the majority of them are poor souls who live in coffee houses, lodge in cheap inns, live from one day to the next."

179. "leading lives" BVG W4, 6/22/1888.

Context:
BVG W4, 6/22/1888: "And yet it is a certain pleasure to paint a picture, and yet at this very moment there are some twenty painters here, all having more debts than money, etc., all leading lives approximately comparable to the lives of street dogs, who are going to be of perhaps more importance than the whole of the official exhibition as far as the future style of painting is concerned."
JLB 626, 6/16/1888-6/20/1888: "And yet it's something of a pleasure to make a painting, and yet there are 20 or so painters here right now, all of them having more debts than money &c., all of them with a way of life something like that of curs, who will perhaps mean more than the whole official exhibition in so far as the future manner of working is concerned."

180. "this vigorous attempt" BVG 524, 8/14/1888.

Context:
BVG 524, 8/14/1888: "But I neither care about success for myself nor about happiness; I do care about the permanence of this vigorous attempt by the impressionists, I do care about this question of shelter and daily bread for them."
JLB 660, 8/13/1888: "But I don't care about my success nor about my happiness, I care about the continuation of the energetic undertakings of the Impressionists, I care about this question of a refuge and of daily bread for them."

181. "We are paying" BVG 489, 5/20/1888.

Context:
JLB 611, 5/20/1888: "To be a link in the chain of artists we pay a steep price in health, youth, freedom, which we don't enjoy at all, any more than the cab-horse that pulls a carriage full of people who, unlike him, are going out to enjoy the springtime. ... We know we're cab-horses and that it'll be the same cab we're going to be harnessed to again. And so we don't feel like doing it and we'd prefer to live in a meadow with a sun, a river, the company of other horses who are also free, and the act of generation."

182. a "combination" of artists BVG 544a, 10/3/1888. Vincent describes this idea best in a letter from October 1888 addressed to Gauguin in which he summarizes discussions he, Vincent, had with other artists while still in Paris (JLB 695, 10/3/1888). The earliest appearance of this idea (and the first use of the word "association") comes in a letter from The Hague in 1882: "Given that it's useful and needful for Dutch drawings to be made, printed and circulated, intended for workers' dwellings, farmhouses, in a word, for every working man, several parties undertake to do their utmost, to exert their best efforts for this goal. This association not to be dissolved before the venture is completed, and endeavouring to carry it out as practically and as well as possible." (JLB 289, 12/1/1882.)

A few months later, Vincent mentions the idea to Van Rappard in the form of a complaint about his fellow artists: "Instead of one large entity, a body of painters where unity is strength, everyone withdraws into his shell and works by himself. Those who are now cock of the walk create a kind of desert around them just because of their envy, and that's very unfortunate for themselves, it seems to me." (JLB 307, 2/4/1883.) In addition to Vincent's report of discussions in Paris and other recollections that support that report (see Ch. 29, n. 139), the idea resurfaces soon after his arrival in Arles (JLB 580, 2/27/1888; see Chapter 30), although, in his mercenary frenzy, Vincent has scaled back his ambitions for it.

Rather than an association of artists who "join together, give their pictures to the association, and share the sale price in such a way that at least the society will be able to guarantee the possibility of existence and work for its members" (JLB 584, 3/10/1888), he conceives of it instead in the more modest terms of a business deal between "a few dealers and art lovers [who] agree to buy Impressionist paintings" (ibid.). Yet, he continues to entertain the delusion that he (or Theo) might persuade Tersteeg to spearhead this venture by convincing the artists of the Grand Boulevard "to take the initiative in an association by giving paintings that would become common property and cease to belong to them individually" (ibid.). At this time, as he would do again later in the spring, Vincent casts the artists and the dealers as "morally obliged" to support his dreamed-of association (ibid.). It should be noted that all during his first months in Arles, Vincent's vision for this association sits uneasily alongside his ambitions for the brothers' entresol enterprise and the stream of advice he sends Theo on how to best other dealers and establish precedence in various markets (see Chapter 30). This is but the latest manifestation of Vincent's deeply ambivalent relationship to financial success: one minute obsessing over strategies for achieving it, the next minute dreaming up visionary schemes to transcend it.

Context:
JLB 695, 10/3/1888: "In these discussions, it was often a matter of the thing that's so dear to our hearts, both my brother's and mine, the steps to be taken in order to preserve the financial existence of painters, and to preserve the means of production (colours, canvases), and to preserve directly to them their share in the price that their paintings at present fetch only when they have long ceased to be the property of the artists."

592 183. "chained to the opportunity" BVG W4, 6/22/1888.

Context:
BVG W4, 6/22/1888: "For now everybody is chained to the opportunity he has of earning his bread, which means that in fact one is far from free."
JLB 626, 6/16/1888-6/20/1888: "For now everyone is bound by his opportunity to earn his living, and one is far from free, exactly."

184. "injustice" BVG 548, 10/9/1888.

Context:
BVG 548, 10/9/1888: "Even if we have no fixed plan in business, everything we do will be based on our deep conviction of the injustice which the artists we know are now suffering under, and on the desire to change all this as much as we can."
JLB 700, 10/9/1888 or 10/10/1888: "In our business dealings, although we have no fixed plan, everything we do will nevertheless be based on that deep sense that we have of the present injustice suffered by the artists whom we know, and of the desire to change it as far as we can."

185. "Impressionist Society" BVG 493, 5/28/1888.

Context:
BVG 493, 5/28/1888: "And this would be the beginning of an association. Bernard, who is also coming South, will join us, and truly, I can see you at the head of an Impressionist Society in France yet."
JLB 616, 5/28/1888 or 5/29/1888: "This would be the beginnings of an association, then. Bernard, who's coming to the south too, will join us, and be sure of this, I still see you in France, at the head of an association of Impressionists" (emphasis in original).

186. "the dealer will join hands" BVG 550, 10/10/1888.

Context:
BVG 550, 10/10/1888: "And what will be done later to reform trade may be just this, that the dealer will join hands with the artist, the one for what one may call the housekeeping side, to provide the studio, food, paint, etc., the other to create."
JLB 702, 10/10/1888 or 10/11/1888: "And what we'll do later to revive the trade could well be precisely that dealers live with artists, the one for what one may call the housekeeping side, to supply studio, food, paint &c., the other to produce."

187. sicknessJLB 611, 5/20/1888: "It seemed that like me, you suffered to see your youth going up in -- smoke -- but if it comes back and appears in what we do, there's nothing lost, and the power to work is a second youth. So be serious about getting better, because we'll need our health." 188. madness JLB 662, 8/15/1888: "If I did a hundred like that there'd be some good ones among them. And I'd be more French and more myself -- and more of a drinker. It tempts me so much -- not the drink, but painting ruffians. Would I lose as a man what I gained as an artist, doing that? If I had faith in that, I'd be a famous madman -- now I'm not a famous one." (Emphasis in original.) 189. even death JLB 615, 5/28/1888: "The Muslim idea that death only comes when it must come -- let's just see about that. To me, it seems that we haven't any proof of such a direct guidance from above. ... Have I not myself seen a fine figure of a man die before my very eyes for want of an intelligent doctor -- he was so calm and tranquil through all of that, only he kept saying -- 'if I had another doctor', and he died shrugging his shoulders in a way I'll never forget." 190. "The dreams, ah!" Quoted by Thomson, in Homburg, p. 68. 191. phalansteries Phalansteries were a particular kind of secular commune -- a phalange (phalanx) -- that lived according to socialist "Fourierist" principles -- so-named because they were espoused by Charles Fourier (1772-1837; French social theorist). 192. "to have a look" BVG 498a, 5/29/1888.

Context:
BVG 498a, 5/29/1888: "Tomorrow I am going to Saintes-Maries on the seacoast to have a look at the blue sea and the blue sky."
JLB 618, 5/29/1888-5/30/1888: "Tomorrow I'm going to Saintes-Maries-de-la-Mer just to see a blue sea and a blue sky."

193. "At last I have seen" BVG B6, 6/6/1888-6/11/1888.

Context:
BVG B6, 6/6/1888-6/11/1888: " At last I have seen the Mediterranean, which you will probably cross sooner than I shall."
JLB 622, 6/7/1888: " I've finally seen the Mediterranean, which you'll probably cross before me."

194. the little one-man boats The two paintings of boats fighting the waves are The Road to Tarascon (F 1502 JH 1492) and Seascape at Saint-Maries (F 417 JH 1453). 195. "whitewashed all over" BVG B6, 6/6/1888-6/11/1888.

Context:
BVG B6, 6/6/1888-6/11/1888: "Furthermore imagine in that landscape which is so naïve, and a good thing too, a cottage whitewashed all over (the roof too) standing in an orange field -- certainly orange, for the southern sky and the blue Mediterranean provoke an orange tint that gets more intense as the scale of blue colours gets a more vigorous tone -- then the black note of the door, the windows and the little cross on the ridge of the roof produce a simultaneous contrast of black and white just as pleasing to the eye as that of blue and orange."
JLB 622, 6/7/1888: "Again, in this very naive landscape, which is meant to show us a hut, whitewashed overall (the roof, too), situated in an orange field, of course, because the sky in the south and the blue Mediterranean produce an orange that is all the more intense the higher in tint the range of blues -- The black note of the door, of the window panes, of the little cross on the rooftop, creates a simultaneous contrast of white and black just as pleasing to the eye as that of the blue with the orange."

196. in neat rows Street in Saintes-Maries (F 1434 JH 1449), Row of Cottages in Saintes-Maries (F 1437 JH 1450), and Street in Saintes-Maries (F 420 JH 1462). The painting Street in Saintes-Maries (F 420 JH 1462) was based on the drawing Street in Saintes-Maries (F 1434 JH 1449). 197. in splendid isolation Three Cottages in Saintes-Maries (F 1438 JH 1448), Two Houses In Saintes-Maries (F 1440 JH 1451), Cottages in Saintes-Maries (F 1436 JH 1454). The painting Three White Cottages in Saintes-Maries (F 419 JH 1465) was based on the drawing Three Cottages in Saintes-Maries (F 1438 JH 1448). Cottages in Saintes-Maries (F 1436 JH 1454) does not neatly fit either of the text's two categories, as it highlights a single house, but includes other houses widely spaced on the village street. 593 198. his sailor uncle Jan Silverman, p. 365. 199. the dunes, of Scheveningen BVG 499, 6/4/1888. Also: "I've finally seen the Mediterranean, which you'll probably cross before me. Spent a week in Saintes-Maries, and to get there crossed the Camargue in a diligence, with vineyards, heaths, fields as flat as Holland." (JLB 622, 6/7/1888.)

Context:
JLB 619, 6/3/1888 or 6/4/1888: "The beach here is sandy, no cliffs or rocks -- like Holland -- without the dunes and with more blue."

200. the cottages, of the hovels BVG 499, 6/4/1888.

Context:
JLB 619, 6/3/1888 or 6/4/1888: "And what houses at that -- like those on our Drenthe heaths and peat bogs, you'll see some specimens in the drawings."

201. the Three Marys Vellekoop identifies these three Marys as Mary the mother of James, Mary Salomé, and Mary Magdalene (Vellekoop, p. 116). Other sources use variants on these names or introduce an element of uncertainty about the exact identity of the boat's passengers -- according to legend. 202. Every morning, he went BVG 500, 6/5/1888.

Context:
JLB 620, 6/5/1888: "I'd watched it all the other mornings, but as they leave very early, hadn't had time to do it."

203. "little green, red, blue boats" BVG B6, 6/6/1888-6/11/1888.

Context:
BVG B6, 6/6/1888-6/11/1888: "On the perfectly flat, sandy beach little green, red, blue boats, so pretty in shape and colour that they made one think of flowers. A single man is their whole crew, for these boats hardly venture on the high seas. They are off when there is no wind, and make for the shore when there is too much of it."
JLB 622, 6/7/1888: "On the completely flat, sandy beach, little green, red, blue boats, so pretty in shape and colour that one thought of flowers; one man boards them, these boats hardly go on the high sea -- they dash off when there's no wind and come back to land if there's a bit too much."

204. before he could set up BVG 500, 6/5/1888.

Context:
JLB 620, 6/5/1888: "It was before the boats cleared off; I'd watched it all the other mornings, but as they leave very early, hadn't had time to do it."

205. "They dash off" BVG B6, 6/6/1888-6/11/1888 and JLB 622, 6/7/1888: We have used elements from both translations.

Context:
BVG B6, 6/6/1888-6/11/1888: "They are off when there is no wind, and make for the shore when there is too much of it."
JLB 622, 6/7/1888: "… they dash off when there's no wind and come back to land if there's a bit too much."

594 206. he rose early BVG 500, 6/5/1888.

Context:
JLB 620, 6/5/1888: "I did the drawing of the boats as I was leaving, very early in the morning, and I'm working on the painting, a no. 30 canvas with more sea and sky on the right."

207. a sketchpad and a pen BVG 500, 6/5/1888: Vincent writes Theo that he did the drawing of the boats.

Context:
JLB 620, 6/5/1888: "Tell me, in Paris would I have drawn in an hour the drawing of the boats? Not even with the frame. Now this was done without measuring, letting the pen go." (Emphasis in original.)

208. an unexplained intervention BVG 499, 6/4/1888: In his report to Theo, Vincent makes this visit sound like a courtesy call (see context). But given Vincent's history with meddlesome priests and officialdom in general (as recently as Paris), we suspect there is more to this intervention than Vincent is telling. First, he makes it clear that he came to Saintes-Maries in search of models ("I'll ... make a furious attack on the figure" [JLB 618, 5/29/1888-5/30/1888]). Yet all the images from his trip that survive are virtually unpopulated. Except for a distant, indistinct pedestrian and child in Row of Cottages in Saintes-Maries (F 1437 JH 1450) and a few infinitesimal scratches at the shoreline in Beach, Sea, and Fishing Boats (F 1432 JH 1455), the streets, beaches, and houses of Saintes-Maries appear abandoned, as if Vincent's arrival had driven the population into hiding. In a letter to Bernard written soon after his return to Arles, Vincent imagined populating his seaside scenes with figures (appropriately decorative): "Imagine a woman dressed in a black and white checked dress, in the same primitive landscape of a blue sky and an orange earth -- that would be quite amusing to see, I imagine."(JLB 622, 6/7/1888.)

Given Vincent's history, it is not a stretch to conjecture that he approached people in Saintes-Maries, undoubtedly women, with the request to model for him. (In the same letter, he reports seeing girls in Saintes-Maries "who made one think of Cimabue and Giotto: slim, straight, a little sad and mystical.") These unwelcome approaches, as well as Vincent's strange manner, would have alarmed the deeply religious and superstitious locals, prompting the visit from the priest and the police and, perhaps, a pre-emptive request for Vincent to leave the town the next day. Such an incident would explain why Vincent announces his departure the day before leaving (JLB 619, 6/3/1888 or 6/4/1888) -- unusual advance notice -- in the same letter in which he reports his encounter with the "gendarme" and the "priest too." It would also explain why he left the three canvases behind rather than waiting a day or two for them to dry sufficiently to be transported (ibid., see Ch. 31, n. 210). Finally, it would explain why Vincent does not return to Saintes-Maries in July, despite his own eager anticipation of the "open-air bathing" season when, presumably, bathers might be available as models (ibid.). The other possible explanation for the visit from the police, and for Vincent's abrupt departure, is another lodging dispute, hinted at in this boast to Theo: "I board and eat for 4 francs a day -- they started by asking 6" (ibid.). However, such a dispute would be less likely to involve the local priest than complaints about behavior of suspect morality.

Context:
JLB 619, 6/3/1888 or 6/4/1888: "A very handsome gendarme came to interview me here. And the priest too -- people can't be too bad here, because even the priest seemed almost like a decent fellow."

209. all three of the canvases BVG 499, 6/4/1888. JLB 619, 6/3/1888 or 6/4/1888. It should be noted that, only a few days earlier, on the eve of his departure for Saintes-Maries, Vincent wrote: "I'm taking two canvases but I'm a little afraid there could well be too much wind to paint" (JLB 617, 5/29/1888 or 5/30/1880). Presumably, he decided at the last minute to take a third canvas.

Context:
JLB 619, 6/3/1888 or 6/4/1888: "I've brought three canvases and I've covered them -- two seascapes -- a view of the village."

210. "they are not dry enough" BVG 499, 6/4/1888.

Context:
BVG 499, 6/4/1888: "I am forced to leave my three painted studies here, for of course they are not dry enough to be submitted with safety to five hours' jolting in the carriage."
JLB 619, 6/3/1888 or 6/4/1888: "I have to leave my three painted studies here, because of course they aren't dry enough to subject them to 5 hours' jolting in a carriage with impunity."

211. he sent a batch of them For an exhaustive examination of which drawings he sent to Theo and which he kept back (see Vellekoop, p. 121, n. 4). 212. "moored boats" Clébert and Richard, p. 35: "Les bateaux amarrés." 213. he traced the boats' The size of the boats remains consistent through iterations in all three media (drawing, watercolor, and painting). Vellekoop allows in regard to another painting based on a Saintes-Maries drawing: "It is likely that Van Gogh transferred the composition to the canvas by means of tracing" (Vellekoop, p. 121). 214. Fishing Boats on the Beach Fishing Boats on the Beach at Saintes-Maries, F 413 JH 1460, June 1888, oil on canvas, 25.4 x 31.9 in., 64.5 x 81 cm., Van Gogh Museum, Amsterdam. As soon as he returned from Saintes-Maries, Vincent wrote Theo praising the new "Japanese style" and instructing him to tell Anquetin and Bernard that "I have a painting of boats" (JLB 620, 6/5/1888).

Context:
JLB 620, 6/5/1888: "Apparently an article on Anquetin has appeared in the Revue Indépendante in which he seems to have been called the leader of a new movement in which Japonism was even more marked, &c. I haven't read it, but after all -- the leader of the Petit Boulevard is without any doubt Seurat, and young Bernard has perhaps gone further than Anquetin in the Japanese style. Tell them I have a painting of boats, that and the Langlois bridge could suit Anquetin."

215. the other paintings The surviving paintings known to be based on Saintes-Maries sketches are View of Saintes-Maries (F 416 JH 1447), Street in Saintes-Maries (F 420 JH 1462), and Three White Cottages in Saintes-Maries (F 419 JH 1465) (JLB 619, 6/3/1888 or 6/4/1888). (See Ch. 31, n. 210, n. 196 and n. 197.) 595 216. "absolute Japan" BVG 543, 9/28/1888.

Context:
BVG 543, 9/28/1888: "The weather here remains fine, and if it was always like this, it would be better than the painters' paradise, it would be absolute Japan."
JLB 691, 9/29/1888: "The weather's still fine here, and if it was always like that it would be better than the painters' paradise, it would be Japan altogether.

217. "I am always telling" BVG W7, 9/9/1888-9/16/1888 and JLB 678, 9/9/1888 and 9/14/1888: We have used elements from both translations.

Context:
BVG W7, 9/9/1888-9/16/1888: "For my part I don't need Japanese pictures here, for I am always telling myself that here I am in Japan. Which means that I have only to open my eyes and paint what is right in front of me, if I think it effective."
JLB 678, 9/9/1888 and 9/14/1888: "For myself, I don't need Japanese prints here, because I'm always saying to myself that I'm in Japan here. That as a result I only have to open my eyes and paint right in front of me what makes an impression on me." (Emphasis in original.)

218. "amusing motifs" BVG B6, 6/6/1888-6/11/1888.

Context:
BVG B6, 6/6/1888-6/11/1888: "Or let us take a more amusing motif: imagine a woman in a black and white checked dress in the same primitive landscape with a blue sky and an orange soil -- that would be a rather funny sight, I think."
JLB 622, 6/7/1888: "To take a more entertaining subject, let's imagine a woman dressed in a black and white checked dress, in the same primitive landscape of a blue sky and an orange earth -- that would be quite amusing to see, I imagine."

219. "naïve" BVG B6, 6/6/1888-6/11/1888.

Context:
BVG B6, 6/6/1888-6/11/1888: "Furthermore imagine in that landscape which is so naïve, and a good thing too, a cottage whitewashed all over (the roof too) standing in an orange field -- certainly orange, for the southern sky and the blue Mediterranean provoke an orange tint that gets more intense as the scale of blue colours gets a more vigorous tone -- then the black note of the door, the windows and the little cross on the ridge of the roof produce a simultaneous contrast of black and white just as pleasing to the eye as that of blue and orange."
JLB 622, 6/7/1888: "Again, in this very naive landscape, which is meant to show us a hut, whitewashed overall (the roof, too), situated in an orange field, of course, because the sky in the south and the blue Mediterranean produce an orange that is all the more intense the higher in tint the range of blues -- The black note of the door, of the window panes, of the little cross on the rooftop, creates a simultaneous contrast of white and black just as pleasing to the eye as that of the blue with the orange."

220. "primitive" BVG B6, 6/6/1888-6/11/1888.

Context:
BVG B6, 6/6/1888-6/11/1888: "Or let us take a more amusing motif: imagine a woman in a black and white checked dress in the same primitive landscape with a blue sky and an orange soil -- that would be a rather funny sight, I think."
JLB 622, 6/7/1888: "To take a more entertaining subject, let's imagine a woman dressed in a black and white checked dress, in the same primitive landscape of a blue sky and an orange earth -- that would be quite amusing to see, I imagine."

221. "simplification of color" BVG B6, 6/6/1888-6/11/1888.

Context:
BVG B6, 6/6/1888-6/11/1888: "When -- and observe that I am speaking of the simplification of colour in the Japanese manner -- when in a green park with pink paths I see a gentleman dressed in black and a justice of the peace by trade (the Arab Jew in Daudet's Tartarin calls this honorable functionary zouge de paix) who is reading L'Intransigeant"
JLB 622, 6/7/1888: "When -- and note that I'm talking about the simplification of colour in the Japanese manner -- when I see in a green park with pink paths a gentleman who's dressed in black, and a justice of the peace by profession (the Arab Jew in Daudet's Tartarin calls this honourable official shustish of the beace), who's reading L'Intransigeant."

222. "put[ting] flat tones" BVG B6, 6/6/1888-6/11/1888.

Context:
BVG B6, 6/6/1888-6/11/1888: "For the Japanese artist ignores reflected colours, and puts the flat tones side by side, with characteristic lines marking off the movements and the forms."
JLB 622, 6/7/1888: "Because the Japanese disregards reflection, placing his solid tints one beside the other -- characteristic lines naively marking off movements or shapes."

223. "decorations for middle class" BVG 512, 7/19/1888. Note how this ambition echoes Vincent's dream in The Hague of having his black-and-white lithographs "printed and circulated, intended for workers' dwellings, farmhouses, in a word, for every working man" (JLB 289, 12/1/1882; see Chapter 17). Also note that, in that dream, as in this present one, the success of his plan hinged on "several parties undertak[ing] to do their utmost, to exert their best efforts for this goal" (ibid.).

Context:
BVG 512, 7/19/1888: "Nothing would help us to sell our canvases more than if they could gain general acceptance as decorations for middle-class houses."
JLB 644, 7/17/1888-7/20/1888: "Nothing would make it easier for us to place our canvases than to get them widely accepted as decorations in bourgeois homes."

224. showing on the entresol BVG B7, 6/18/1888. According to Stolwijk and Thomson, Theo bought ten of Monet's Antibes paintings on June 4, in advance of the show on the entresol, and almost exactly at the same time Vincent returned from Saintes-Maries (Stolwijk and Thomson p. 187).

Context:
JLB 628, 6/19/1888: "At the moment my brother has an exhibition of Claude Monet, I'd very much like to see them."

225. "One sees things" JLB 620, 6/5/1888: We have slightly altered the translation.

Context:
BVG 500, 6/5/1888: "I wish you could spend some time here, you would feel it after a while, one's sight changes: you see things with an eye more Japanese, you feel colour differently."
JLB 620, 6/5/1888: "I'd like you to spend some time here, you'd feel it -- after some time your vision changes, you see with a more Japanese eye, you feel colour differently."

226. four brightly-colored boats BVG 552, 10/13/1888: Vincent reveals this in a letter written four months after returning from Saintes-Maries. Vincent says this in defense of his painting of coaches, Tarascon Diligence [F 478a JH 1605], in October 1888, but he could only have seen the Monet painting during his years in Paris, and therefore knew of it at the time he painted Fishing Boats on the Beach at Saintes-Maries (F 413 JH 1460). It's possible that Theo described the Monet painting to him, but Vincent's construction suggests that it was a visual recollection.

Context:
JLB 703, 10/13/1888: "You used to have a very fine Claude Monet showing four colored boats on a beach."

227. pushed his brother to urge BVG 495, 5/29/1888. Vincent's belief that Theo could recruit the dealer Georges Thomas to his plan for the combination with Gauguin was only encouraged in July when Thomas bought a study from Anquetin (JLB 641, 7/15/1888). He pushes Theo the same day: "If you went to see Thomas with these, and added the (I believe there are 4 of them) other drawings in the same format, perhaps we'd pick up a few sous from père Thomas if you explain to him the rather exceptional reasons there are at this moment for our wanting to do a deal" (JLB 640, 7/15/1888). For more on Vincent's relationship with Thomas, see Ch. 26, n. 209.

Context:
JLB 617, 5/29/1888 or 5/30/1888: "I have to do things that could get someone like Thomas, for example, to join you in letting those who'll go here, work here. Then Gauguin would certainly come, I think."

228. "to join in sending" BVG 495, 5/29/1888; emphasis added.

Context:
BVG 495, 5/29/1888: "I must get some stuff done that might persuade somebody like Thomas, for instance, to join you in sending people who would go to work down here. In that case I think that Gauguin would be sure to come."
JLB 617, 5/29/1888 or 5/30/1888: "I have to do things that could get someone like Thomas, for example, to join you in letting those who'll go here, work here. Then Gauguin would certainly come, I think."

229. "I wish you could spend" BVG 500, 6/5/1888.

Context:
BVG 500, 6/5/1888: " I wish you could spend some time here, you would feel it after a while, one's sight changes: you see things with an eye more Japanese, you feel colour differently."
JLB 620, 6/5/1888: " I'd like you to spend some time here, you'd feel it -- after some time your vision changes, you see with a more Japanese eye, you feel colour differently."

230. "I think that once again" BVG 492, 5/28/1888. We have slightly altered the translation.

Context:
BVG 492, 5/28/1888: "But I think that once again you must steep yourself more and more in nature and in the world of artists."
JLB 615, 5/28/1888: "Now I think you need to immerse yourself again even more, both in nature and among artists."

231. "a year's leave" BVG 492, 5/28/1888.

Context:
BVG 492, 5/28/1888: "It seems to me that what these people ask of you would be reasonable enough if they first agreed to give you a year's leave (on full pay) to regain your health. You would devote that year to going around and revisiting all the impressionists and the impressionist collectors. That would still be working in the interests of Boussod & Co. And after that you'd set off with a steadier health and nerves, and be able to start fresh business there."
JLB 615, 5/28/1888: "It seems to me that what those gentlemen are demanding of you could, however, be reasonable if they first agreed to give you a year's leave (on full salary) to regain your health. You'd devote that year to going to see all the Impressionists and connoisseurs of the Impressionists at their homes again. That would still be working in the interests of Boussod & Co. After that you'd go off with your blood and your nerves more settled, and fit to do new business over there."

232. he could recover his health BVG 492, 5/28/1888. (See Ch. 31, n. 231.)

Context:
JLB 615, 5/28/1888: "It seems to me that what those gentlemen are demanding of you could, however, be reasonable if they first agreed to give you a year's leave (on full salary) to regain your health. You'd devote that year to going to see all the Impressionists and connoisseurs of the Impressionists at their homes again."

233. "I keep thinking of you" BVG 543, 9/28/1888.

Context:
JLB 691, 9/29/1888: "How I think of you and of Gauguin and of Bernard, everywhere and at all times! It's so beautiful, and I'd so much like to see everyone over here."

234. "Do you realize" BVG B7, 6/18/1888.

Context:
JLB 628, 6/19/1888: "Do you know that we've been very foolish, Gauguin, you and I, in not all going to the same place?"

235. "Life carries us along" BVG B11, 7/17/1888.

Context:
BVG B11, 7/17/1888: "However, I shan't labour the point, because I realize that life carries us along so fast that we haven't the time to talk and to work as well. That is the reason why, with unity still a long way off, we are now sailing the trackless deep in our frail little boats, all alone on the high seas of our time."
JLB 643, 7/17/1888-7/20/1888: "However, I don't insist, knowing that life carries us along so fast that we don't have the time to discuss and act simultaneously. That's why, at present, while the union exists only very incompletely, we're sailing on the high seas in our small and wretched boats, isolated on the great waves of our time."

596 236. traveled north toward Tarascon BVG 499, 6/4/1888. From Saintes-Maries, Vincent wrote "Next week I'd like to go to Tarascon to do two or three studies" (JLB 619, 6/3/1888 or 6/4/1888). The following week he reported taking such a trip, but with poor results: "Unfortunately there was so much sun and dust that day that I came home empty-handed" (JLB 623, 6/12/1888). It was around this same time that Vincent undertook the great painting of the Crau (Harvest at La Crau, with Montmajour in the Background [F 412 JH 1440]). We suspect the two events may have been related. Tarascon lay about ten miles north of Arles; he painted Harvest at La Crau, with Montmajour in the Background (F 412 JH 1440) from a point a mile or two northeast of Arles. He would have begun the journey to both places using the same route (the avenue Montmajour), although he undoubtedly took the train to Tarascon. In any event, his eyes had clearly turned north. He may have marched into the Crau and taken up a distant view of the ruined abbey (which is visible in the background of Harvest at La Crau, with Montmajour in the Background [F 412 JH 1440]) after his frustrated mission to Tartarin's hometown. For painting expeditions like the one to Saintes-Maries, Vincent took significant equipment. Thus, he may have found himself passing near the picturesque ruins carrying everything he needed to paint, gotten off the train at an intermediate stop, and picked his spot in the fields southwest of the abbey. We also suspect that the trip to Tarascon was originally planned, like the trip to Saintes-Maries, as a search for models (JLB 618, 5/29/1888-5/30/1888; see Ch. 31, n. 208).

Context:
JLB 619, 6/3/1888 or 6/4/1888: "Next week I'd like to go to Tarascon to do two or three studies."

237. a Byzantine chapel Cook, pp. 33-34: According to Cook, the chapel to Ste. Croix contains some back-dated elements, including a bogus inscription referring to Charlemagne; but he describes its architecture as "far more appropriate to the east than to any western home of religion," and seconds Prosper Merimée's dating of the building to 1019. This is close to the date of 1016 given for the beginning of construction of the monastery's main church -- although, according to Cook, the church "was not continued for two hundred years, and it has never been completed" (ibid.). 238. a medieval donjon Cook, pp. 31-32: According to Cook, the large, oblong donjon-keep was built in 1369 by Pons de 1'Orme. 239. many times by midsummer 1888 BVG 509, 7/13/1888. In mid-July, Vincent reports that he had gone to Montmajour "50 times" (JLB 639, 7/13/1888). Given that he had only been in Arles for five months, or 150 days, and that he didn't report his first visit until March 9, Vincent's figure of "fifty" is almost certainly an exaggeration (JLB 583, 3/9/1888).

Context:
JLB 639, 7/13/1888: "But it must be 50 times that I've been to Montmajour to look at this flat view -- am I wrong?"

240. Dutch-style drainage project Pickvance, p. 79. 241. Theo invited Vincent BVG 489, 5/20/1888: For some reason, Vincent always mistakenly referred to this exhibition as taking place in Dordrecht. In fact, the exhibition was organized by the Amsterdam-based Dutch Etchers Society and opened at Arti et Amicitiae in that city on June 1, 1888. It was their second annual exhibition. Theo had received a request from the artist Jan Veth for submissions. Veth's letter (b3573 V/1984, ''Veth, Jan'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 5/15/1888; preserved in the Van Gogh Foundation Archives) did not, however, mention Vincent's work (Vellekoop, p. 108, n. 11), so Vincent's last-minute withdrawal was an affront to his brother, not the society.

Context:
JLB 611, 5/20/1888: "Listen -- I'll do all I can to send you some new drawings for Dordrecht."

242. an exhibition in Amsterdam See Ch. 31, n. 241. 243. Over the course of a week Pickvance, p. 78. 244. elaborate purple-ink drawingsSee Vellekoop, p. 109: The drawings identified by size and paper similarities as belonging to this group are four views from the summit of Montmajour (The Plain of La Crau [F 1419 JH 1430], Landscape with a Tree in the Foreground [F 1418 JH 1431], The Plain of La Crau [F 1448 JH 1432], and Landscape with Arles in the Background [F 1475 JH 1435]); two views of the abbey ruins (Ruins of Montmajour [F 1423 JH 1433] and Ruins of Montmajour [F 1417 JH 1434]); and one view of the rocky hillside (Hill with Bushes [F 1493 JH 1436]). As befits his original intention for them, Vincent gave titles to all but one of these seven drawings: "Vue de la Crau" (JH1430); "Vue prise à Montmajour" (The Plain of La Crau [F 1448 JH 1432]); "Montmajour" (Ruins of Montmajour [F 1423 JH 1433]); "Ruine de Montmajour" (Ruins of Montmajour [F 1417 JH 1434]); "Vue d'Arles" (Landscape with Arles in the Background [F 1475 JH 1435]); and "Bruyère" (Hill with Bushes [F 1493 JH 1436]). He signed the untitled Landscape with a Tree in the Foreground (F 1418 JH 1431). 245. replaced by the fervor Vellekoop notices that Vincent did not mention the drawings from Montmajour in his letter to Bernard around May 22 (Vellekoop, p. 108, n. 13) -- exactly at the time he was making them and before sending them to Theo (JLB 612, 5/22/1888). Vincent does, however, describe the paintings he had been making at the same time, suggesting that this first set of Montmajour drawings was on a separate, commercial track. However, when Vincent does finally send the drawings to Theo with the request that they not be submitted for exhibition in Amsterdam, he proposes an alternate use for them: "I prefer to believe that Bernard or Gauguin will exchange drawings with us in which the Dutch will see nothing" (JLB 613, 5/26/1888; emphasis in original). By this time, apparently, he had decided that Bernard and Gauguin, as well as Theo, would be impressed with the drawings' commercial appeal -- and he had convinced himself of their Japanese pedigree. He suggests that Theo make the drawings into an accordion-style album -- "like the albums of original Japanese drawings" -- and give copies to Gauguin and Bernard (JLB 615, 5/28/1888). He even illustrates the proposed album in the margin of a letter (ibid.). Note how this proposal echoes all the "souvenir" drawings of Vincent's previous homes that he sent to family and friends. 246. "the leader of a new trend" BVG 500, 6/5/1888.

Context:
BVG 500, 6/5/1888: "Anquetin and Lautrec [Henri Marie Raymond de Toulouse-Lautrec, 1864-1901; French artist] -- I think -- will not like what I am doing; there has been an article, it seems, in the Revue Independante on Anquetin, which called him the leader of a new trend, in which the Japanese influence is even more apparent. I have not read it but anyway the leader of the Petit Boulevard is undoubtedly Seurat, and young Bernard has perhaps gone further in the Japanese style than Anquetin."
JLB 620, 6/5/1888: "Anquetin and Lautrec -- I think -- won't like what I'm doing. Apparently an article on Anquetin has appeared in the Revue Indépendante in which he seems to have been called the leader of a new movement in which Japonism was even more marked, &c. I haven't read it, but after all -- the leader of the Petit Boulevard is without any doubt Seurat, and young Bernard has perhaps gone further than Anquetin in the Japanese style."

247. the dealer Georges Thomas

See Chapter 27.

248. The Peasant BVG B10, 7/15/1888: Vincent heard this, apparently, from Bernard. The construction suggests that this was a long sales process about which Bernard kept Vincent informed. Thus, he could have known about Thomas's interest as early as June when he, Vincent, began his own series of harvest scenes. This would explain Vincent's out-of-the-blue reference to Anquetin's 1887 painting The Harvest in mid-June (JLB 628, 6/19/1888). The Anquetin study that Vincent refers to as "the peasant" may be Old Peasant -- a surprising subject for the cosmopolite Anquetin (see JLB 641, n. 8).

Anquetin was known to have developed his signature artistic ideas while visiting his parents' home at Etrepagny, a rural town outside Paris; and one of his earliest expressions of those ideas was a rural scene, variously titled as Summer or The Mower (see Ch. 29, n. 164), which was known to Vincent. However, the other foundational image of Cloisonnism, also known to Vincent, was Anquetin's Avenue de Clichy: Five o'Clock in the Evening, depicting the sidewalk in front of a gas-lit butcher shop, and this was a more typical subject. Welsh-Ovcharov and Cate report that about this time Anquetin "conceived a monumental composition" devoted to Le Mirliton, Aristide Bruant's infamous café-concert (Welsh-Ovcharov and Cate, Émile Bernard (1868-1941), p. 8). Bernard reports that Anquetin's contribution to the show Vincent mounted at the Du Chalet restaurant in late 1887 consisted of "Japanese abstractions" (see Ch. 29, n. 164). (For more, see Ch. 31, n. 52.)

Context:
JLB 641, 7/15/1888: "Thomas bought Anquetin's study in the end -- the peasant."

249. "gone further" BVG 500, 6/5/1888.

Context:
BVG 500, 6/5/1888: "Anquetin and Lautrec -- I think -- will not like what I am doing; there has been an article, it seems, in the Revue Independante on Anquetin, which called him the leader of a new trend, in which the Japanese influence is even more apparent. I have not read it but anyway the leader of the Petit Boulevard is undoubtedly Seurat, and young Bernard has perhaps gone further in the Japanese style than Anquetin."
JLB 620, 6/5/1888: "Anquetin and Lautrec -- I think -- won't like what I'm doing. Apparently an article on Anquetin has appeared in the Revue Indépendante in which he seems to have been called the leader of a new movement in which Japonism was even more marked, &c. I haven't read it, but after all -- the leader of the Petit Boulevard is without any doubt Seurat, and young Bernard has perhaps gone further than Anquetin in the Japanese style."

250. he nor Bernard could boast BVG 480, 5/1/1888. On May 1, Vincent reported to Theo that Russell had bought "2 or 3 Bernards," but these were sales to a friend and colleague, not to a dealer, like Anquetin's sale to Thomas (JLB 602, 5/1/1888). Vincent also often uses the term "sale" loosely to include exchanges between artists -- undoubtedly a defensive posture given his own record.

Context:
JLB 602, 5/1/1888: "I've had a letter from Russell, who has bought a Guillaumin and 2 or 3 Bernards. I'm extremely pleased about that, he also writes that he'll exchange studies with me." (Emphasis in original.)

597 251. Gauguin announced his plan In a letter to Theo that Druick and Zegers date to "c. 15-18 June," Gauguin writes: "I am busy working on a Breton gavotte danced by 3 little girls in the middle of haymaking. I think you will be pleased with it. To my mind, the picture is original and I am pleased enough with it from the drawing point of view." (Druick and Zegers, p. 113, n. 81; Paul Gauguin to Theo van Gogh, c. 6/16/1888-6/18/1888) It is fair to assume that Gauguin wrote something similar to Vincent, or that Theo informed Vincent of the other artist's plans. The painting was Breton Girls Dancing. Druick points out that in the preceding months Gauguin "had competed several impressive landscapes featuring Breton figures, but he had yet to attempt a composition in which, as in the Négresses, figures predominate" (Druick and Zegers, p. 113). One cannot help but note the similarity between the way Vincent's art tracks Gauguin's art during this summer "courtship" period and the way it similarly tracked Van Rappard's art in the early-to-mid-1880s during a similar but more extended courtship. 252. Bernard would join Gauguin BVG 523+522a, 8/18/1888: Vincent learned of Bernard's trip to Pont-Aven only after the fact. He wrote Theo in mid-August: "I've just received a letter from Bernard, who joined Gauguin, [Charles] Laval and someone else at Pont-Aven several days ago" (JLB 664, 8/19/1888). He may have considered this something like a betrayal by one or both his colleagues -- or at least a worrisome threat of one -- as he had recently written Bernard that Gauguin "[will] join me here shortly, as soon as either one of us is able to find the travel expenses" (JLB 655, 8/5/1888).

Context:
JLB 664, 8/19/1888: "I've just received a letter from Bernard, who joined Gauguin, Laval and someone else at Pont-Aven several days ago."

253. glowing reports Jansen and Robert, pp. 145-147: We base this on Theo's paean to Monet's landscapes in a letter to his fiancée Jo Bonger in February 1889: "Monet [tells] us about life. His trees glisten & are in full leaf, the wind rustles through the branches setting the leaves aquiver, the breeze turns the poplar leaves to expose the grey side underneath so that they capture the sunlight and create a silvery haze around the tree. A clear river flowing at the foot of the trees, a bright blue sky above, all breathing freshness & health. And another time it's a wide meadow in the distance, bordered by hills & trees, at dusk as the setting sun casts a glorious golden glow over the world." 254. Vincent read a review BVG 501, 6/21/1888. (See Stolwijk and Thomson, p. 79.)

Context:
JLB 629, 6/21/1888: "I've just read [Gustave] Geffroy's article on Claude Monet. What he says is really very good. How I'd love to see that exhibition! If I console myself for not seeing it, it's because when I look around me there are many things in nature that hardly leave me time to think about anything else. Because it's harvest time just now."

255. the elemental beauty Geffroy, pp. 1-2: Geffroy's style of review is, true to his symbolist bias, more personal and evocative than analytical and descriptive. 256. northern coast at Belle-Île Geffroy, pp. 1-2. 257. "poet and historian of the Midi" See Ch. 31, n. 256. 258. successor to Millet and Corot See Ch. 31, n. 259. 259. he urged his countrymen Geffroy, pp. 1-2: Geffroy throws down the gauntlet to his readers in an odd, oblique way, warning them that if they do not buy Monet's sublime record of their country's primitive beauty, those awful Americans will, just as they were already buying up many works by Millet and Corot and transporting them out of France. 260. Gustave Geffroy, wrote Theo b1199 V/1962, "Geffroy, Gustave" to "Gogh, Theo van", 5/29/1888: The letter from Geffroy was dated May 29, 1888. This was on the day of or immediately before Vincent's departure for Saintes-Maries. Geffroy was inquiring on behalf of a friend, Paul Gallimard, who was, according to the letter, "interested in purchasing two pictures by Vincent Van Gogh."  Geffroy, who wrote for the radical revue La Justice, went on to become a champion of Monet and a close associate of Theo, who employed him to write the introductions for the catalogues he began producing in 1890 to accompany his entresol shows (Stolwijk and Thomson, p. 85). 261. In Geffroy's article See Ch. 31, n. 260. It is unthinkable that Theo did not inform his brother of this unexpected show of interest from a collector (Gallimard) and the art critic (Geffroy) who was obviously advising him. 262. "intimate knowledge" BVG 497, 6/12/1888-6/13/1888. We have used Pickvance's translation (Pickvance, p. 93).

Context:
BVG 497, 6/12/1888-6/13/1888: "I only mean that Cézanne like Zola is so absolutely part of the countryside, and knows it so intimately, that you must make the same calculations in your head to arrive at the same tones."
JLB 624, 6/12/1888 or 6/13/1888: "I only want to say this, that Cézanne, belonging absolutely to the region itself, like Zola, and therefore knows it so intimately, you have to do the same internal calculation to achieve the same tones."

263. "loved the countryside" BVG 497, 6/12/1888-6/13/1888. We have used Pickvance's translation (Pickvance, p. 93).

Context:
BVG 497, 6/12/1888-6/13/1888: "It has become very different from what it was in spring, and yet I have certainly no less love for this countryside, scorched as it begins to be from now on."
JLB 624, 6/12/1888 or 6/13/1888: "It has become something quite different from in the spring, but I certainly have no less love for nature that is starting to get scorched as early as now."

264. more deeply schooled BVG 520, 8/11/1888. A few weeks after receiving news of the sale of Anquetin's Peasant, Vincent wrote Theo introducing his new model -- a real peasant: "You'll shortly make the acquaintance of Mr. Patience Escalier -- a sort of man with a hoe, an old Camargue oxherd, who's now a gardener at a farmstead in the Crau" (JLB 663, 8/18/1888). The grand flourish of this introduction, which includes not only the model's name (something very rare in Vincent's letters) but also his peasant credentials was clearly designed to signal to Theo that Vincent was much more a true painter of peasants than Anquetin. He not only knew the man's name, he had visited him, as he reported in a previous letter, and taken tours around the countryside with him (JLB 657, 8/8/1888).

To support his claim to unparalleled bona fides in this kind of art, Vincent reminds Theo how badly his previous peasant paintings, especially The Potato Eaters (F 82 JH 764), had been received in Paris only three years earlier: "The colour of this portrait of a peasant [Escalier] isn't as dark as the Nuenen potato eaters -- but the very civilized Parisian [dealer] Portier, probably so-called because he kicks paintings out of the door -- will find himself up against the same question again. You've now changed since then, but you'll see that he hasn't changed, and really it's a pity that there aren't more paintings in clogs in Paris." (JLB 663, 8/18/1888.) This passage indicates that Portier had been distinctly unsupportive of The Potato Eaters in 1885 (at a time when Theo was representing otherwise to Vincent [see Chapter 23]). It also indicates that since that time, Theo's opinion of peasant imagery (and, presumably, The Potato Eaters, in particular) had significantly improved. Or so Vincent thought. Thus, a hint of self-congratulation permeates his reaction to the success of Anquetin's image: "It's a pity that there aren't more paintings in clogs in Paris" (JLB 663, 8/18/1888).

Context:
JLB 663, 8/18/1888: "You'll shortly make the acquaintance of Mr. Patience Escalier -- a sort of man with a hoe, an old Camargue oxherd, who's now a gardener at a farmstead in the Crau."

265. "[I] look round" BVG 501, 6/21/1888.

Context:
BVG 501, 6/21/1888: "I have just read Geffray's article on Claude Monet. What he says is really very good. I should so like to see that exhibition! The only way I can console myself for not seeing it is to look round and see so many things in nature that I hardly have time to think of anything else, for just now it is harvesttime."
JLB 629, 6/21/1888: "I've just read Geffroy's article on Claude Monet. What he says is really very good. How I'd love to see that exhibition! If I console myself for not seeing it, it's because when I look around me there are many things in nature that hardly leave me time to think about anything else. Because it's harvest time just now."

266. raising the horizon higher The sequence is not definite, but compare Wheat Fields with Stacks (JH 1478), with its mid-canvas horizon, to Wheat Field (F 564 JH 1475), Wheat Stacks with Reaper (F 559 JH 1479), and Wheatstacks with the Reaper (F 560 JH 1482) (higher), to Sunset: Wheat Fields Near Arles (F 465 JH 1473) (higher still), to The Sower (F 422 JH 1470) and Arles: View from the Wheat Fields (F 545 JH 1477) (highest). 267. "The wheat has all" BVG B7, 6/18/1888.

Context:
JLB 628, 6/19/1888: "… the wheatfields have all the tones: old gold, copper, green gold, red gold, yellow gold, green, red and yellow bronze."

268. "[and] flashing orange" BVG 520, 8/11/1888.

Context:
BVG 520, 8/11/1888: "Hence the flashing orange colours like a red-hot fire, hence the tones of old gold luminous in the gloom."
JLB 663, 8/18/1888: "Hence the oranges, blazing like red-hot iron, hence the old gold tones, glowing in the darkness.

269. He modulated the light Compare the shadeless yellow brightness of Arles: View from the Wheat Fields (F 545 JH 1477) to the more orangish sundown glow of Sunset: Wheat Fields Near Arles (F 465 JH 1473). 270. "luminous in the gloom" BVG 520, 8/11/1888.

Context:
BVG 520, 8/11/1888: "But imagine the terrible man that I have to do in the full furnace of the harvest at high noon. Hence the flashing orange colours like a red-hot fire, hence the tones of old gold luminous in the gloom."
JLB 663, 8/18/1888: But imagining the terrific man I had to do, in the very furnace of harvest time, deep in the south. Hence the oranges, blazing like red-hot iron, hence the old gold tones, glowing in the darkness.

271. He adjusted the sky Compare Wheat Fields with Stacks (JH 1478) (cobalt), Haystacks in Provence (F 425 JH 1442) and Wheat Field (F 564 JH 1475) (lavender), Farmhouse in Provence (F 565 JH 1443) and Wheatstacks with the Reaper (F 560 JH 1482) (turquoise), and Arles: View from the Wheat Fields (F 545 JH 1477) and The Sower (F 422 JH 1470) (yellow). 272. "in the full furnace" BVG 520, 8/11/1888.

Context:
BVG 520, 8/11/1888: "But imagine the terrible man that I have to do in the full furnace of the harvest at high noon. Hence the flashing orange colours like a red-hot fire, hence the tones of old gold luminous in the gloom."
JLB 663, 8/18/1888: But imagining the terrific man I had to do, in the very furnace of harvest time, deep in the south. Hence the oranges, blazing like red-hot iron, hence the old gold tones, glowing in the darkness.

598 273. unmowed fields churning Sunset: Wheat Fields Near Arles, F 465 JH 1473, June 1888, oil on canvas, 29.1 x 35.8 in., 74 x 91 cm., Kunstmuseum Winterthur, Switzerland. 274. a thresher making his slow way Arles: View from the Wheat Fields (F 545 JH 1477 Wheatstacks with the Reaper (F 560 JH 1482), Wheat Stacks with Reaper (F 559 JH 1479). 275. sheaves of reaped wheat In addition to the sheaves visible behind the reapers in Arles: View from the Wheat Fields (F 545 JH 1477), Wheatstacks with the Reaper (F 560 JH 1482), and Wheat Stacks with Reaper (F 559 JH 1479), Vincent focused on the sheaves themselves in Wheat Field with Sheaves (F 561 JH 1480) and Harvest in Provence (F 558 JH 1481). 276. the huge mangy haystacks Haystacks in Provence, F 425 JH 1442, June 1888, oil on canvas, 28.7 x 36.4 in., 73 x 92.5 cm., Kröller-Müller Museum, Otterlo. 277. offering impromptu beds See Wheatstacks with the Reaper, F 560 JH 1482, June 1888, oil on canvas, 20.9 26 in., x 53 x 66 cm., National Museum, Stockholm. In 1890, in Saint-Rémy, Vincent also famously painted a version of Millet's Noon: Rest from Work, which depicts a peasant man and woman sleeping in the shade of a haystack: Noon: Rest from Work (after Millet) (F 686 JH 1881). 278. two in a single day Pickvance, p. 94. 279. "painters' paradise" BVG 543, 9/28/1888.

Context:
BVG 543, 9/28/1888: "The weather here remains fine, and if it was always like this, it would be better than the painters' paradise, it would be absolute Japan."
JLB 691, 9/29/1888: "The weather's still fine here, and if it was always like that it would be better than the painters' paradise, it would be Japan altogether."

280. "I have seven studies" BVG B9, 6/24/1888; emphasis in original.

Context:
BVG B9, 6/24/1888: " I have seven studies of wheat fields, all of them landscapes unfortunately, very much against my will. The landscapes yellow -- old gold -- done quickly, quickly, quickly and in a hurry, just like the harvester who is silent under the blazing sun, intent only on his reaping."
JLB 633, 6/27/1888: " I have seven studies of wheatfields, unfortunately all of them nothing but landscapes, much against my will. Old gold yellow landscapes -- done quick quick quick and in a hurry, like the reaper who is silent under the blazing sun, concentrating on getting the job done." (Emphasis in original.)

281. One of these images Harvest at La Crau, with Montmajour in the Background (The Harvest), F 412 JH 1440, June 1888, oil on canvas, 28.7 x 36.2 in., 73 x 92 cm., Van Gogh Museum, Amsterdam (see Ch. 31, n. 285). 282. "I am working" BVG 496, 6/12/1888: Vincent had clearly already picked and vetted the spot from which the painting was made. Ives and Stein, detail the two watercolor drawings (Harvest in Provence, at the Left Montmajour [F 1484 JH 1438] and Harvest Landscape [F 1483 JH 1439]) that Vincent reports (JLB 623, 6/12/1888) doing in preparation for this seminal painting (Harvest at La Crau, with Montmajour in the Background [F 412 JH 1440]) (Ives and Stein, pp. 192-193).

Context:
JLB 623, 6/12/1888: "I have a new subject on the go, green and yellow fields as far as the eye can see ..."

283. two by three feet Pickvance, p. 93. 284. the atmosphere is crystal clear BVG W5, 7/31/1888. Later that summer, Vincent claimed to his sister Wil that the clarity of the atmosphere was real, not imagined: "I find it mightily beautiful here in summer," he wrote, "the green is very deep and lush, the air thin and amazingly clear" (JLB 653, 7/31/1888). He also reported to Theo in July that the Camargue and the Crau reminded him of Holland "apart from a difference in colour and the clearness of the atmosphere" (JLB 639, 7/13/1888). These reports are contradicted not only by other contemporaneous and subsequent accounts, but also by Vincent himself, who writes in a letter to Wil that Arles "gets scorched and dusty," (JLB 626, 6/16/1888-6/20/1888) and complains elsewhere of the dust and glare (JLB 623, 6/12/1888) and wind that blows continuously for six weeks at a time -- including the entire month of June (JLB 658, 8/9/1888). Also, it should be noted that he does not present the same rosy picture to the people he hopes will actually come visit him in Arles and thus have opportunity to test the truth of his accounts: Gauguin and Bernard. Finally, his reports to Wil and Theo should be discounted for rhetorical excess in the argument he is trying to make to them at the time, which is that Provence is brighter and gayer than their shared homeland, Holland. Immediately after the sentence quoted above, he concludes: "The wide plain would often look very like Holland -- here where there are almost no mountains and rocks -- if the colour weren't different. ... A great sun like sulphur that shines on them, the vast blue sky, sometimes it's as immensely cheerful as Holland is sad." (JLB 653, 7/31/1888.) (Note that the reference to the sun shining "like sulphur" does not conform to his claims for the "amazingly clear" atmosphere of the Provençal summer.) Vincent may have been expropriating this argument for the Midi from Gustave Geffroy's review of Monet's Antibes paintings on the entresol in which Geffroy made much hay of the "belle et claire lumière" (beautiful, clear light) of the Mediterranean coast (Geffroy, pp. 1-2).

Context:
JLB 653, 7/31/1888: "I find it mightily beautiful here in summer, the green is very deep and lush, the air thin and amazingly clear."

285. the little blue hay cart The painting's alternate name, La charette bleue (The Blue Wagon), is derived from this little cart in the middle of the image. Technically, because it has two wheels, it is a cart, not a wagon. The same painting has been called Jardins des maraîchers (The Market Gardens), but is now most widely known simply as La moisson (The Harvest). 286. a cartoon narrative BVG B10, 7/15/1888: Vincent alludes to some of the narrative bits in the painting in a similar vein.

Context:
JLB 641, 7/15/1888: "A microscopic figure of a ploughman, a little train passing through the wheatfields; that's the only life there is in it."

287. in a single day BVG 507, 6/29/1888. As astonishing as it sounds, this is what Vincent claims later that month: "As for landscapes, I'm beginning to find that some, done more quickly than ever, are among the best things I do. It's like that with the one of which I sent you the drawing, the harvest and the haystacks too [Haystacks in Provence (F 425 JH 1442)] -- it's true I have to retouch everything to adjust the workmanship a little, to harmonize the brushstrokes, but all the essential work was done in a single long session, and I'll spare it as much as possible when I go back to it." (JLB 635, 7/1/1888.) (See Hulsker, p. 279.) While some of the harvest paintings do look as if they were executed speedily (especially Harvest in Provence [F 558 JH 1481] and Wheatstacks with the Reaper [F 560 JH 1482]), Harvest at La Crau, with Montmajour in the Background (F 412 JH 1440) is not among them. Vincent's claim should be taken in light of his ongoing argument with Theo over whether he, Vincent, works too fast. (See Ch. 31, n. 459.)

Context:
JLB 635, 7/1/1888: "As for landscapes, I'm beginning to find that some, done more quickly than ever, are among the best things I do."

288. "this picture kills" BVG 497, 6/12/1888-6/13/1888. Vincent echoed the same sentiment in another letter only a few days later: "… the harvest is a bit more serious. And that's the subject I've been working on this week, on a no. 30 canvas -- it's hardly done at all -- but it kills the rest of what I have." (JLB 625, 6/15/1888-6/16/1888.) He reported to Theo that the American painter Dodge MacKnight agreed with this assessment: "MacKnight and one of his friends who's been in Africa too saw this study today and said it was the best I'd done" (ibid.; see Chapter 30). The friend of MacKnight's referred to is probably Eugène Boch.

Context:
BVG 497, 6/12/1888-6/13/1888: "I must manage to get the firmness of colouring that I got in the picture that kills the rest."
JLB 624, 6/12/1888: "I have to achieve the firmness of colour that I have in that painting that kills the rest."

289. "I am on the right track" BVG 497, 6/12/1888-6/13/1888.

Context:
BVG 497, 6/12/1888-6/13/1888: " If Gauguin were willing to join me, I think it would be a step forward for us. It would establish us squarely as the explorers of the South, and nobody could complain of that. … So perhaps, perhaps I am on the right track, and I am getting an eye for this kind of country. We must wait and make sure."
JLB 624, 6/12/1888 or 6/13/1888: " If Gauguin wished to join us, I believe we'd have taken a step forward. It would establish us squarely as miners of the south, and nobody could find fault with that. … So perhaps, perhaps, I'm on the right track and my eye's adapting to nature here. Let's wait a little longer to be sure."

599 290. "During the harvest" BVG 507, 6/29/1888. Another example of Vincent's reversion to an identification with the peasants: "… not everyone would have the patience to let themselves be eaten up by the mosquitoes, and to struggle against this infuriating nuisance of the constant mistral, not to mention that I've spent whole days out of doors with a bit of bread and some milk, it being too far to be going back to town all the time" (JLB 639, 7/13/1888). He implies a similar claim to Bernard: "I have seven studies of wheatfields ... [all] done quick quick quick and in a hurry, like the reaper who is silent under the blazing sun, concentrating on getting the job done" (JLB 633, 6/27/1888; emphasis in original). Given his documented relations with the natives of Arles at the time (see Chapter 30), and his similarly poor relations with the peasants of Nuenen in the past (see Chapter 24), these feelings of solidarity can only be described as delusional.

Context:
BVG 507, 6/29/1888: "But during the harvest my work was not any easier than what the peasants who were actually harvesting were doing."
JLB 635, 7/1/1888: "But during the harvest my work has been no easier than that of the farmers themselves who do this harvesting."

291. "In the long run" BVG 519, 8/8/1888.

Context:
BVG 519, 8/8/1888: "I am feeling very, very well these days. In the long run I think I shall come to belong to the country altogether."
JLB 657, 8/8/1888: "I've been very, very well these last few days; in the long run I believe that I'll belong to these parts in all respects."

292. rustic icons of Millet BVG 519, 8/8/1888. A month earlier he refers to the village of Fontvielles, where Dodge MacKnight is staying as " pure Millet, small peasants, nothing but that, totally rustic and intimate" (JLB 650, 7/29/1888; emphasis in original). In an effort to reconcile his old Millet-inspired stereotype of the stoic poetry of peasant life with the new, more light-hearted Daudet-inspired stereotype of lazy, feckless peasant life, Vincent cites the different climate: "… here, farmhouse and cheap grog-shops are less gloomy, less tragic than in the north, because the heat &c. makes poverty less hard and melancholy" (JLB 657, 8/8/1888).

Context:
JLB 657, 8/8/1888: "… you know that in the real Provence it's more often small peasant farming 293. "innocent and gentle beings" BVG 514, 7/25/1888.

Context:
BVG 514, 7/25/1888: "And then this blessed Fontvieilles would be a gold mine for them; but the natives are like Zola's poor peasants, innocent and gentle beings, as we know."
JLB 650, 7/29/1888: "And then that bloody Fontvieille would be a treasure to them, but the natives are -- Zola's small peasants, innocent and gentle beings, as we know."

294. "naïve pictures" BVG B7, 6/18/1888.

Context:
BVG B7, 6/18/1888: "I'd sooner do those naïve pictures out of old almanacs, old farmers' almanacs where hail, snow, rain or fine weather are depicted in a wholly primitive manner, like the one Anquetin used so successfully in his Moisson."
JLB 628, 6/19/1888: "Better to make naive almanac pictures -- old country almanacs, where hail, snow, rain, fine weather are represented in an utterly primitive way. The way Anquetin got his Harvest so well." (Emphasis in original.)

295. a harvest painting BVG B7, 6/18/1888. Vincent associated Anquetin's picture with the notion of "naive almanac pictures" (JLB 628, 6/19/1888; see Ch. 31, n. 294).

Context:
JLB 628, 6/19/1888: "Better to make naive almanac pictures -- old country almanacs, where hail, snow, rain, fine weather are represented in an utterly primitive way. The way Anquetin got his Harvest so well."

296. both Gauguin and Bernard Vincent writes Bernard: "Knowing how much you love Cézanne, I thought these croquis of Provence might please you. Not that there are similarities between a drawing by me and by Cézanne." (JLB 643, 7/17/1888-7/20/1888.) According to Druick and Zegers, Vincent explicitly praised a particular harvest painting of the Crau by Cézanne that he must have known Gauguin had once owned (Druick and Zegers, p. 166). 297. "absolutely part" BVG 497, 6/12/1888-6/13/1888.

Context:
BVG 497, 6/12/1888-6/13/1888: "If coming home with my canvas, I say to myself, 'Look! I've got the very tones of old Cézanne!' I only mean that Cézanne like Zola is so absolutely part of the countryside, and knows it so intimately, one must be making the same mental calculation to arrive at the same tones."
JLB 624, 6/12/1888 or 6/13/1888: "If, coming home with my canvas, I say to myself: look, I've arrived precisely at père Cézanne's tones, I only want to say this, that Cézanne, belonging absolutely to the region itself, like Zola, and therefore knows it so intimately, you have to do the same internal calculation to achieve the same tones."

298. "Coming home with" BVG 497, 6/12/1888-6/13/1888. (See Ch. 31, n. 297.)

Context:
BVG 497, 6/12/1888-6/13/1888: "If coming home with my canvas, I say to myself, 'Look! I've got the very tones of old Cézanne!' I only mean that Cézanne like Zola is so absolutely part of the countryside, and knows it so intimately, one must be making the same mental calculation to arrive at the same tones."
JLB 624, 6/12/1888 or 6/13/1888: "If, coming home with my canvas, I say to myself: look, I've arrived precisely at père Cézanne's tones, I only want to say this, that Cézanne, belonging absolutely to the region itself, like Zola, and therefore knows it so intimately, you have to do the same internal calculation to achieve the same tones."

299. "I work even" BVG B7, 6/18/1888.

Context:
BVG B7, 6/18/1888: "For my part, I'm getting on better here than I did in the north. I even work right in the middle of the day, in the full sun, with no shade at all, out in the wheat fields, and lo and behold, I am as happy as a cicada."
JLB 628, 6/19/1888: "For myself, I'm in better health here than in the north -- I even work in the wheatfields at midday, in the full heat of the sun, without any shade whatever, and there you are, I revel in it like a cicada."

300. Philips Koninck BVG 496, 6/12/1888: Vincent mistakes Salomon Koninck (1609-1656; Dutch artist) for Philips (de) Koninck (1619-1688; Dutch artist), although he clearly intended the latter (see Ch. 30, n. 208).

Context:
JLB 623, 6/12/1888: "I have a new subject on the go, green and yellow fields as far as the eye can see, which I've already drawn twice and am starting again as a painting, just like a Salomon Koninck, you know, Rembrandt's pupil who made the vast flat landscapes. Or it's like something by [Georges] Michel or like Jules Dupré, but it's really quite different from rose gardens."

301. Georges Michel BVG 496, 6/12/1888. (See Ch. 31, n. 300.)

Context:
JLB 623, 6/12/1888: "I have a new subject on the go, green and yellow fields as far as the eye can see, which I've already drawn twice and am starting again as a painting, just like a Salomon Koninck, you know, Rembrandt's pupil who made the vast flat landscapes. Or it's like something by Michel or like Jules Dupré, but it's really quite different from rose gardens."

302. Dupré BVG 496, 6/12/1888. (See Ch. 31, n. 300.)

Context:
JLB 623, 6/12/1888: "I have a new subject on the go, green and yellow fields as far as the eye can see, which I've already drawn twice and am starting again as a painting, just like a Salomon Koninck, you know, Rembrandt's pupil who made the vast flat landscapes. Or it's like something by Michel or like Jules Dupré, but it's really quite different from rose gardens."

303. landscapes of Monticelli BVG 488, 5/15/1888. Expressing his disappointment at not having found in Provence more colorful subjects like Renoir's rose gardens, Vincent writes: "I imagined I would find similar subjects here, and that was indeed the case when the orchards were in blossom. Now the appearance of things has changed and nature has become much harsher. But what greenness and what a blue! I must say that the few landscapes by Cézanne that I know render it very, very well, and I regret not having seen more of them. The other day I saw a subject just like Monticelli's beautiful landscape with the poplars that we saw at Reid's." (JLB 610, 5/14/1888.)

Context:
JLB 610, 5/14/1888: "I imagined I would find similar subjects here, and that was indeed the case when the orchards were in blossom. Now the appearance of things has changed and nature has become much harsher. But what greenness and what a blue! I must say that the few landscapes by Cézanne that I know render it very, very well, and I regret not having seen more of them. The other day I saw a subject just like Monticelli's beautiful landscape with the poplars that we saw at Reid's."

304. "just the effect" BVG 492, 5/28/1888. "[O]ne evening recently at Montmajour I saw a red sunset that sent its rays into the trunks and foliage of pines rooted in a mass of rocks, colouring the trunks and foliage a fiery orange while other pines in the further distance stood out in Prussian blue against a soft blue-green sky -- cerulean. So it's the effect of that Claude Monet. It was superb." (JLB 615, 5/28/1888.) Vincent is probably referring to the same Monet sunset painting that he described in a letter to Russell in mid-June, obviously echoing his brother's enthusiastic report: "My brother has an exhibition of 10 new pictures by Claude Monet, his latest works, for instance a landscape with red sun set and a group of dark fir trees by the seaside. The red sun casts an orange or blood red reflection on the blue green trees and the ground. I wished I could see them." (JLB 627, 6/17/1888.)

Context:
BVG 492, 5/28/1888: "It was just the effect of that Claude Monet; it was superb."
JLB 615, 5/28/1888: "So it's the effect of that Claude Monet. It was superb."

305. "stretching away toward" BVG B10, 7/15/1888.

Context:
BVG B10, 7/15/1888: "I have done some large pen-and-ink drawings. Two: an immense stretch of flat country, a bird's-eye view of it seen from the top of a hill -- vineyards and fields of newly reaped wheat. All this multiplied in endless repetitions, stretching away toward the horizon like the surface of a sea, bordered by the little hills of the Crau."
JLB 641, 7/15/1888: "Have made large pen drawings -- 2 -- an immense flat expanse of country -- seen in bird's-eye view from the top of a hill -- vineyards, harvested fields of wheat, all of it multiplied endlessly, streaming away like the surface of a sea towards the horizon bounded by the hillocks of La Crau" (emphasis in original).

306. to lull the senses Geffroy, pp. 1-2: As a symbolist who put arousing the senses at the top of his critical agenda, Geffroy repeatedly praises Monet's ability to evoke the sights and smells and sounds of the coast: "to capture all that is characteristic of the region of the country, all that is sweet about the time of the year"; to "make us dream of bouquets of color, of the essence of a perfume." 307. "[In] that flat landscape" BVG B10, 7/15/1888.

Context:
BVG B10, 7/15/1888: "And I am still going there, over and over again. All right! I have done two drawings of it -- of that flat landscape, where there was nothing but ... infinity -- eternity."
JLB 641, 7/15/1888: "I go back there, go back, go back again -- well, I've done two drawings of it -- of that flat landscape in which there was nothing but … the infinite ... eternity."

308. had the wind not blown BVG 509, 7/13/1888.

Contest:
JLB 639, 7/13/1888: "I assure you that I'm tired out by these drawings; I've started a painting too -- but no means of doing it with the mistral, absolutely impossible."

309. "At first sight" BVG 509, 7/13/1888.

Context:
BVG 509, 7/13/1888: "You will see, however, that there is no attempt at effect. At first sight it is like a map, a strategic plan as far as the execution goes. Besides, I walked there with a painter, and he said, 'There is something that would be boring to paint.' Yet I went fully fifty times to Mont Majour to look at this flat landscape, and was I wrong?"
JLB 639, 7/13/1888: "However, you see there's no effect, at first sight it's a map, a strategic plan as far as workmanship goes. Besides, I also went for a walk there with a painter, who said: now there's something that would be bothersome to paint. But it must be 50 times that I've been to Montmajour to look at this flat view -- am I wrong?" (Emphasis in original.)

600 310. mailed the two drawings BVG 509, 7/13/1888.

Context:
JLB 639, 7/13/1888: "Please write me a short line straightaway, to know if the drawings have arrived in good condition; they gave me a piece of their mind again at the post office because it was too big, and I'm afraid they'll perhaps make problems in Paris."

311. "Refresh your eyes" BVG 509, 7/13/1888; emphasis in original.

Context:
BVG 509, 7/13/1888: "They took them, however, I was glad of that, because after the celebrations of July 14 you may be pleased to refresh your eyes with the wide-open spaces of the Crau. … If I urge you to look at these two drawings in this way, it is because I so much want to give you a true idea of the simplicity of nature here."
JLB 639, 7/13/1888: "All the same, they took them, which pleased me, because after the 14 July holiday you'll perhaps not be unhappy about refreshing your eye on the expanses of this Crau. ... If I insist on your looking at these two drawings this way it's because I would like so much to give you A TRUE IDEA of the simplicity of nature in these parts." (Emphasis in original.)

312. "People are often" BVG W4, 6/22/1888.

Context:
BVG W4, 6/22/1888: "Furthermore -- something you've already suspected -- people are often good-looking here."
JLB 626, 6/16/1888-6/20/1888: "Further, as you already suspect, the people here are often handsome."

313. "women like a Fragonard" BVG 482, 5/4/1888. We have slightly altered the translation.

Context:
BVG 482, 5/4/1888: "There are women like a Fragonard and -- like Renoirs."
JLB 604, 5/4/1888: "There are women like Fragonards and -- like Renoir."

314. "girls who reminded" BVG B6, 6/6/1888-6/11/1888.

Context:
BVG B6, 6/6/1888-6/11/1888: "There, at Saintes-Maries, were girls who reminded one of Cimabue and Giotto -- thin, straight, somewhat sad and mystic."
JLB 622, 6/7/1888: "There, at Saintes-Maries, there were girls who made one think of Cimabue and Giotto: slim, straight, a little sad and mystical."

315. "figures quite as beautiful" BVG 481, 5/3/1888.

Context:
BVG 481, 5/3/1888: "I have seen figures here quite as beautiful as those of Goya or Velasquez. They will put a touch of pink on a black frock, or devise a garment of white, yellow and pink, or else green and pink, or else blue and yellow, in which there is nothing to be altered from the artistic point of view."
JLB 603, 5/4/1888: "I've seen figures here as lovely as those of Goya and Velázquez. They know how to stick a touch of pink on a black suit, or make a white, yellow, pink or green and pink, or blue and yellow outfit, in which nothing needs to be changed from the artistic point of view." (Emphasis in original.)

601 316. one old Arlesian woman An Old Woman of Arles, F 390 JH 1357, February 1888, oil on canvas, 21.7 x 16.9 in., 55 x 43 cm., Van Gogh Museum, Amsterdam. 317. "figures, figures" BVG B15, 8/18/1888. To Bernard, Vincent waxes exceptionally rapturous on the subject: "I want to do figures, figures and more figures, it's stronger than me, this series of bipeds from the baby to Socrates and from the black-haired woman with white skin to the woman with yellow hair and a sunburnt face the colour of brick" (JLB 665, 8/21/1888). For more on the last-mentioned "woman with yellow hair," see Ch. 31, n. 331.

Context:
BVG B15, 8/18/1888: "I want to do figures, figures and more figures. I cannot resist that series of bipeds from the baby to Socrates, and from the woman with black hair and white skin to the woman with yellow hair and a sunburned brick-red face."
JLB 665, 8/21/1888: "I want to do figures, figures and more figures, it's stronger than me, this series of bipeds from the baby to Socrates and from the black-haired woman with white skin to the woman with yellow hair and a sunburnt face the colour of brick."

318. "I shall make a furious" BVG 498a, 5/29/1888 and JLB 618, 5/29/1888-5/30/1888; we have combined elements from both translations. It is important to note that this forceful announcement comes in a letter to Arnold Hendrik Koning, not Theo. So far, Vincent has not mentioned his new campaign of figures to Theo, even though it obviously coincided with his letting of the Yellow House a month earlier. Nor does Vincent mention figures anywhere in his reports to Theo from Saintes-Maries (JLB 619, 6/3/1888 or 6/4/1888), which may shed light on the silence around the strange circumstances of his abrupt departure from the town (see Ch. 31, n. 208). No doubt recalling how Theo had tried, before Paris, to move his brother away from the figure and toward landscapes and still lifes -- anything but figures -- Vincent must have feared that if he revealed his plan to Theo, Theo would have argued against it. If Theo had thought the primary purpose, or even the primary effect, of Vincent taking the Yellow House would be to re-ignite his obsessive and not entirely healthy enthusiasm for painting women (in particular prostitutes, in particular in the nude), he would undoubtedly have opposed it. This Vincent undoubtedly knew.

A hint of why Vincent thought he would find figures in Saintes-Maries might be found in his report to Theo: "Next month will be the public bathing season. Number of bathers varies from 20 to 50." (JLB 619, 6/3/1888 or 6/4/1888.) Vincent may have come to the coast pursuing reports of bathers only to find that he had arrived too early. The passage indicates that he closely questioned the locals in Saintes-Maries in anticipation of a return trip after the bathing season had commenced.

Context:
BVG 498a, 5/29/1888: "Tomorrow I am going to Saintes-Maries on the seacoast to have a look at the blue sea and the blue sky. And to try to get an idea of the figures. For I suppose that all at once I shall make a furious onslaught on the figure, which I seem to be giving a wide berth at the moment, as if I were not interested in it, although it is really what I aim at."
JLB 618, 5/29/1888-5/30/1888: "Tomorrow I'm going to Saintes-Maries-de-la-Mer just to see a blue sea and a blue sky. And just to get an idea of the figures. Because I think that I'll suddenly make a furious attack on the figure, around which I'm currently circling as if I didn't care about it, but all the same that's actually exactly my goal." (Emphasis in original.)

319. "I am pretty sure" BVG 481, 5/3/1888.

Context:
BVG 481, 5/3/1888: "Now, as for portraits, I am pretty sure they'd take the bait."
JLB 603, 5/4/1888: "Now I dare say these people here would jump at portraits."

320. he spoiled more than a few The painting that Vincent admits spoiling is the version of Langlois Bridge that was destroyed, leaving only a fragment (Two Lovers [F 544 JH 1369]): "Had some trouble with the sunset with figures and a bridge that I was talking to Bernard about. As the bad weather prevented me from working on the spot, I completely worked this study to death trying to finish it at home." (JLB 589, 3/25/1888.) He doesn't specify that it was the effort to add figures without reference to models or drawings that caused the failure; we infer this from his summary of the work as "sunset with figures and a bridge." Evidence of failure is plain enough in Vincent's drawing, The Road to Tarascon with a Man Walking (F 1502 JH 1492). As Ives and Stein point out, Vincent had to scrape off the first version of the walking figure (Ives and Stein, p. 158). Beyond these ruinous missteps, the drawings and paintings from the first half of 1888 are filled with numerous examples of awkwardly drawn, poorly modeled, and badly proportioned figures, although usually their scale is so small, or their features so indistinct, that they do not interfere with the overall success of the image. Whether Vincent saw them in such a forgiving way is not at all clear. 321. for lack of a model BVG W4, 6/22/1888. Vincent complains about the models in Arles to his sister: "… it saddens me that I don't have enough power to get what I want to pose for me, where I want and for as long or as short as I want" (JLB 626, 6/16/1888-6/20/1888). This sounds like it is referring to one model in particular, although any specific problem obviously resonated back through a long and tortured history of such problems.

Context:
JLB 626, 6/16/1888-6/20/1888: " I still miss my models who were made for me and whom I still adore; if only I had them here now -- I'm sure my 50 paintings would hit the mark. Do you understand that I'm not angry with the human race because they think I'm this or that -- I freely admit in advance that they're absolutely right, but it saddens me that I don't have enough power to get what I want to pose for me, where I want and for as long or as short as I want." (Emphasis in original.)

322. "I still feel the want" BVG W4, 6/22/1888; emphasis in original.

Context:
BVG W4, 6/22/1888: "… I still feel the want of my models, who seemed to be made for me, and whom I still adore; if only I had them here -- I feel sure my fifty pictures would turn out to be hits."
JLB 626, 6/16/1888-6/20/1888: " I still miss my models who were made for me and whom I still adore; if only I had them here now -- I'm sure my 50 paintings would hit the mark" (emphasis in original).

323. he begged Wil BVG W4, 6/22/1888: Vincent makes this request in an especially convoluted, indirect way, suggesting that he realized that it aroused sensitive feelings about his scandal-driven departure from Nuenen in late 1885. "By the way, talking of junk. It might still be worth while salvaging anything any good from the junk of mine which, so Theo says, is still somewhere in an attic in Breda, but I daren't ask it of you and perhaps it's been lost, so don't worry about it. But this is the question. You know Theo brought a whole batch of woodcuts with him last year? Even so, a few of the best portfolios are missing and the rest isn't as good precisely because it's no longer complete. Obviously woodcuts from illustrated magazines get rarer and rarer as the volumes get older. Enough, this junk doesn't leave me completely indifferent; for instance, there's a copy of [Paul] Gavarni's Mascarade humaine, a book Anatomy for artists, in short, a few things that are actually much too good to lose. I consider them as lost in advance, though; anything that still turns up is pure gain.

I didn't know when I left that it would be for good like this. Because the work wasn't going badly in Nuenen and it was only a matter of going on with it. I still miss my models who were made for me and whom I still adore; if only I had them here now -- I'm sure my 50 paintings would hit the mark. Do you understand that I'm not angry with the human race because they think I'm this or that -- I freely admit in advance that they're absolutely right, but it saddens me that I don't have enough power to get what I want to pose for me, where I want and for as long or as short as I want." (JLB 626, 6/16/1888-6/20/1888; emphasis in original.) The request was probably prompted by news that Wil was planning to visit Theo in Paris. Not until a month later does Vincent broach the idea to Theo, however. In a letter in July, he proposes that Wil bring a motherload of prints and drawing books to Paris (including some of the same ones mentioned to Wil in June) so that Theo can mail them to Arles: "If our sisters could bring us some more wood engravings and things like Gavarni's La masquerade humaine, 100 lithographs, the Charles Keenes, of which there were a good 200, it wouldn't be bad. There's also a very fine book, Anatomy for artists." (JLB 642, 7/15/1888.) Within a week, Vincent reports to Bernard (not to Theo, presumably for budgetary reasons) that he has bought an etching after Rembrandt -- "a study of a nude man, realistic and simple" (JLB 649, 7/29/1888).

Context:
JLB 626, 6/16/1888-6/20/1888: "By the way, talking of junk. It might still be worth while salvaging anything any good from the junk of mine which, so Theo says, is still somewhere in an attic in Breda, but I daren't ask it of you and perhaps it's been lost, so don't worry about it. But this is the question. You know Theo brought a whole batch of woodcuts with him last year? Even so, a few of the best portfolios are missing and the rest isn't as good precisely because it's no longer complete. Obviously woodcuts from illustrated magazines get rarer and rarer as the volumes get older. Enough, this junk doesn't leave me completely indifferent; for instance, there's a copy of Gavarni's Mascarade humaine, a book Anatomy for artists, in short, a few things that are actually much too good to lose. I consider them as lost in advance, though; anything that still turns up is pure gain."

324. "Doing portraits has much" BVG 517, 8/3/1888.

Context:
BVG 517, 8/3/1888: "And I always feel confident when I am doing portraits, knowing that this work has much more depth -- it isn't the right word perhaps, but it is what makes me cultivate whatever is best and deepest in me."
JLB 654, 8/3/1888: "Also, I always feel confidence when doing portraits, knowing that that work is much more serious -- that's perhaps not the word -- but rather is the thing that enables me to cultivate what's best and most serious in me."

325. "Bel Ami of the Midi" BVG 482, 5/4/1888.

Context:
BVG 482, 5/4/1888: "But I should be heartily glad if this Bel Ami of the Midi, … came along to paint the beautiful people and things here lightheartedly. As for me, I shall go on working and here and there among my work there will be things which will last, but who will be in figure painting what Claude Monet is in landscape?"
JLB 604, 5/4/1888: "But I'd be mightily pleased if that Bel-ami of the south … came along and cheerfully painted the beautiful people and things in these parts. As for me, I'll work, and here and there some of my work will last -- but what Claude Monet is in landscape, the same thing in figure painting -- who's going to do that?"

326. peasant girls dancing Gauguin, pp. 49-51: Gauguin wrote Theo about July 6: "I am busy working on a Breton gavotte danced by 3 little girls in the middle of haymaking. I think you will be pleased with it." The painting he refers to became La Ronde des petites Bretonnes (Breton Girls Dancing). According to Druick and Zegers, Gauguin began work on the painting "in mid-June" (Druick and Zegers, p. 113). We assume Vincent first heard of the project around the same time. 327. Bernard tormented Vincent Welsh-Ovcharov and Cate, Émile Bernard (1868-1941), pp. 7-8: By Welsh-Ovcharov's count, "some mention of these drawings [of bordellos], of their subject matter, and of the accompanying and related poems by Bernard occurs in virtually nineteen of the twenty-two letters sent by Vincent to Bernard from Arles. Vincent's letters to his friend also indicate a similar high frequency of reference to the drawings in the unfortunately now lost responses by Bernard." 328. tales of Parisian bordellos BVG B7, 6/18/1888.

Context:
JLB 628, 6/19/1888: "But how I'd like to see the study you did at the brothel. I reproach myself endlessly for not having done figures here yet."

329. drawings of prostitutes BVG 502, 6/23/1888. By "the same position," Vincent apparently means to invoke his own ambitions of doing figures and portraits -- especially of women and, in particular, of prostitutes (JLB 630, 6/23/1888).

Context:
JLB 630, 6/23/1888: "Bernard's in the same position. Today he sends me a croquis of a brothel that I'm sending you enclosed herewith to pin up next to the acrobats by him that you have."

330. "public women" to pose See Ch. 31, n. 458. 602 331. "dirty little girl" BVG 501a, 6/17/1888: Vincent first mentioned this girl in a letter to Russell (in mid-June. Always alert to the possibility of sales to the Italophile Russell, Vincent describes his discovery by reference to both the Renaissance and the Monticellis available on the entresol: "This dirty 'mudlark' I thought yet had a vague florentine sort of figure like the heads in the Monticelli pictures" (ibid.). As this passage indicates, Vincent made a drawing of the girl (Head of Girl [F 1507a JH 1466]) on the reverse of the letter to Russell, which he then redrafted (JLB 627, 6/17/1888). Vincent used the same model for a small oil painting, Girl with Ruffled Hair (The Mudlark) (F 535 JH 1467).

The passage also appears to indicate that the painting followed the drawing, but that seems unlikely. It was more in keeping with Vincent's practice to make drawings of his paintings for friends like Russell. Pickvance identifies the girl as the same one described by Vincent in a letter to Bernard as "the woman with yellow hair and a sunburnt face the colour of brick" (Pickvance, p. 105 and JLB 665, 8/21/1888). This is possible, even likely, as is Pickvance's further speculation that the "painting of a view of the river," which Vincent mentions as his first encounter with the women, is The Trinquetaille Bridge (F 426 JH 1468) in which an indistinct but droopy-haired girl occupies the foreground. Less persuasive is Pickvance's conjecture that the same girl modeled for the "blonde girl seen with hat" in The Dance Hall (F 547 JH 1652) that Vincent painted in December when Gauguin was staying with him in Arles (ibid.). If Pickvance were correct in this, Vincent's relationship with his "mudlark" would have extended over at least six months -- a Sien-like relationship that is impossible to support in Vincent's letters or in Gauguin's recollections, where it was more likely to have shown up.

Context:
BVG 501a, 6/17/1888: "Well, instead of continuing the letter I began to draw on the very paper the head of the dirty little girl I saw this afternoon whilst I was painting a view of the river with a greenish yellow sky."
JLB 627, 6/17/1888: "Well, instead of continuing the letter I began to draw on the very paper the head of a dirty little girl I saw this afternoon whilst I was painting a view of the river with a greenish yellow sky."

332. then disappeared See Ch. 31, n. 331. 333. "mudlark with a head" BVG 501a, 6/17/1888. We have slightly altered the translation. (See Ch. 31, n. 331.)

Context:
BVG 501a, 6/17/1888: "The dirty 'mudlark' I thought yet had a vague Florentine sort of figure like the heads in the Monticelli pictures, and reasoning and drawing this wise I worked on the letter I was writing to you."
JLB 627, 6/17/1888: "This dirty 'mudlark' I thought yet had a vague florentine sort of figure like the heads in the Monticelli pictures, and reasoning and drawing this wise I worked on the letter I was writing to you."

334. "petticoat crisis" BVG 480, 5/1/1888. When he announces renting the Yellow House in early May, Vincent takes pains to assuage any suspicion Theo might have that an attempt to set up housekeeping would lead Vincent down the same dangerous domestic paths he pursued in The Hague and Nuenen: "In any case, the studio is too open to view for me to think it could tempt any woman, and it would be hard for a petticoat episode to lead to a cohabitation. Anyway, moral standards seem to me less inhuman and contrary to nature than in Paris. But with my temperament, to lead a wild life and to work are no longer compatible at all, and in the given circumstances I'll have to content myself with making paintings." (JLB 602, 5/1/1888.) This surfeit of reassuring arguments probably had exactly the opposite of its intended effect. Vincent comes off as protesting too much. On the other hand, it is possible that Vincent was feeling not chastened by the past but genuinely less libidinous than before. Hyposexuality -- a lessening of sexual drive -- is a recognized symptom of the mental disease from which Vincent apparently suffered, temporal lobe epilepsy (see Chapter 10).

Context:
BVG 480, 5/1/1888: "In any case, the studio is too public for me to think it might tempt any little woman, and a petticoat crisis couldn't easily end in a liaison."
JLB 602, 5/1/1888: "In any case, the studio is too open to view for me to think it could tempt any woman, and it would be hard for a petticoat episode to lead to a cohabitation."

335. an embroidered collar According to Vellekoop, the embroidery identifies the soldier as a trumpeter (bugler) -- a role that clearly did not fit the image of fierceness Vincent was trying to convey, which may explain why he failed to mention it in any of his descriptions (Vellekoop, p. 132, n. 19). 336. "I have a model" BVG 501, 6/21/1888.

Context:
BVG 501, 6/21/1888: " I have a model at last -- a Zouave -- a boy with a small face, a bull neck, and the eye of a tiger, and I began with one portrait, and began again with another; …"
JLB 629, 6/21/1888: " I have a model at last -- a Zouave -- he's a lad with a small face, the neck of a bull, the eye of a tiger, and I started doing one portrait and started again on another."

337. Zouaves had earned a place Zemel adds an interesting example: " faire le zouave was a popular term for boasting and showing off" (Zemel, p. 94). 338. unit was barracked not far Milliet's Zouave regiment was garrisoned at Caserne Calvin on the east side of Arles. 339. son of the middle class Weiller, in Stein, ed., pp. 108-109. Tralbaut says that Milliet was the son of a "military policeman" who was "brought up in barracks as a soldier" (Tralbaut, p. 239). We can find no support for this version in the interview with Milliet conducted by Pierre Weiller and published postumously in Les lettres Françaises in 1955; nor, frankly, anything to rebut it (Weiller, in Stein, ed., pp. 108-109). We infer our version from Milliet's obvious education and articulateness, as recorded in Weiller's interview (particularly his report that, "as a young man, [Milliet] toyed with pencil, pen, and charcoal 'as an amateur, dear friend, as an amateur'"), and in Vincent's frequent references to Milliet's soulful side. Such youthful leisure pursuits and introspection were typically the province of the educated classes. In a colonial world, Tralbaut's "military policeman" could have been a colonial staff-officer from a distinguished family, in which case Milliet's choice of career would, of course, be less of an "estrangement." However, the fact that Milliet retired thirty years later having achieved only the rank of "lieutenant-colonel" argues against that scenario (Tralbaut, p. 239). 340. come to Arles on leave Weiller, in Stein, ed., pp. 108-109: Many decades later, Milliet told an interviewer: "I myself was on holiday in that city [Arles] between two campaigns." Vincent tells a slightly different story at the time. Referring to Milliet, he writes Theo that "I've seen someone here who had been to Tonkin and was ill when he came back from that delightful region -- he recovered here" (JLB 623, 6/12/1888). He also informs Bernard that Milliet's next campaign will be in Africa (JLB 628, 6/19/1888). Later that summer, in July 1888, when Milliet announces his intention to go to Paris for a while, Vincent arranges for him to take some paintings and rendezvous with Theo. At that time, he adds this new detail on the lieutenant's situation: "He'll come back to Paris for a week, but is spending the major part of his holidays in the north" (JLB 662, 8/15/1888). Milliet returned to Arles by September (JLB 687, 9/25/1888). 341. after a long campaign Weiller, in Stein, ed., p. 110: Milliet later recalled that he had just returned from a campaign in "Tonkin," a reference to the northern part of modern Vietnam. 342. offered to tutor him Weiller, in Stein, ed., pp. 108-109: "Mais oui," answered the [then] colonel [Milliet]," recorded an interviewer in the mid-1930s, "it was certainly Van Gogh who had been my drawing teacher." Vincent confirms this in June in a letter to Bernard: "I know a second lieutenant of Zouaves here called Milliet. I give him drawing lessons -- with my perspective frame -- and he's beginning to make drawings -- my word, I've seen a lot worse than that, and he's eager to learn." (JLB 628, 6/19/1888.) 343. his confrères in Paris and Brittany Gauguin had been in Pont-Aven, on the southern Brittany coast, since February. Bernard had gone to Saint Briac, on the north-facing Brittany coast in April and stayed in the area until coming Pont-Aven in August. 344. "a bull neck" BVG 501, 6/21/1888.

Context:
BVG 501, 6/21/1888: "I have a model at last -- a Zouave -- a boy with a small face, a bull neck, and the eye of a tiger, and I began with one portrait, and began again with another; …"
JLB 629, 6/21/1888: "I have a model at last -- a Zouave -- he's a lad with a small face, the neck of a bull, the eye of a tiger, and I started doing one portrait and started again on another."

345. On a dare or a bet Hulsker speculates that Vincent's model, a lowly bugler, was ordered to pose by the second lieutenant Milliet (Hulsker, p. 287). Drink, money, and vanity, in some combination, seem to us more likely incentives. 346. as Vincent later confessed BVG 525, 8/15/1888.

Context:
JLB 662, 8/15/1888: "If, my dear brother, I let myself get more carried away, I'd always do that, I'd drink with the first person to come along and I'd paint him -- and not in watercolours but in oils, on the spot, like Daumier."

603 347. on a bench BVG 519, 8/8/1888: Apparently, Vincent moved him from the chair he appears to be sitting on in the drawing Zouave Sitting, Whole Figure (F 1443 JH 1485).

Context:
JLB 657, 8/8/1888: "I've worked on another figure of a Zouave, sitting on a bench against a white wall, which makes the fifth figure."

348. drawing attention We are not the first to notice this strategic, suggestive gesture. Zemel writes, "With one hand hovering centrally over his veiled genitals and this fabric-filled space, the dark-skinned man appears expansively sexual, a figure whose phallic charge is heightened by his costume's ballooning force" (Zemel, p. 99). 349. these two portraits The Zouave (Half Length) (F 423 JH 1486) is the bust or half-length portrait, which, according to Vellekoop was done first, probably at the same time as the drawing Zouave Sitting, Whole Figure (F 1443 JH 1485) (Vellekoop, p. 132). The larger seated portrait showing the Zouave in red pantaloons is The Seated Zouave (F 424 JH 1488). 350. "That bronzed, feline head" BVG 501, 6/21/1888.

Context:
BVG 501, 6/21/1888: " That bronzed, feline head of his with the reddish cap, against a green door and the orange bricks of a wall. So it's a savage combination of incongruous tones, not easy to manage. The study I made of it seems to me very harsh, but all the same I'd like always to be working on vulgar, even loud portraits like this."
JLB 629, 6/21/1888: "I've stuck his very tanned, feline head, wearing a bright red cap, in front of a door painted green and the orange bricks of a wall. So it's a coarse combination of disparate tones that isn't easy to handle -- the study I did of it seems very hard to me, and yet I'd always like to work on portraits that are vulgar, even garish like that one."

351. "ugliness" BVG B8, 6/23/1888. Describing his painting The Zouave (Half Length) (F 423 JH 1486) to Bernard, Vincent calls it "harsh, and taking it all in all, ugly and unsuccessful," according to the Bonger translation. However, Vellekoop translates this passage differently: "hard and utterly ugly and badly done" (Vellekoop, p. 133). We think the latter translation is preferable as it does not undercut what Vincent clearly intended as hyperbolic advocacy on behalf of his new painting (and, it should be said, on behalf of himself and his entire oeuvre). For that reason, we have left the word "unsuccessful" out of the text.

Context:
BVG B8, 6/23/1888: "What I've been doing looks very ugly -- a drawing of a seated Zouave, a painted sketch of the Zouave against a completely white wall, and finally his portrait against a green door and some orange bricks in a wall. It is harsh, and taking it all in all, ugly and unsuccessful."
JLB 632, 6/26/1888: "What I've done is very ugly: a drawing of the Zouave, seated, a painted sketch of the Zouave against an all-white wall and lastly his portrait against a green door and some orange bricks of a wall. It's harsh and, well, ugly and badly done." (Emphasis in original.)

352. "vulgarity" BVG 501, 6/21/1888. (See Ch. 31, n. 353.)

Context:
BVG 501, 6/21/1888: "The study I made of it seems to me very harsh, but all the same I'd like always to be working on vulgar, even loud portraits like this. It teaches me something, and above all that is what I want of my work."
JLB 629, 6/21/1888: "… the study I did of it seems very hard to me, and yet I'd always like to work on portraits that are vulgar, even garish like that one. It teaches me, and that's what I ask of my work above all."

353. "horrible harshness" BVG 501, 6/21/1888: We have slightly altered the translation.

Context:
BVG 501, 6/21/1888: "The study I made of it seems to me very harsh, but all the same I'd like always to be working on vulgar, even loud portraits like this. It teaches me something, and above all that is what I want of my work."
JLB 629, 6/21/1888: "…the study I did of it seems very hard to me, and yet I'd always like to work on portraits that are vulgar, even garish like that one. It teaches me, and that's what I ask of my work above all."

354. inspiration of Delacroix BVG B8, 6/23/1888: Vincent moves seamlessly from a stunning recollection of Delacroix's famous painting, Christ on the Sea of Galilee (c. 1853) to a description of his own painting, Zouave Sitting, Whole Figure (F 1443 JH 1485).

Context:
JLB 632, 6/26/1888: "Ah -- E. Delacroix's beautiful painting ... [Christ] with his pale lemon halo -- sleeping, luminous -- within the dramatic violet, dark blue, blood-red patch of the group of stunned disciples. On the terrifying emerald sea, rising, rising all the way up to the top of the frame. Ah -- the brilliant sketch. I would make you some croquis were it not that having drawn and painted for three or four days with a model -- a Zouave -- I'm exhausted." (Emphasis in original.)

355. "it may pave the way" BVG B8, 6/23/1888.

Context:
BVG B8, 6/23/1888: "Yet, because I was tackling a real difficulty with it, it may pave the way for the future."
JLB 632, 6/26/1888: "However, since that's the real difficulty attacked, it may smooth the way in the future."

356. The message to his matesSoon after completing the two paintings of the Zouave, Vincent made a drawing for Theo: Farmhouse in Provence (F 565 JH 1443), sent with JLB 630 on June 23. Less than a week later, he offered to "set aside" The Zouave (Half Length) (F 423 JH 1486) for an exchange with Bernard with this revealing note: "That would be in response to your attempt at a brothel. If we executed a brothel together, I'm sure we'd use the study of the Zouave as a character type in it." (JLB 633, 6/27/1888; emphasis in original.) When that offer apparently went unseized, Vincent made a watercolor -- The Zouave (Half Length) (F 1482 JH 1487) -- of the offered image, inscribed it ("à mon cher copain Émile Bernard, Vincent"), and sent it to Bernard in mid-July (JLB 643, 7/17/1888-7/20/1888). (See Ives and Stein, p. 226.) About a month later, he made an elaborate pen drawing, Zouave, Half-Figure (F 1482a JH 1535), again based on the bust version, and sent it to Russell. (See Ives and Stein, p. 230.) Given his obvious pride in and fondness for this image, it is impossible to imagine that Vincent did not also make a version for Gauguin around the same time and send it to him. If so, it was lost. 604 357. in her late teens This is a guess based on Mourier-Petersen's portrait of the same woman (see Kôdera, p. 238). Vincent himself claims that his model was much younger: "A mousmé is a Japanese girl -- Provençale in this case -- aged between 12 and 14" (JLB 650, 7/29/1888). We dismiss this as part of Vincent's effort to conflate his image with Loti's account. Interestingly, the eponymous mousmé of Madame Chysanthemum was eighteen, which Loti admits was older than most of her kind: that is, "already more of a woman" (Loti, p. 59). Whether this was Vincent's oversight or an intentional deviation from Loti's account is not clear. There is no other evidence that Vincent was sexually attracted to young girls. However, Gauguin was. Vincent may have been aware of his friend's pederastic inclinations and therefore may have crafted both the image and the description of La Mousmé specifically to excite those predilections. 358. "Now if you know" BVG 514, 7/25/1888.

Context:
BVG 514, 7/25/1888: " Now if you know what a "mousmé" is (you will find out when you read Loti's Madame Chrysanthème), I have just painted one."
JLB 650, 7/29/1888: " Now, if you know what a 'mousmé' is (you'll know when you've read Loti's Madame Chrysanthème), I've just painted one."

359. Loti's recently published fantasy Exactly when Theo read Loti's Japanese fantasy is not clear from Vincent's letters alone. As of late July, Vincent did not know if Theo had read it, as he writes teasingly about his new portrait: " Now, if you know what a 'mousmé' is (you'll know when you've read Loti's Madame Chrysanthème), I've just painted one" (JLB 650, 7/29/1888). About two weeks later, he inquires anxiously: "Have you read Madame Chrysanthème yet" (JLB 657, 8/8/1888). Yet there is good evidence that Theo would have been quick to read Loti's latest book. In July the previous year, 1887, Theo had written his Dutch friend Caroline van Stockum-Haanebeek: "Lately I enjoyed reading Loti's books (which anyone can read). They show such a masterly description of nature and such a subtle feeling." (b0727 V/1962, "Gogh, Theo van" to "Stockum-Haanebeek, Caro van", 7/10/1887.) At the same time that he offered to send her a copy of Loti's Pecheur d'Islands (Icelandic Fisherman), which had been published in 1886, he acknowledged that Caroline had probably already read the book, since "[i]n Holland people keep themselves so well posted on everything that is published that it may be old to you" (Van Gogh-Bonger, in Van Gogh, p. 530). Theo's enthusiasm indicates that he would not have hesitated to read Madame Chrysanthème as soon as it was available in Paris, and not waited for or required his brother's encouragement. 360. "I have just painted one" BVG 514, 7/25/1888.

Context:
BVG 514, 7/25/1888: "Now if you know what a "mousmé" is (you will find out when you read Loti's Madame Chrysanthème), I have just painted one. It took me a whole week, and I haven't been able to do anything else, because I still haven't been too well."
JLB 650, 7/29/1888: "Now, if you know what a 'mousmé' is (you'll know when you've read Loti's Madame Chrysanthème), I've just painted one. It took me my whole week, I wasn't able to do anything else, having been not too well again."

361. portrait of the Provençal girl La Mousmé Sitting, F 431 JH 1519, July 1888, oil on canvas, 29.1 x 23.6 in., 74 x 60 cm., National Gallery of Art, Washington, DC. 362. comply with Loti's descriptions Loti, pp. 58-59: Loti describes his "fiancée" Madame Chysanthemum as having "[e]yes with long lashes, rather narrow, but which would have been called good in any country in the world." This would explain why Vincent did not narrow her eyes to a caricature -- what Loti refers to elsewhere as "cat-eyes" (ibid., p. 20) and disparages (as he does the most Japanese-looking Japanese women) as ugly (ibid., p. 37). "A Japanese woman, deprived of her long dress and her huge sash with its pretentious bows, is nothing but a diminutive yellow being, with crooked legs and flat, unshapely bust" (ibid., p. 216). 363. his model's slender face Kôdera, pp. 91-92: "If the two portraits [Vincent's La Mousmé and Mourier-Petersen's Young Woman from Arles] were painted from the same model, we can see how van Gogh transformed the features of the girl, from the slender pale face in Mourier-Petersen's portrait to the 'Japanese' face." 364. pleasing and docile Loti, p. 74: Loti's racism and sexism are deeply offensive to the modern ear. Speaking of his Japanese child-bride, he wrote, "I have chosen her to amuse me, and I would really rather she should have one of those insignificant little thoughtless faces like all the others." Commentators have tried heroically to excuse Vincent of Loti's undeniable sins when, in fact, he seems only to have compounded them. Druick and Zegers, for example, claim that Vincent was "apparently oblivious to the racism, hypocrisy, and cynical, poisonous tone of Madame Chrysanthème" (Druick and Zegers, p. 126). Hulsker somehow finds in La Mousmé "a striking image of awakening femininity with a touch of shyness and dignity" (Hulsker, p. 288); and Childs sees nothing less than an icon of modern feminism: "Van Gogh may have been inspired by the Loti book, but his young girl is not as openly childish, silly, and coy as is Loti's cliché of the mousmé. Rather, he has taken from Loti's tale the qualities of a young Japanese woman's growing self-awareness that are at once psychological and physical." (Childs, n.p., in Homburg, p. 129.) 365. "puffy little visage" Loti, p. 56. 366. He layered color after color BVG 514, 7/25/1888. Vincent describes the finished product: "The matt areas of flesh are yellow grey" (JLB 650, 7/29/1888).

Context:
JLB 650, 7/29/1888: "The matt areas of flesh are yellow grey, the hair purplish, the eyebrows black, and the eyelashes, the eyes orange and Prussian blue; a sprig of oleander between the fingers, because the 2 hands are included."

367. struggled to reconcile Loti, p. 56: Loti admires the "impossible pink and white" cheeks of one Japanese girl, but tells his hosts that she is "'too white, too much like our own women. I wished for a yellow one just as a change.'" (ibid., p. 58.) Elsewhere, describing another girl, he admires the "coppery tint on her rounded cheeks" (ibid., p. 59). 368. garish country-girl finery Sund, pp. 178-179: Sund persuasively summarizes the style of the mousmé's dress as "naive": "the girl's 'naive' getup of intensely hued stripes and dots establishes her distance from Paris." (See Ch. 31, n. 369.) 369. Loti's fancy of Japan Contrary to the text, Ives and Stein suggest that Vincent's depiction of the woman's dress was responsive to Loti's description of the mousmé as "charmingly dressed," standing out like a "fresh touch of color against the sombre background," "over her quaint little head, her round umbrella with its thousand ribs threw a great halo of blue and red, edged with black" (Ives and Stein, p. 232). Except for the choice of red and blue for the bodice, nothing in this description fits Vincent's painting: the background is not "sombre," there is no umbrella, and the lighting is quite direct, not shaded or tinted. Even in the commonality of blue and red, however, Loti is referring to the light, not to the mousmé's clothing. Elsewhere in the book, when Loti directly describes the attire of Japanese women, he emphasizes its subtle, "refined" color (Loti, p. 277) ("Her dress is of pearl-grey silk, her obi (sash) of mauve satin" [ibid., p. 54]), and discreet, concealing elaborateness (ibid., p. 216). This is a world away from Vincent's vivid, bumptious, countrified costume. (See Ch. 31, n. 368.) 370. red-and-violet-striped bodice BVG W5, 7/31/1888. This is Vincent's description: "She sits in a cane chair, a blood-red and violet striped jacket, a deep blue skirt with orange dots" (JLB 653, 7/31/1888).

Context:
JLB 653, 7/31/1888: "She sits in a cane chair, a blood-red and violet striped jacket, a deep blue skirt with orange dots, a branch of oleander in her hand."

371. vividly polka-dotted in orange BVG W5, 7/31/1888. (See Ch. 31, n. 370.)

Context:
JLB 653, 7/31/1888: "She sits in a cane chair, a blood-red and violet striped jacket, a deep blue skirt with orange dots, a branch of oleander in her hand."

372. a misty green BVG 514, 7/25/1888. Vincent describes it as "a white background strongly tinted with Veronese green" (JLB 650, 7/29/1888).

Context:
JLB 650, 7/29/1888: "The portrait of a young girl is on a white background strongly tinted with Veronese green, the bodice is striped blood-red and purple."

373. a blossom that symbolized Druick and Zegers, pp. 126-128: Druick and Zegers relates the interesting information that French soldiers in Algeria learned "the hard way" of the oleander's poisonous properties: "during the Algerian campaigns, they made the mistake of sleeping in huts made of oleander branches." This suggests another route by which Vincent could have learned of the flower's dual properties of beauty and danger: his contact with the Zouaves, like Milliet, whom he met in the brothels. 374. raise sores Druick and Zegers, pp. 126-128. 375. could kill Druick and Zegers, pp. 126-128. 605 376. advertised in elaborate drawings For the drawings of the Zouave, see Ch. 31, n. 356. As for La Mousmé, Vincent sent drawings after the painting to Bernard (La Mousmé, Sitting [F 1504 JH 1520]), Gauguin (La Mousmé, Sitting [F 1722 JH 1521]), and Russell (La Mousmé, Half-Figure [F 1503 JH 1533]). These drawings vary in size, level of detail, and even pictorial style, each one customized to appeal to its recipient. For example, the drawing for Bernard is schematic and includes extensive notes on the colors employed in the painting. The drawing for Gauguin is more spontaneous, less stylized (more like a portrait of an actual woman) and includes pointillist elements (to which Vincent knew Bernard to be hostile). (This tiny drawing was found pasted in the manuscript for Gauguin's account of his trip to Tahiti [Noa-Noa] with an inscription in Gauguin's hand: "du regretté Vincent van Gogh" [from the lamented Vincent van Gogh].) Finally, the drawing for Russell is by far the most elaborate and finished of the "répétitions" (appropriate for a potential purchaser); the face is shown more close up and much more finely articulated. It also makes extensive use of pointillist techniques at a time when Russell himself was still, unlike the others, committed to Seurat's theories. (See Ives and Stein, pp. 273-74.) 377. "shapely, firm breasts" BVG 521, 8/9/1888.

Context:
BVG 521, 8/9/1888: "I saw another very quiet and lovely thing the other day, a girl with a coffee-tinted skin, if I remember correctly, ash-blonde hair, gray eyes, a print bodice of pale pink under which you could see the breasts, shapely, firm and small. This against the emerald leaves of some fig trees. A woman as simple as the herds, every line of her virgin."
JLB 658, 8/9/1888: "I saw another very tranquil and quite beautiful thing the other day, a young girl with a café au lait complexion -- if I remember rightly -- ash-blonde hair, grey eyes. Bodice of pale printed calico, under which you could see her high, firm little breasts. This against the emerald foliage of the fig trees. A real countrywoman, a great virginal look."

378. lamb-like docility BVG 521, 8/9/1888.

Context:
JLB 658, 8/9/1888: "A real countrywoman, a great virginal look."

379. a reverie of anticipation BVG 507, 6/29/1888: In late June, Vincent dimisses the hardship of his work in the hot, windy Crau in a trance-like claim of serenity that approaches incoherent babble.

Context:
JLB 635, 7/1/1888: "Far from my complaining about it, it's precisely at these moments in artistic life, even if it's not the real one, that I feel almost as happy as I could be in the ideal, the real life."

380. Accompanied by the Zouave BVG 541a, 9/26/1888: Vincent did eventually paint a portrait of Milliet before his final departure in September (Portrait of Milliet, Second Lieutenant of the Zouaves [F 473 JH 1588]), but even then he complained about his model: "If he posed better he would please me greatly, and he would have a smarter portrait than I'll be able do now" (JLB 689, 9/26/1888). Although he was a poor model, Milliet made an excellent companion. "We often took pleasant walks," Milliet told an interviewer fifty years later, "and in the country, we both made numerous sketches" (Weiller, pp. 109-110).

Context:
JLB 687, 9/25/1888: "I regret that he has a nervous movement in his legs when he poses."

381. "We explored it together" BVG 506, 7/9/1888.

Context:
BVG 506, 7/9/1888: "I have come back from a day at Montmajour, and my friend the second lieutenant was with me. We explored the old garden together and stole some excellent figs."
JLB 638, 7/10/1888 or 7/10/1888: "I've just come back from a day at Montmajour, and my friend the second lieutenant kept me company. So the two of us explored the old garden and we stole some excellent figs there."

382. "great reeds, vines, ivy" BVG 506, 7/9/1888. Vincent's full description is even more evocative of Zola's Paradou: "... tall reeds, grape vines, ivy, fig trees, olive trees, pomegranate trees with fat flowers of the brightest orange, hundred-year-old cypresses, ash trees and willows, rock oaks. Half-demolished staircases, ruined Gothic windows, clumps of white rock covered in lichen, and pieces of collapsed wall scattered here and there in the undergrowth." (JLB 638, 7/10/1888 or 7/10/1888.)

Context:
BVG 506, 7/9/1888: "If it had been bigger it would have made me think of Zola's Paradou, great reeds, vines, ivy, fig trees, olives, pomegranates with lusty flowers of the brightest orange, hundred-year-old cypresses, ash trees and willows, rock oaks, half-broken flights of steps, ogive windows in ruins, blocks of white rock covered with lichen, and scattered fragments of crumbling walls here and there among the greenery. I brought back another big drawing, but not of the garden."
JLB 638, 7/10/1888 or 7/10/1888: "If it had been bigger it would have made you think of Zola's Paradou, tall reeds, grape vines, ivy, fig trees, olive trees, pomegranate trees with fat flowers of the brightest orange, hundred-year-old cypresses, ash trees and willows, rock oaks. Half-demolished staircases, ruined Gothic windows, clumps of white rock covered in lichen, and pieces of collapsed wall scattered here and there in the undergrowth; I brought back another large drawing of it. Not of the garden, though."

383. "a bit of paradise" Zola, The Sin of Father Mouret (La faute de l'abbé Mouret), pp. 127-128: Zola's portrait of Le Paradou displays the writer at the pinnacle of his descriptive powers. It is worth quoting at length: "A vast field growing freely for a century, a bit of paradise where the wind sowed the rarest flowers. The happy peace of Paradou, asleep in the sun, prevented the hybridization of species by furnishing a constant temperature, a piece of earth where each plant had long ago enriched the soil in order to live there in the silence of its strength. The vegetation was enormous, splendid, proud, powerfully untrimmed, full of chance encounters spreading monstrous flowers unknown to spade and gardener's sprinkler. Left to herself, free to grow without shame deep in this solitude protected by ancient shelters, nature abandoned herself more with each new spring, frolicked wildly, delighted in offering herself strange bouquets, destined to be picked by no hand, at all times of the year. And she seemed bent on overturning what human efforts had created; she rebelled, released stampedes of flowers into the walks, attacked the artistically arranged rocks with the rising tide of her moss, lassoed the necks of marble statues and pulled them over with the help of her climbing plants; she broke the tiles in pools, on stairs, on terraces, by thrusting shrubs through them; she crawled about until she possessed every cultivated spot and had shaped them as she chose, had planted there the rebel flag of some seed gathered on the road, a humble green thing which she made into a gigantic green thing. The flower garden, kept for a master passionately devoted to flowers, had once displayed a marvelous selection of plants in neat beds and manicured rows. Today the same plants were found, but perpetuated, enlarged into families so innumerable, gamboling about all parts of the garden with such exuberance, that it was now nothing but a riot, a bushy mob beating against the walls, a suspicious place where intoxicated nature hiccoughed verbena and carnations." 384. "frolicked wildly" Zola, The Sin of Father Mouret (La faute de l'abbé Mouret), pp. 127-128. (See Ch. 31, n. 383.) 385. "offered herself strange" Zola, The Sin of Father Mouret (La faute de l'abbé Mouret), pp. 127-128. (See Ch. 31, n. 383.) 386. "stampeded into the walks" Zola, The Sin of Father Mouret (La faute de l'abbé Mouret), pp. 127-128. (See Ch. 31, n. 383.) 387. "gamboled about" Zola, The Sin of Father Mouret (La faute de l'abbé Mouret), pp. 127, 128. (See Ch. 31, n. 383.) 388. hundred-year-old trees BVG 506, 7/9/1888. (See Ch. 31, n. 382.)

Context:
JLB 638, 7/10/1888 or 7/10/1888: "If it had been bigger it would have made you think of Zola's Paradou, tall reeds, grape vines, ivy, fig trees, olive trees, pomegranate trees with fat flowers of the brightest orange, hundred-year-old cypresses, ash trees and willows, rock oaks."

606 389. "He is a handsome boy" BVG 541a, 9/26/1888. Assessing his friend's youth, handsomeness, and virility, Vincent pays Milliet the ultimate compliment: "he would suit me damned well for the picture of a lover" (ibid.). Given Vincent's relentless search for "types" that perfectly expressed an ideal, and given the evidence of the painstaking portrait that Vincent made of him in September (Portrait of Milliet, Second Lieutenant of the Zouaves [F 473 JH 1588]), it is fair to infer that Milliet was exceptionally good-looking.

Context:
BVG 541a, 9/26/1888: "I am also working on a portrait of Milliet, but he poses badly, or I may be at fault myself, which, however, I do not believe, as I am sorely in want of some studies of him, for he is a good-looking boy, very unconcerned and easy-going in his behaviour, and he would suit me damned well for the picture of a lover."
JLB 687, 9/25/1888: "I'm also working on the portrait of Milliet, but he poses badly, or else it's my fault, which I don't believe, however, because I badly need some studies of him because he's good-looking, very jaunty, very easy-going in his appearance, and he'd suit me down to the ground for a painting of lovers."

390. "and very nice to me" BVG 525, 8/15/1888.

Context:
BVG 525, 8/15/1888: "He has been very nice to me, particularly these last few days."
JLB 662, 8/15/1888: "He has been very kind to me, particularly these past few days."

391. the approach to Montmajour The painting is Rock with Oak Tree, F 466 JH 1489, July 1888, oil on canvas, 21.3 x 25.6 in., 54 x 65 cm., The Museum of Fine Arts, Houston. Later in July, Vincent made a drawing of the painting (Rocks with oak Tree [F 1554 JH 1518]) and sent it to Bernard (see Pickvance, p. 118). Another drawing, Montmajour (F 1447 JH 1503), deals with almost the identical subject. 392. drawings of the abbey donjon For example: Hill with the Ruins of Montmajour, F 1446 JH 1504, July 1888, pen, 18.7 x 23.2 in., 47.5 x 59 cm., Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam. 393. a fierce spell of mistral BVG 521, 8/9/1888: On August 9, Vincent informs Theo that "the wind [has] blown for 6 weeks" -- a period that covers virtually all of the garden images discussed in the text and notes (JLB 658, 8/9/1888).

Context:
JLB 658, 8/9/1888: "I think it's likely that we're going to have great heat now, with no wind, the wind having blown for 6 weeks."

394. prevented him from painting BVG 506, 7/9/1888: This appears to be Vincent's explicit report. After his rapturous description of the old garden, Vincent admits, "I brought back another large drawing of it. Not of the garden, though." (JLB 638, 7/10/1888 or 7/10/1888.) If any such drawings (or paintings) were made of the garden at Montmajour after this letter in early July, none has been identified as such.

Context:
JLB 638, 7/10/1888 or 7/10/1888: "I brought back another large drawing of it. Not of the garden, though. That makes 3 drawings; when I have half dozen, will send them."

395. he searched the side streets Altogether, Vincent appears to have gained access to at least three gardens other than the public gardens of the place Lamartine. He says as much in JLB 657, 8/8/1888 (see Ch. 31, n. 397). The first of these gardens was the subject of paintings and drawings in mid-July (e.g., Flowering Garden [F 430 JH 1510], Garden with Flowers [F 512 JH 1511], Garden with Flowers [F 1455 JH 1512], Flowering Garden with Path [F 429 JH 1513], but see below). Vincent describes this garden in detail and with enthusiasm to both Theo (JLB 644, 7/17/1888-7/20/1888) and his sister Wil: "I have a study of a garden, almost a metre wide. Poppies and other red flowers in green in the foreground, then a patch of bluebells. Then a patch of orange and yellow African marigolds, then white and yellow flowers and finally, in the background, pink and lilac and also scabious, dark violet, and red geraniums and sunflowers and a fig tree and oleander and a vine. At the end, black cypresses against little low white houses with orange roofs -- and a delicate green-blue strip of sky." (JLB 653, 7/31/1888.)

The second garden was a " small farmhouse garden" that Vincent painted (Garden Behind a House [F 578 JH 1538]) and drew (A Garden with Flowers [F 1456 JH 1537]) in late July and early August (JLB 657, 8/8/1888). Vincent thought highly of the latter drawing and took great pains to describe it to his brother, filling in with words the colors missing from the pen drawing: "This vertical small farmhouse garden is superbly coloured in reality. The dahlias are a rich and dark purple, the double row of flowers is pink and green on one side and orange almost without greenery on the other. In the middle a low, white dahlia and a little pomegranate tree, with flowers of the most brilliant orange red, yellow-green fruit, the ground grey, the tall reeds -- 'canes' -- of a blue green, the fig trees emerald, the sky blue, the houses white with green windows, red roofs. In full sun in the morning, in the evening entirely bathed in shadow cast by the fig trees and reeds." (JLB 657, 8/8/1888; emphasis in original; see also JLB 658, 8/9/1888.)

The third garden was the little island of flowers surrounded by a sandy path outside a "bathing establishment" that is featured in one of the most spectacular drawings from Arles, Garden with Sunflowers (F 1457 JH 1539) (see Ch. 31, n. 398). A drawing of the first of these gardens (Garden with Flowers [F 1455 JH 1512]), is sometimes attributed to the earlier, mid-July period, but it appears to be the third of the "big drawings" that Vincent sent to Theo in early August and thus it represents a return to the garden that was the subject of Flowering Garden (F 430 JH 1510) and Flowering Garden with Path (F 429 JH 1513) ("the one of which I've also done some painted studies" [JLB 657, 8/8/1888]).

396. In image after image Paintings: Garden with Flowers (F 430 JH 1510); Garden with Path (F 429 JH 1513); and Garden with Flowers (F 578 JH 1538). Drawings: Garden with Flowers (F 1455 JH 1512); Garden with Flowers (F 1456 JH 1537); and Garden with Sunflowers (F 1457 JH 1539). This list only includes images that depict some form of enclosure. There are also a number of drawings after paintings such as Garden with Flowers (F 512 JH 1511) (letter sketch after Garden with Flowers [F 430 JH 1510] [JLB 644, 7/17/1888-7/20/1888]), Garden with Flowers (F 1454 JH 1532) (after Flowering Garden with Path [F 429 JH 1513]), and A Garden with Flowers (F 1456 JH 1537) (after Garden Behind a House [F 578 JH 1538]). 607 397. path to the public bathhouse BVG 519, 8/8/1888. On August 8, Vincent sent "3 large drawings" to Theo with this explanation: "The vertical small farmhouse garden [Garden with Flowers, F 1456 JH 1537] is, it seems to me, the best of the three large ones. The one with the sunflowers [Garden with Sunflowers, F 1457 JH 1539] is the little garden of a bathhouse. The third, horizontal, garden [Garden with Flowers, F 1455 JH 1512] is the one of which I've also done some painted studies." (JLB 657, 8/8/1888.) For more, see Ch. 31, n. 395.

Context:
JLB 657, 8/8/1888: "The vertical small farmhouse garden is, it seems to me, the best of the three large ones. The one with the sunflowers is the little garden of a bathhouse. The third, horizontal, garden is the one of which I've also done some painted studies."

398. "lusty flowers" BVG 506, 7/9/1888: The quote is from Vincent's July description of the Montmajour garden cited earlier in the text. He may or may not have been correct in identifying the flowers as those of a pomegranate tree, which occasionally bloom throughout the summer.

Context:
BVG 506, 7/9/1888: "If it had been bigger it would have made me think of Zola's Paradou, great reeds, vines, ivy, fig trees, olives, pomegranates with lusty flowers of the brightest orange, hundred-year-old cypresses, ash trees and willows, rock oaks ..."
JLB 638, 7/10/1888 or 7/10/1888: "If it had been bigger it would have made you think of Zola's Paradou, tall reeds, grape vines, ivy, fig trees, olive trees, pomegranate trees with fat flowers of the brightest orange, hundred-year-old cypresses, ash trees and willows, rock oaks."

399. a family of six to support BVG 535a, 6/21/1888. Gauguin clearly raised this issue in his response to the brothers' invitation to Arles and Vincent uses it to defuse the rejection implied by Gauguin's recalcitrance: "And I'm a little afraid of getting a dressing-down for having separated him from his family, or [for having stirred up] a hornet's nest like that. Dear God, if he has such a large family his obligations are probably not to be absent from them any more. And perhaps he'd be much happier if you simply bought a painting from him from time to time." (JLB 625, 6/15/1888-6/16/1888.) Given that Vincent loved children, considered a large family a badge of potency, and himself came from a large family, the "hornets' nest" stirred up by Gauguin's brood of five children was more likely in his own head.

Context:
JLB 625, 6/15/1888-6/16/1888: "And it's true I didn't know he had so large a family; he'll more likely wish to stay in the north for that reason."

400. "touching" Gauguin, pp. 41-45: "If the state of our business affairs as described in your letter is dire, then your excellent reply is encouraging and the proposal touching." 401. "He says that when" BVG 496, 6/12/1888: In retrospect, Vincent's excitement is inevitably tinged with pathos. The reality was that Vincent had never been able to work with anyone, anywhere, anytime, on a sustained basis.

Context:
JLB 623, 6/12/1888: "He says that when sailors have to move a heavy load or raise an anchor, in order to be able to lift a greater weight, to be able to make an enormous effort, they all sing together to support each other and to give each other energy. That it's just what artists lack."

402. Vincent's grand plans Druick and Zegers, pp. 111, 113: Druick and Zegers suggest that Gauguin's commercial proposal may have been prompted by Vincent's letter which contained a discussion of "art and business" -- "the phrase suggesting that Vincent had shared with him the plans for marketing vanguard paintings that he had been formulating over the past months." But Gauguin's letter to Theo about his correspondence with Vincent refers only to "a fairly long reply to your brother to whom I had much to say from the art-and-business point of view" (b0842 V/1962, ''Gauguin, Paul'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 6/15/1888) -- which does not clarify who first raised the subject. However, given Vincent's tendency to pile on arguments, it is a fair guess that he shared with Gauguin his own ambitious (and equally delusional) plans for a combination of right-minded artists and dealers. 403. "to set up as a dealer" BVG 496, 6/12/1888.

Context:
BVG 496, 6/12/1888: "He speaks of some hopes he has of finding a capital of 600,000 francs to set up as a dealer in impressionist pictures, and that he will explain his plan, and would like you to head the enterprise."
JLB 623, 6/12/1888: "He talks about a hope he has of finding capital of six hundred thousand francs to set up a dealer in Impressionist paintings, and that he would explain his plan and that he'd like you to be at the head of this business."

404. he refused even to discuss BVG 498, 6/15/1888. Of course, Vincent cannot refrain from criticizing the project. In the same letter, he fulminates in sulfurous tones: "if tomorrow Gauguin and his banker Jews come and ask me for nothing but 10 paintings for a society of dealers and not a society of artists, well, I don't know if I'd trust them -- I who would be glad, on the other hand, to give 50 to a society of artists. Isn't it a bit the way it was with Reid [another of Vincent's nemeses and rivals for Theo's affection] ... Enough, for Heaven's sake, let our pal [Gauguin] do as his heart tells him, but his plan is far from making me enthusiastic. I prefer things as they are -- to take them the way it is, without changing anything about them, to half-baked reforms." (JLB 625, 6/15/1888-6/16/1888.) In typical fashion, Vincent cuts off his critique abruptly -- "If [Gauguin] isn't keen on it, if it's all one to him, if he has something quite different in mind, let him remain independent, and me too" -- but then returns to the subject with renewed intensity only a few lines later: "I find this in particular rather strange in this plan of Gauguin's: the society offers its protection in exchange for 10 paintings that the artists will have to give, if ten artists do that, the Jewish company clearly pockets 100 paintings 'for a start.' The protection of this society that doesn't even exist costs a lot of money." (ibid.; emphasis in original.)

Context:
JLB 625, 6/15/1888-6/16/1888: "I don't wish to discuss Gauguin's plan ..."

405. the details of Gauguin's plan Druick and Zegers, p. 113: Druick and Zegers ably summarize the details of Gauguin's plan, drawing, inter alia, on Vincent's letters (JLB 625, 6/15/1888-6/16/1888) and Gauguin's letters to Émile Schuffenecker, a friend: "Presented as an earlier idea but clearly bearing the marks of Vincent's, it called for participating artists to contribute ten pictures each to an enterprise administered by himself and a dealer (like Theo), and funded by private investors willing to put up half a million francs. Typically naive and half-baked, Gauguin's plan presumed that the capital could be raised easily, so long as the word 'impressionism' was not mentioned. Observing the rising market for Monet's work, currently on view at Theo's gallery, he felt sure that what he termed, echoing Vincent, the 'paintings of the artists of the future' would benefit from a trickle-down effect. ... Gauguin thought his plan sufficiently brilliant to swear Schuffenecker to secrecy." Vincent adds another layer of detail, if not to the substance of Gauguin's plan, at least to the puffery with which he promoted it: "He says that in the past he got people to buy Impressionists to the tune of 35 thousand at Durand-Ruel's, and that he hopes to do the same thing again for you" (JLB 623, 6/12/1888). 406. " fata morgana" BVG 496, 6/12/1888. (See Ch. 31, n. 406.)

Context:
BVG 496, 6/12/1888: "I should not be surprised if this hope is a fata morgana, a mirage of destitution, the more destitute you are -- especially if you are ill -- the more you think of such possibilities."
JLB 623, 6/12/1888: "I shouldn't be surprised if that hope is a fata Morgana, a mirage that goes with being broke. The more broke you are -- especially when you're ill -- the more you think of such possibilities."

407. "The more destitute you are" BVG 496, 6/12/1888.

Context:
BVG 496, 6/12/1888: "I should not be surprised if this hope is a fata morgana, a mirage of destitution, the more destitute you are -- especially if you are ill -- the more you think of such possibilities."
JLB 623, 6/12/1888: "I shouldn't be surprised if that hope is a fata Morgana, a mirage that goes with being broke. The more broke you are -- especially when you're ill -- the more you think of such possibilities."

408. without a hint of irony Druick and Zegers, p. 113: Druick and Zegers dryly note that Vincent "assess[ed] Gauguin's scheme with a coolly dispassionate eye that he never cast on his own projects." 409. sibling rivalry From the moment he discovered that Theo was supporting Gauguin by sending him money, Vincent's competitive feelings began to surface. When Gauguin sent Theo his grand plan for raising capital and establishing an Impressionist dealership, those feelings burst into the open. This rival plan, which both superseded and exceeded Vincent's longtime plan for the brothers' joint enterprise, not only prompted a furious counterattack from Vincent (see Ch. 31, n. 404), it launched him into a frenzy of selling activity. In his pitch to Theo, Gauguin had bragged that "he got people to buy Impressionists to the tune of 35 thousand [francs] at Durand-Ruel's, and that he hopes to do the same thing again for you" (JLB 623, 6/12/1888). In response, Vincent intensifies his attempt to sell Gauguin's work to Russell, implicitly reassuring his brother that he, too, can sell (ibid.; see Ch. 31, n. 423). He resurrects the plan to go to Marseille and find Monticellis to sell (ibid.), and vigorously peddles his own work to the dealer Thomas: "I've sent you a roll of drawings. If you went to see Thomas with these, ... perhaps we'd pick up a few sous from père Thomas if you explain to him the rather exceptional reasons there are at this moment for our wanting to do a deal. Or again, Thomas could buy something from Gauguin if he knows the partnership we have in train." (JLB 640, 7/15/1888.)

This last comment is a curious one. Is Vincent pleased by the prospect that Thomas would buy a Gauguin if he knew about the combination or does he think that Thomas would be more likely to buy Vincent's drawings if he did not know about the planned combination? If Vincent is, in fact, suggesting that sales are a zero-sum game and that Gauguin's good fortune might come at his expense, wouldn't competitiveness inevitably follow? The answer becomes clear only a week later. When Gauguin resists leaving Pont-Aven with the haughty declaration: "I'm alive and well and my talent's in full flow," Vincent responds with an acid combination of mockery and rivalry: "If he says 'I'm alive and well and my talent's in full flow' -- why should I not say the same thing myself?" (JLB 645, 7/22/1888). Rivalry, of course, leads to suspicion.

In August, Vincent wonders why Gauguin has left him " absolutely in the dark" in response to Vincent's generous offer to come to Pont-Aven: "by his silence toward my letters he accepts my offer to go to him if need be, but he writes me nothing about ways of finding a studio of our own there, or the price that furniture would cost. And that does seem strange to me." (JLB 664, 8/19/1888.) Queer, indeed. Even before Gauguin arrives in Arles, Vincent is already suspicious of his motivations. "I instinctively feel that Gauguin is a calculating person," Vincent writes in September. "[S]eeing himself at the bottom of the social ladder, [he] wishes to regain a position by means that will be honest, to be sure, but which will be very shrewd. " (JLB 682, 9/18/1888.) This is the same viscosity and hypersensitivity that Vincent has directed toward Theo in the past, to such corrosive effect. It is also an early sign of the dangerous brother-surrogate dynamic that shipwrecked all of Vincent's previous friendships.

410. "nothing but a freak" BVG 504, 7/7/1888.

Context:
BVG 504, 7/7/1888: "I am very curious to know what Gauguin will do. The great thing is not to discourage him, but I think all the same that his whole plan is nothing but a freak."
JLB 631, 6/25/1888: "I'm quite curious to know what Gauguin will do -- the main thing is not to discourage him -- I still think his whole plan was just a whim."

411. its immediate retraction BVG 535a, 6/21/1888: Vincent disdainfully quotes a passage in one of Gauguin's letters that appears to tie together the brothers' plan for Arles and Gauguin's own plan to raise capital. Vincent demands an unequivocal separation of these two issues: "I believe that it could lead us too far if we weren't a little firm in showing him that our proposal was without all these afterthoughts, and that we ourselves are too hard up to be able to risk anything other than setting up house together and sharing the month's money" (JLB 625, 6/15/1888-6/16/1888).

Context:
JLB 625, 6/15/1888-6/16/1888: "I'm well aware that in his there is this passage 'I ask (underlined) if, the capital having been raised for the most part, your brother would use his efforts to make a success of the business and to be its director.' I'm well aware that he also writes, 'I accept your proposal in principle.'" (Emphasis in original.)

412. He girded Theo BVG 498, 6/15/1888: The word Vincent seems to be searching for is something like "eager" or "desperate." He goes on to clarify: "on the business with Gauguin, too. Let's take a look at that: I thought he was at bay and I blame myself for having money and the pal who works better than I, not -- I say, he's entitled to half if he wishes. But -- if Gauguin isn't at bay, then I'm not in too much of a hurry. And I categorically withdraw from it, and the only question for me remains quite simply this: If I looked for a pal to work with, would I be doing the right thing, would this be more beneficial to my brother and me, would the pal lose or would he gain by it?" (JLB 625, 6/15/1888-6/16/1888.) With this passage, Vincent appears to be already assuming a resentful defensive crouch -- girding himself for the possibility that Gauguin will not come to Arles and for the necessity of finding another partner.

Context:
JLB 625, 6/15/1888-6/16/1888: "When in doubt, it's better to abstain -- that, I believe, is what I said in the letter to Gauguin, and that's what I believe now, having read his reply. If he, for his part, returns to the proposal -- he's perfectly free to return to it -- but we'd look I'm not quite sure what, if for the moment we pressed the point, to make him say yes."

413. Gauguin should butt out BVG 496, 6/12/1888. Vincent is disdainful of Gauguin's claims to business acumen, at least where it comes to selling art: "I'm very curious to know what Gauguin will do. He says that in the past he got people to buy Impressionists to the tune of 35 thousand [francs] at Durand-Ruel's, and that he hopes to do the same thing again for you." (JLB 623, 6/12/1888.) Vincent was also (or became) distrustful of Gauguin's motives: "I instinctively feel that Gauguin is a calculating person, who, seeing himself at the bottom of the social ladder, wishes to regain a position by means that will be honest, to be sure, but which will be very shrewd" (JLB 682, 9/18/1888; see Ch. 31, n. 409).

Context:
JLB 623, 6/12/1888: "If Gauguin would prefer to take the risk of throwing himself back into business at this point -- if he really has hopes of doing something in Paris -- for Heaven's sake let him go there."

414. "The most solid asset" BVG 496, 6/12/1888.

Context:
BVG 496, 6/12/1888: " it is so wretched when your health begins to bother you. I think myself that the most solid asset Gauguin has now is his painting, and the best business he could do -- his own pictures."
JLB 623, 6/12/1888: "But it's so bad, when you start having trouble with your health you can no longer risk sudden impulses, and I think Gauguin's most solid asset is now his painting, and the best business he could do, his own paintings."

415. "Jewish bankers" BVG 498, 6/15/1888. (See Ch. 31, n. 404.) For more on Vincent's stereotyped view of Jews, see Ch. 17, n. 221.

Context:
BVG 498, 6/15/1888: "But if Gauguin and his Jewish bankers came tomorrow and asked me for no more than 10 pictures for a society of dealers, and not a society of artists, on my word I do not know if I'd have confidence in it, though I would willingly give 50 to a society of artists."
JLB 625, 6/15/1888-6/16/1888: "But if tomorrow Gauguin and his banker Jews come and ask me for nothing but 10 paintings for a society of dealers and not a society of artists, well, I don't know if I'd trust them -- I who would be glad, on the other hand, to give 50 to a society of artists."

416. another, more grateful artist BVG 498, 6/15/1888. (See Ch. 31, n. 412.)

Context:
JLB 625, 6/15/1888-6/16/1888: "And I categorically withdraw from it, and the only question for me remains quite simply this: If I looked for a pal to work with, would I be doing the right thing, would this be more beneficial to my brother and me, would the pal lose or would he gain by it?"

417. "replying categorically" Gauguin, p. 47. 608 418. "Your letter brings" BVG 507, 6/29/1888: Vincent was so excited by the news that he wrote Theo four letters in four days and then six letters in ten days. "I think about Gauguin a lot, and would have plenty of ideas for paintings and for work in general," he wrote (JLB 638, 7/10/1888).

Context:
JLB 635, 7/1/1888: "… your letter brings me a big piece of news -- that Gauguin accepts the proposal. Indeed, the best thing would be for him to dash straight over here …"

419. he needed travel money BVG W5, 7/31/1888. Vincent wrote to Wil at the end of July: "We'd [i.e., Vincent and Gauguin would] live together for the sake of economy and for each other's company. If he or I sells something one of these days so that he can make the journey, then he'll come here. It's not impossible that something may yet intervene, but it's still really quite possible that it will happen." (JLB 653, 7/31/1888.) 420. more complaints of illness BVG 508, 7/5/1888: Vincent senses Gauguin's illness even without reports of it.

Context:
JLB 636, 7/5/1888: "I'd have liked to write to Gauguin again, because I fear he may be iller than he says -- his last letter in pencil looked so much that way."

421. more punishing silences BVG 513, 7/22/1888. Earlier, Vincent had written in similar frustration during similar silences: "Nothing from Gauguin" (JLB 634, 6/28/1888); and "Have you any news from Gauguin? I wrote to him again last week, to know how it was going with his health and his work"(JLB 644, 7/17/1888-7/20/1888).

Context:
JLB 645, 7/22/1888: "It seems really strange to me that at present you should have had no news from Gauguin either -- and I presume he's both ill and discouraged."

422. Against his own better judgment BVG 505, 7/8/1888. After his initial, half-hearted effort to match the seller Gauguin with the buyer Russell in March 1888 failed (see Ch. 31, n. 92), Vincent stepped up his sales pitch to Russell once the plan for the combination with Gauguin took shape in early summer: "I believe my brother has also another picture by Gauguin which is as I heard say very fine, two negro women talking. It is one of those he did at Martinique." (JLB 627, 6/17/1888.) Two weeks later, he had still not heard a reply from Russell (JLB 637, 7/8/1888 or 7/9/1888; JLB 636, 7/5/1888), who was busy building a house in Belle-Île (JLB 648, 7/24/1888 or 7/25/1888). The silence explains Vincent's reluctance to try again in late July. In addition to writing, Vincent plans to supplement his pitch to Russell with a visit to Russell's friend MacKnight in nearby Fontvieilles: "But I'll write this evening anyway, and that's just why I'll go and see his friends MacKnight and Boch, to be able to talk about them and have an opportunity to say something to him before he replies to me" (JLB 637, 7/8/1888 or 7/9/1888).

As it turns out, MacKnight and Boch had gone to Switzerland when Vincent went to see them (JLB 638, 7/10/1888; see Ch. 31, n. 457). Vincent did mail the drawings to Russell and offered to let him pick any one of the paintings illustrated for an elaborately choreographed exchange through Theo (ibid.). He made still more drawings in mid-July and wrote a letter to Russell asking "how it was going with his health and his work" (JLB 644, 7/17/1888-7/20/1888), but heard nothing until the end of the month when he received a less-than-enthusiastic response to his campaign: "[Russell's] not refusing to buy one [of Gauguin's paintings], but is making it understood that he wouldn't want poorer quality than ours. You see that this is in any case better than nothing at all. ... We shouldn't push this business and give up on R[ussell] for the time being, but consider the thing as an ongoing piece of business that will come off." (JLB 650, 7/29/1888.)

Context:
JLB 637, 7/8/1888 or 7/9/1888: "I'll write to Russell again, while at the same time thinking I'd do better to wait for his reply."

423. he pushed harder for Russell BVG 516, 7/31/1888. JLB 652, 7/31/1888: Vincent's strategy was to make another series of drawings (see Ch. 31, n. 422) based on his paintings and send it to Russell. He lays out his plan in great detail for Theo, obviously trying to convince him of its inevitable success: "I'm working hard for Russell. I thought I'd do a series of drawings after my painted studies for him; I have a conviction that he'll [Russell will] look favourably on them [his drawings], and that, I hope at least, will further prompt him to do a deal. ... If we were to push Russell, perhaps he'd purchase the Gauguin that you bought, and if there was no other way of coming to Gauguin's aid, what would have to be done? When I write to him at the same time as I send the drawings, naturally it will be to get him to make up his mind. I'll say to him, look, you like our painting so much, but I believe that we'll see even better by the artist; why don't you act like us, who have faith in the whole man just as he is, and who find everything he does good. I then want to add, of course it would be all the same to us to let you have the large painting, if necessary, but as Gauguin will still very often be in need of money, in his interests should we not keep it until his prices have tripled or quadrupled -- which will happen -- we believe? If after that Russell wishes to make a clear, firm offer, well. ... we could see... And in that case, Gauguin should say that he, even though he let you have it at that price as a friend, he himself absolutely does not wish for it to be given to another art lover at that price. Anyway -- let's finish the drawings; I have 8 of them and I'll do 12, and let's wait and see what he says." Vincent sent the twelve drawings in early August (JLB 654, 8/3/1888) and then waited with rising impatience for a month (JLB 658, 8/9/1888; JLB 662, 8/15/1888; JLB 671, 8/29/1888 or 8/30/1888) before finally receiving a negative answer. He is so crestfallen that he conveys the bad news to Theo in a self-conscious aside: "Russell replied, by the way -- negatively as far as buying a Gauguin is concerned" (JLB 679, 9/10/1888).

Context:
JLB 652, 7/31/1888: "I'm working hard for Russell. I thought I'd do a series of drawings after my painted studies for him; I have a conviction that he'll look favourably on them, and that, I hope at least, will further prompt him to do a deal." (Emphasis in original.)

424. sent his Montmajour drawings BVG 510, 7/15/1888. Vincent also expressed the wan hope that "Thomas could buy something from Gauguin if he knows the partnership we have in train" (JLB 640, 7/15/1888).

Context:
JLB 640, 7/15/1888: "I've sent you a roll of drawings. If you went to see Thomas with these, and added the (I believe there are 4 of them) other drawings in the same format, perhaps we'd pick up a few sous from père Thomas if you explain to him the rather exceptional reasons there are at this moment for our wanting to do a deal."

425. to organize an exhibition BVG 510, 7/15/1888. For more on the exhibition at the Du Chalet in Paris, see Ch. 29, n. 158. This passage serves as an illustration of Vincent's volatility at this time, as he waits anxiously for confirmation of Gauguin's coming. Less than a week earlier, he had written essentially giving up on commercial possibilities in Marseilles -- for himself, at least: "Now Marseille? I don't know, but that could well be nothing but an illusion. In any case, I've rather stopped speculating about it." (JLB 636, 7/5/1888.)

Context:
JLB 640, 7/15/1888: "For the 2nd exhibition at the showroom on boul. de Clichy [i.e., the Restaurant du Chalet], I have fewer regrets about the time and effort. Bernard having sold his first painting there, Anquetin having sold a study there, and I having made the exchange with Gauguin, we all got something. If Gauguin were willing we could do a Marseille exhibition all the same. But better not rely any more on the people of Marseille than on Paris."

426. pleaded with him to stay BVG 514, 7/25/1888. "The more completely you become a dealer," Vincent wrote, "the more you become an artist" (JLB 650, 7/29/1888). Vincent's way of finessing this amazing volte-face from the arguments he made to Theo from Drenthe is to argue that Theo is doing more for modern ("primitive") art as a dealer than he, Vincent, is doing as a painter: "Then remember that you do exactly the same work as these primitive painters, since you provide them with money and you sell their canvases for them, which enables them to produce others. If a painter ruins his character by working hard at painting, which makes him sterile for many things, for family life, &c. &c. If as a consequence he paints not only with paint but with self-denial and self-abnegation and a broken heart. Not only are you not paid for your own work either, but it costs you exactly the same as this effacement of personality, half deliberate, half accidental, costs a painter. This is to say that if you do painting indirectly, you're more productive than me, for example." (ibid.; emphasis in original.) In another letter a few weeks later, Vincent consoles his brother with this (slender) hope for the future: "as long as the Impressionists produce fine things, and find friends, there's always a chance and possibility of a more independent position for you later on. A pity that it can't exist right now." (BVG 521, 8/9/1888.) 427. offered to go back to work BVG 513, 7/22/1888. This comes two months after Vincent made a similar proposal, but for rhetorical purposes only: "And if you agree to these proposals, well and good -- but then ask those Goupils to take me on again at my previous salary and take me with you on these trips" (JLB 615, 5/28/1888). "These proposals" refers to requests from Theo's bosses at Boussod & Valadon for him to travel to America (New York) to develop more business for impressionist pictures (as Durand-Ruel had done). Vincent responded with an explosion of arguments against the move, concerned both about the effects of travel on his brother's fragile health, and being separated from him by an ocean. As in Drenthe, when the same possibility arose, Vincent urged Theo to quit Goupil instead: "I think you need to immerse yourself again even more, both in nature and among artists. And would prefer to see you independent of the Goupils and working on your own account with the Impressionists." (ibid.)

In his terror of Theo's abandonment, Vincent even offers to accompany Theo to America if he decides to go: "Would you like me to go to America with you? It would be only right that those gentlemen paid my fare. There are many things that wouldn't matter to me one way or the other, but not that -- that you didn't first build up your health properly." (ibid.) And he displays an astonishing, and not entirely credible, willingness to abandon his plans for the Yellow House: "Think carefully before you agree to everything the Goupils demand, and if that brought a change for me, really, now my health's improving I could work anywhere, and don't have an idée fixe about work. ... I'd rather give up my painting than see you wear yourself out to earn money. We need it of course, but have we reached the point where we have to go and look for it so far away?" (ibid.) The very next day, however, Vincent writes again begging his brother in the most pathetic terms not to leave: "Travelling wears you out, and most of all, it unsettles the brain more than can be good for you. In any case, I'd feel it was my fault, telling myself that it's my needs for money that are driving you to it. No -- it's not good." (JLB 617, 5/29/1888 or 5/30/1888.)

Context:
JLB 645, 7/22/1888: "If I was younger I'd certainly feel like suggesting to père Boussod to send us, you and me, to London, without any salary other than 200 francs credit a month, but half of the profit on Impressionist paintings, for which they could deduct this salary of 200."

428. returned some of the money BVG 510, 7/15/1888: Vincent attributes the rebate to the "debts" discovered at Bing's (see Ch. 31, n. 457), but such exigencies, although common in the past, had never before led him to this extreme solution. It may have had some influence on his behavior that the brothers' sister Wil was visiting Theo in Paris at the time and Vincent was always eager to appear generous (i.e., capable of generosity) in the eyes of other family members.

Context:
JLB 640, 7/15/1888: "I hadn't counted on a 100-franc note among the 50-franc ones this month, knowing that you're grappling with the Gauguin business and the arrival of our sisters. So I'll get by somehow this month."

429. "If Gauguin cannot pay" BVG 513, 7/22/1888. Vincent first raised the offer, with obvious reluctance, on June 21: "The most radical thing we could do would be for me to give up the south, and if that would get him out of trouble, go and join him in Brittany myself. And the desire I have to work in the south is naturally subordinate to the interests of people like him. All the same, we shouldn't change lightly. ... The more I calm myself here and the more I regain my strength, the more I feel that work is the most secure thing. I admit that if living in Brittany is much less expensive, if necessary I must sacrifice my plan to work here, and I'll do it willingly if it's to his benefit." (JLB 625, 6/15/1888-6/16/1888.) He referred to the offer again at the end of the same month as part of yet another offensive to convince Theo that he, Vincent, was fiscally responsible: "I really want to say just this, that I feel enthusiastic not only about painting in the south -- but just the same in the north too, feeling healthier than 6 months ago. So if it's safer to go to Brittany where one can board for so little -- from the point of view of outgoings I'm definitely prepared to go back to the north." (JLB 635, 7/1/1888.)

But only about a week later, he added this pragmatic caveat: "Of course -- it would be better in my opinion too if Gauguin came here -- for that reason of the coming winter" (JLB 637, 7/8/1888 or 7/9/1888). Vincent is still wrestling with his conflicted feelings on this subject in August. He writes with obvious resignation at the beginning of the month: "At times it nevertheless seems likely to me that I'll have to make the journey myself if Gauguin doesn't manage to sort out the mess he's in, if we want to put the plan into practice. And then so be it, I'm still among peasants anyway, it's the same." (JLB 657, 8/8/1888.) And then again only a few days later: "I think about Gauguin a lot, and I assure you that one way or another, whether it's he who comes here, or I who go to him, he and I will both like more or less the same subjects. I've no doubts about being able to work at Pont-Aven, and on the other hand, am convinced that he'll like this scenery here enormously." (JLB 658, 8/9/1888.) In the very next letter, however, after receiving Bernard's report on his visit to Gauguin in Pont-Aven which conspicuously omitted any reference to a trip either by Gauguin to Arles or Vincent to Pont-Aven, Vincent angrily withdraws his offer to travel north unless a demanding set of conditions is met: "I'm therefore quite resolved not to go to Pont-Aven, unless there too we were to find a house at the low end of prices (15 francs a month is the price of mine), and unless we were to set ourselves up in it so as to be able to sleep there" (JLB 664, 8/19/1888).

Context:
BVG 513, 7/22/1888: " If Gauguin cannot pay his debts nor his fare, if he can guarantee me a cheaper life in Brittany -- why shouldn't I go to him if we want to help him?"
JLB 645, 7/22/1888: " If G. can't pay his debt nor pay for his journey -- If he guarantees me a cheaper life in Brittany -- Why should I not, for my part, go and live with him, if we want to help him?"

430. "While waiting to be" Gauguin, pp. 213-219. 431. Vincent responded immediately Gauguin, pp. 213-219. 432. maneuvered to gain Gauguin, pp. 53-54: Here is one example that shows how Gauguin took every opportunity to leverage Theo's position: "A proposal en passant: the Goupil publishing house brought out a publication of drawings in the Louvre, which has not sold very well. Therefore ask M. Manzy on my behalf whether it would be possible for me to have them. I could give him something of mine in exchange." Rewald underscores the extent to which Gauguin approached his relationship with the Van Goghs as a business proposition, not a higher calling (as Vincent did, or claimed to), by comparing passages from letters Gauguin wrote to Theo and those he wrote to his friend Émile Schuffenecker around the same time (Rewald, p. 214). The letters to Theo are larded with false humility and gratitude: "I fear that your brother, who likes my talent, actually overestimates it. I am a man ready for sacrifices and I should like him to understand that I shall always approve of whatever he does." The letter to Schuffenecker shows Gauguin's more cynical and suspicious side: "You may be assured that, as much as Theo van Gogh likes me, he would not undertake to support me in the South for love of me alone. Like the cold Dutchman he is, he has studied the conditions and intends to push me as much as can be done, and exclusively." The commentary to Gauguin's letters identifies at least one instance where Gauguin may have outright deceived Theo in the effort to wring more money from him: in particular, he complained to Theo in June about needing to pay an old debt that had, apparently, already been paid off with a painting (Gauguin, pp. 41, 43, 45). 433. complaints about his isolation BVG B7, 6/18/1888.

Context:
JLB 628, 6/19/1888: "Gauguin's bored too in Pont-Aven; complains about isolation, like you."

434. "The band of boors" Gauguin, pp. 213-219. 435. "Monsieur Van Gog" Gauguin, p. 47. 436. "pestering creditors" Gauguin, pp. 49-51. 437. dangled promises Gauguin, p. 47. (See Ch. 31, n. 100.) Apparently on the assurance of quick re-sale, Gauguin wrote in mid-June: "The ownership of that one is in the balance at the moment and its fate hangs on a lady who ardently desires it and to whom I offered it for between 400 and 500 fr. She has not made her decision but that could happen any day now." On July 6, Gauguin wrote, further delaying this imminent purchase: "I received a letter from the lady who was to buy my negresses telling me she would not be able to buy until January" (ibid.). 438. "I am a man ready" Quoted in Rewald, p. 214. (See Ch. 31, n. 432.) 439. The mixed messages (See Ch. 31, n. 432.) 440. "intimidating" Gauguin, pp. 53-54: "I find your brother's letter very intimidating: with his customary good nature, he has a tendency to put himself in the background a little too much." The latter diplomatic courtesy appears to be Gauguin's way of striking a pose of humility in the face of Vincent's lavish praise. 609 441. Gauguin's subtle self-advancement See Ch. 31, n. 432. 442. he disavowed any expectations BVG 524, 8/14/1888. (See Ch. 31, n. 448.) An interesting question is whether, or to what extent, Vincent made the same expectation-lowering arguments against commercial success to Gauguin. A passage in an August letter suggests that he did: "I also told Gauguin that in my last letter. That if we painted like Bouguereau, that we could then hope to earn -- but that the public will never change and only likes soft and smooth things." (JLB 660, 8/13/1888.) Despite Theo's repeated assurances of financial support for Gauguin's coming, Vincent worried that the former banker's aspirations to financial restitution would carry him back to Paris instead of south to Arles ("But I believe that Gauguin will never give up the battle of Paris; he has that too much at heart, and believes in a lasting success more than I do. ... I realize already that Gauguin hopes for success -- he couldn't do without Paris." [ibid.]). What is indisputable is that Gauguin would have seen Vincent's invitation to "[live] more or less like monks or hermits, with work as our ruling passion, giving up well-being" as profoundly unattractive and unpersuasive (ibid.). The fact that he did eventually go to Arles suggests that Vincent did not make his arguments on behalf of failure as ardently and emphatically to Pont-Aven as he did to Paris: (See Ch. 31, n. 448).

Context:
JLB 660, 8/13/1888: "… for ourselves let's keep a total indifference regarding success or failure."

443. the perils of fame BVG 524, 8/14/1888. (See Ch. 31, n. 444 and n. 450.)

Context:
JLB 660, 8/13/1888: "It's so true what he says: You believe, unfortunate souls, that when the artist has mastered his talent and gained his reputation, that then he's home and dry? On the contrary, from that moment on he isn't allowed to produce a thing that isn't good in every way. His very reputation obliges him to take all the more care over his work as chances of sales diminish."

444. "treacherous public" BVG 524, 8/14/1888: Vincent approvingly quotes this dark vision of artistic success from Zola's L'oeuvre.

Context:
BVG 524, 8/14/1888: "At the least sign of weakness, the whole jealous pack will fall on him and destroy that very reputation and the faith that the changeable and treacherous public has temporarily had in him."
JLB 660, 8/13/1888: "At the least sign of weakness the whole jealous pack falls on him and destroys precisely that reputation and that faith that a fickle and treacherous public briefly had in him."

445. "austere talent" BVG 524, 8/14/1888.

Context:
BVG 524, 8/14/1888: "I already told Gauguin in my last letter that if we painted like Bouguereau we could hope to make money by it, but that the public will never change, and it likes only easy, pretty things. With a more austere talent, you cannot count on profit from your work; most of the people intelligent enough to like and understand impressionist pictures are and will remain too poor to buy them. Will Gauguin or I work the less for that? -- no -- but we shall be forced to submit deliberately to poverty and social isolation."
JLB 660, 8/13/1888: "I also told Gauguin that in my last letter. That if we painted like Bouguereau, that we could then hope to earn -- but that the public will never change and only likes soft and smooth things. With a more austere talent, you can't depend on the product of your labours; most of the people intelligent enough to understand and love Impressionist paintings are and will remain too poor to buy. Will Gauguin or I work less for that -- no -- but we'll be obliged to accept poverty and social isolation as a prior condition."

446. " eternal poverty" BVG 524, 8/14/1888; emphasis in original.

Context:
BVG 524, 8/14/1888: "I can already see that Gauguin is hoping for success, he cannot do without Paris, he does not realize the eternity of poverty."
JLB 660, 8/13/1888: "I realize already that Gauguin hopes for success -- he couldn't do without Paris, he doesn't foresee the infinity of poverty" (emphasis in original).

447. "social isolation" BVG 524, 8/14/1888.

Context:
BVG 524, 8/14/1888: "Will Gauguin or I work the less for that? – no -- but we shall be forced to submit deliberately to poverty and social isolation."
JLB 660, 8/13/1888: "Will Gauguin or I work less for that -- no -- but we'll be obliged to accept poverty and social isolation as a prior condition."

448. "siege of failure" BVG 524, 8/14/1888. In their elaborateness, disconnectedness, and ambivalence, Vincent's arguments here hark back to earlier periods of extremely high anxiety about the future, especially his stays in The Hague and Nuenen: "Well, Gauguin and I must look ahead, we must work at getting a roof over our heads, beds; the essentials, in short, to endure the siege by failure that will last the whole of our life. And we must settle down in the least expensive place. Then we'll have the peace of mind needed to produce a large amount, even if we sell little or nothing. But if expenses exceeded income, we'd be wrong to hope too much that everything would work out through the sale of our paintings. On the contrary, we'd be obliged to part with them at any price at the wrong time. I conclude. Living more or less like monks or hermits, with work as our ruling passion, giving up well-being.

"Gauguin will never give up the battle of Paris; he has that too much at heart, and believes in a lasting success more than I do. That won't do me any harm; on the contrary, perhaps I despair too much. So let's leave him this illusion, but let's be aware that what he'll always need is lodgings, and his daily bread, and paint. That's where the chink in his armour is, and it's because he's getting into debt now that he'll be done for beforehand. By coming to his aid, the two of us make his victory in Paris possible, in fact. ... I realize already that Gauguin hopes for success -- he couldn't do without Paris, he doesn't foresee the infinity of poverty. You understand how far in these circumstances it's absolutely one and the same to me to stay here or to leave. We have to allow him to fight his battle. He'll win it, what's more. Too far from Paris, he would think himself idle. But for ourselves let's keep a total indifference regarding success or failure." (JLB 660, 8/13/1888; emphasis in original.)

This all sounds suspiciously rhetorical. It is hard to believe that Vincent's ambitions for commercial success suffered such a sudden and complete collapse. Did he really give up the idea of selling paintings for good prices and accept the " infinity of poverty"? Why would Vincent strike this posture with Theo? Is he just trying to convince him that he, Vincent, is reformed in his ambitions and accepting of a life of penury? Does he expect Theo to believe that, as a monk, he will no longer place demands on Theo's purse or pressure him to sell Vincent's work? He understands that this will not be an attractive picture to Gauguin, so he goes on to characterize this picture as a kind of "insider understanding" with Theo: i.e., the brothers both understand that there is not much chance of success in this enterprise, but they won't talk to Gauguin that way. They'll let him keep his "illusions" of success -- and by doing so, paradoxically, they will improve his chances of success. (Note that the effect of this insider understanding is to prevent Theo from emphasizing to Gauguin the bleak picture that Vincent knows will discourage him from coming.)

This argument may be a convoluted attempt to reconcile two different agendas: Vincent knows that Gauguin is not attracted to his vision of two monks withstanding a "siege by failure" and the " infinity of poverty" but he also knows that Theo does not want to raise either Vincent's or Gauguin's hopes too high. So Vincent formulates this argument to give both Theo and Gauguin what they want: Gauguin gets to keep his delusions of grandeur and Theo is protected from the backlash of Vincent's dashed hopes.

Context:
BVG 524, 8/14/1888: "Well, Gauguin and I must look ahead, we must contrive to have a roof over our heads, beds, in short, the absolute necessities, to stand the siege of failure which will last all our lives and we must settle down in the cheapest place. Then we shall get the quiet which is necessary if we are to produce much, even if we sell little or nothing."
JLB 660, 8/13/1888: "Well, Gauguin and I must look ahead, we must work at getting a roof over our heads, beds; the essentials, in short, to endure the siege by failure that will last the whole of our life. And we must settle down in the least expensive place. Then we'll have the peace of mind needed to produce a large amount, even if we sell little or nothing." (Emphasis in original.)

449. he professed BVG 506, 7/9/1888. In a strange leap, Vincent implies that ambition (in particular, Gauguin's ambition) is connected with impotence: "According to the excellent master [Félix] Ziem, a man becomes ambitious the moment he can't get a hard-on. Now, while it's more or less the same to me whether or not I can get a hard-on, I protest when it must inevitably lead me to ambition" (JLB 638, 7/10/1888 or 7/10/1888; emphasis in original). Gastaut translates this passage differently: "According to master Ziem, man becomes ambitious at the moment he has no more erection, or if I don't care about having or not have an erection, I protest when this must inevitably lead me to ambition." (Gastaut, p. 226.) Gastaut sees in this passage evidence of the "progressive sexual inadequacy which characterised the last years of his life" (ibid.). Whether this is true, Gastaut's translation certainly makes Vincent's argument clearer: Theo can be sure that he (unlike Gauguin) has no ambitions because he is still having erections. Vincent probably made the same strange argument to Gauguin as a way of curbing the Frenchman's yearning to return to Paris to pursue commercial success ("I realize already that Gauguin hopes for success -- he couldn't do without Paris" [JLB 660, 8/13/1888]). These arguments change quickly when Vincent begins to confess that his own sexual desire is, in fact, waning.

Context:
JLB 638, 7/10/1888 or 7/10/1888: "According to the excellent master Ziem, a man becomes ambitious the moment he can't get a hard-on. Now, while it's more or less the same to me whether or not I can get a hard-on, I protest when it must inevitably lead me to ambition." (Emphasis in original.)

450. "I neither care" BVG 524, 8/14/1888: In his vehement disavowal, Vincent makes the unusual (for him) argument that success for the painters of the Petit Boulevard -- the cause he has been advocating for more than a year -- carries within it the seeds of its own corruption. To illustrate these newly-recognized dangers, Vincent uses a vivid image from Thomas Carlyle's On Heroes, Hero-Worship and the Heroic in History: "You know the fireflies in Brazil that are so luminous that in the evening ladies stick them into their hair with pins. It's very fine, fame, but see, it is to the artist what the hairpin is to those insects." (JLB 660, 8/13/1888.)

Context:
BVG 524, 8/14/1888: " But I neither care about success for myself nor about happiness; I do care about the permanence of this vigorous attempt by the impressionists, I do care about this question of shelter and daily bread for them."
JLB 660, 8/13/1888: "But I don't care about my success nor about my happiness, I care about the continuation of the energetic undertakings of the Impressionists, I care about this question of a refuge and of daily bread for them."

451. he might go to Paris Druick and Zegers, p. 113. This idea had been in the air since June when Vincent wrote disapprovingly: "Indeed, the best thing would be for him to dash straight over here instead of sorting out the mess he's in there; perhaps he'll get into another one if he comes to Paris first" (JLB 635, 7/1/1888). Druick and Zegers summarize Gauguin's ambivalence about going to Arles or Paris, appropriately emphasizing that his hesitations were caused by careful weighing of options rather than frequent changes of heart: "he nonetheless confided to Schuffenecker that he had almost said yes and was indeed thinking of going to Arles once his bills were settled, if only because it was necessary 'while working to retain [Theo] van Gogh's support in assuring a safe future.' That said, he planned to be in Paris at year's end to attend to his project. Gauguin was hedging his bets." (Druick and Zegers, p. 113.) 452. "Gauguin is hoping" BVG 524, 8/14/1888.

Context:
BVG 524, 8/14/1888: "I can already see that Gauguin is hoping for success, he cannot do without Paris, he does not realize the eternity of poverty."
JLB 660, 8/13/1888: "I realize already that Gauguin hopes for success -- he couldn't do without Paris, he doesn't foresee the infinity of poverty" (emphasis in original).

453. with Gauguin in Pont-Aven BVG 523+522a, 8/18/1888. (See Ch. 31, n. 252.)

Context:
JLB 664, 8/19/1888: "I've just received a letter from Bernard, who joined Gauguin, Laval and someone else at Pont-Aven several days ago. In this letter, which is very kind by the way, there isn't, however, a syllable about whether Gauguin intends joining me, nor another syllable, moreover, asking me to go there. All the same, the letter was very friendly."

454. "not one syllable" BVG 523+522a, 8/18/1888.

Context:
BVG 523+522a, 8/18/1888: "It was a very decent letter, but not one syllable in it about Gauguin intending to join me, and not a syllable either about wanting me to come there."
JLB 664, 8/19/1888: "In this letter, which is very kind by the way, there isn't, however, a syllable about whether Gauguin intends joining me, nor another syllable, moreover, asking me to go there."

455. rancor and depression BVG 514, 7/25/1888: This was just the latest installment in a series of alternating fits of optimism (when it appeared Gauguin would come to Arles), and gloom or feigned indifference (when it appeared that he wouldn't). In June: "If he and I stay here for a long time we'll make paintings that are more and more personal, precisely because we'll have studied things in this part of the world more deeply" (JLB 624, 6/12/1888 or 6/13/1888; emphasis in original) was followed by "And perhaps on the business with Gauguin, too. Let's take a look at that" (JLB 625, 6/15/1888-6/16/1888) and "I'm very curious to know what Gauguin will do, but to dare to urge him to come -- no -- because I'm no longer sure if that would sit well with him" (JLB 629, 6/21/1888; emphasis in original). In July: "I think about Gauguin a lot, and would have plenty of ideas for paintings and for work in general" (JLB 638, 7/10/1888) was followed two weeks later by " we don't need him. So, as far as working alone goes, don't believe that it bothers me, and don't press the matter for me, be fully assured of that" (JLB 650, 7/29/1888; emphasis in original).

Context:
JLB 650, 7/29/1888: "Remember that with Gauguin we should in no way change the idea of coming to his aid if the proposal is acceptable as it stands, but we don't need him. So, as far as working alone goes, don't believe that it bothers me, and don't press the matter for me, be fully assured of that." (Emphasis in original.)

456. continued silence from Russell See Ch. 31, n. 423. 457. perceived slights from MacKnight The American MacKnight, after a long and testy relationship (including the trip to Marseille from which Vincent was mysteriously disinvited [see Ch. 31, n. 72]), took his housemate Eugène Boch (whom Vincent liked) off to Switzerland without a word to Vincent, much less an invitation. As a result, Vincent made the long trip to MacKnight's studio in Fontvieilles in the summer sun only to discover it empty: "Yesterday I went to Fontvieille to pay a visit to Boch and MacKnight, but those gentlemen had left for a week for a short trip to Switzerland" (JLB 638, 7/10/1888). 458. more frustrations over models BVG W4, 6/22/1888: Vincent sent a wail of protest on this subject to his sister Wil at the end of June. He persuaded the Zouave to model for him soon thereafter, but complained that his experience with the soldier was both too short and unsuccessful (JLB 630, 6/23/1888). "The figures that I do are almost always detestable in my own eyes, and all the more so in others' eyes," he wrote, indicating that the Zouave, like everyone else, did not like the pictures Vincent made of him (JLB 632, 6/26/1888). Not until the end of July did Vincent report another model -- the postman [Joseph] Roulin -- and this was probably only because he had agreed to pay him over-generously (JLB 648, 7/24/1888 or 7/25/1888; JLB 652, 7/31/1888). ("The week will be pretty hard, having to pay the rent and having a model" [JLB 652, 7/31/1888; emphasis in original].) Vincent reveals the resulting money shortage to Theo early in August, but not the reason for it, no doubt fearing a scolding from his oft-burned brother: "I must now tell you something disagreeable again about money; it's that I won't manage this week" (JLB 656, 8/6/1888; emphasis in original).

About the same time, he began difficult negotiations to paint a portrait of the peasant Patience Escalier -- like Roulin, a far cry from his preferred female models (JLB 657, 8/8/1888). He goes to the local washing place and watches enviously the "figures of women as broad as Gauguin's negresses ... a good thirty of them, young and old," go about their work (ibid.). He contents himself with his old, male models but not without bitter complaints about lack of funds to buy betters models, replaying previous episodes in The Hague and Nuenen: "If I have models, then I suffer considerably as a result. ... if by chance you sometimes sent me a little more money, that would benefit the paintings, but not me." (JLB 663, 8/18/1888.) In another letter in August, it becomes clear that he continued to try to recruit female models, whatever the cost, and continued to fail: "I fear that I won't have a very fine female model. She had promised, then as it appears, she earned a few sous with some riotous living and has better things to do. She was extraordinary; her expression was like that of Delacroix. And a strange, primitive bearing. I take things with patience, for want of seeing other ways of enduring them, but it's annoying, this constant aggravation with models." (JLB 660, 8/13/1888; emphasis in original.)

He also reveals that it isn't just money that prevents models from posing, it is his unlikeable art: "If we painted smoothly like Bouguereau people wouldn't be ashamed to let themselves be painted, but I believe it's made me lose models, that people found that it was 'badly done,' it was only pictures full of painting that I was doing. So the good whores are afraid of being compromised, and that people will laugh at their portraits. But it's enough to make you almost lose heart when you feel that you could do things if people had more good will. I can't resign myself to saying, 'grapes are sour,' I can't get over the fact that I don't have more models." (ibid.; emphasis in original.)

Context:
JLB 626, 6/16/1888-6/20/1888: "I'm not angry with the human race because they think I'm this or that -- I freely admit in advance that they're absolutely right, but it saddens me that I don't have enough power to get what I want to pose for me, where I want and for as long or as short as I want."

459. another round of guilty spending In Arles, as in every other place Vincent established a studio, periods of uncontrollable spending were followed by waves of remorse and pledges of thrift, only to be followed by more spending. Vincent began July with another round: pleas of penury, pledges of better work, and promises of ultimate profit: "It's to my astonishment that I can already see the bottom of my wallet, ... You must clearly know that if I deduct food and lodging, all the rest of my money still runs away on canvases. In short, they turn out rather expensive, without counting the trouble they cause. However, I dare hope that one day the money we spend will come back in part." (JLB 636, 7/5/1888.) Only a few days later, he reports that he has run out of canvas, admitting that in moments of "excitement," "I let myself run to extravagances" (JLB 631, 6/25/1888). This, too, is part of a typical pattern of blaming his expenses on his work and assuring Theo that the harder he works, the more expenses he incurs, the better his work -- a syllogism he has been using since his earliest artistic days: "at this moment I have about thirty painted studies, I don't reckon them all at [200 francs]. All the same, there must be some out of all of them. But -- the costs of executing them make me very, very poor even so ... Whatever money you might have at your disposal for this purpose, well, I'd have the greatest possible need of it." (JLB 637, 7/8/1888 or 7/9/1888.)

At the end of every month, when Vincent had to pay the rent, cries of pain inevitably arrived in Paris: "The week will be pretty hard, having to pay the rent and having a model" (JLB 650, 7/29/1888; emphasis in original). Theo's reaction to Vincent's out-of-control expenditures appears to have been a combination of skepticism and pragmatism. Because Vincent repeatedly blamed his empty purse on the costs of paint and canvas, which he consumed in copious quantities, Theo recommended that Vincent not paint so fast, pointing out that producing so many works not only consumed more material, it made selling them harder. Vincent, of course, vigorously and elaborately rejects this argument: "Certainly neither [Louis Gustave] Ricards nor Leonardo da Vincis are less beautiful because there are few of them -- on the other hand, Monticellis, Daumiers, Corots, Daubignys and Millets aren't ugly because in many cases they were done at great speed and there are relatively many of them. As for landscapes, I'm beginning to find that some, done more quickly than ever, are among the best things I do." (JLB 635, 7/1/1888.)

At the same time, Vincent mounts a somewhat contrary defense that a tremendous number of "complicated calculations" go into his hasty images (ibid.; see Chapter 31). For this argument, Vincent recruited such disparate figures as Monticelli ("the logical colourist"), Delacroix, and the composer Richard Wagner (ibid.). (Vincent was reading a biography of Wagner around this time [JLB 621, 6/5/1888 or 6/6/1888].) Rather snidely, Vincent tells Theo that if anyone suggests one of his paintings was done too quickly, "you'll be able to reply that they looked at them too quickly" -- a riposte that could not have been reassuring to his dealer brother (JLB 635, 7/1/1888). Soon thereafter, however, in July, Vincent appears to take Theo's cautions to heart and switches to working more with paper and pen. He tells Theo that he does so in order to have "colours and canvas in reserve for the time when Gauguin comes," but he also seems to admit that his speed of execution produces a lot of mistakes, and therefore wastes paint and canvas: "I believe that at this moment I'm doing the right thing by working chiefly on drawings, ... I very much wish we could rein ourselves in as little with paint as with pen and paper. Because I'm afraid of wasting paint, I often spoil a painted study. With paper -- if it's not a letter I'm writing but a drawing I'm doing -- it hardly ever goes wrong: so many sheets of Whatman [paper], so many drawings. I think if I were rich I'd spend less than now." (JLB 638, 7/10/1888.)

In another place, he blames the Mistral for his high rate of "going wrong" (and consequent expense of materials) (JLB 639, 7/13/1888). In still another argument, which also harks back to previous campaigns of justification for his art and his expenses, Vincent insists that quantity is the surest route to quality: "You'll see that when there's a large number of them [studies], and we make a choice among them, it will come to the same thing as if I'd studied them more and worked on them longer. Because to do a subject over and over again on the same canvas or on several canvases comes, in short, to the same degree of seriousness." (JLB 648, 7/24/1888 or 7/25/1888.)

460. old debts in Paris In early July, Theo writes Vincent about a "debt" at Siegfried Bing's, the emporium of Asian art that Vincent frequented in Paris (JLB 637, 7/8/1888 or 7/9/1888).  In the same letter, Theo reveals another debt that Vincent left at the paint store of Père Tanguy. Suffice it to say here that Vincent strains to talk his way out of both obligations. When Theo still insists on settling the bill, Vincent returns 50 francs from one of Theo's payments toward that end, while still defending his dealings at Bing's on account of its relationship to the newly celebrated Japanism of avant-garde art and the popularity of Loti's Madame Chrysanthemum (JLB 640, 7/15/1888). "All my work is based to some extent on Japanese art, and if I've said nothing about this to Bing it's because I think that after my journey in the south I'll be able to take the subject up again perhaps more seriously. Japanese art, in decline in its own country, is taking new roots among French Impressionist artists. It's this practical side for artists that necessarily interests me — more than the trade in japonaiseries. However, this trade is all the more interesting because of the direction that French art is tending to take." (ibid.)

"So Japanese art, properly speaking, already with its place in collections, already impossible to find in Japan itself, is becoming of secondary interest. But this doesn't mean that if I had a single day in which I could see Paris again I wouldn't call at Bing's precisely to go and see the Hokusais and other drawings from the true period. What Bing himself, by the way, also said to me when I so much admired the run-of-the-mill Japanese prints, that later I'd see that there's also something else. Loti's book, Mme Chrysanthème, taught me this: the apartments are bare, without decorations or ornaments. And it was that that awakened my curiosity about the excessively synthetic drawings of another period. Which are probably to our Japanese prints what a sober Millet is to a Monticelli." (JLB 642, 7/15/1888.) Vincent responds with horror to Theo's plan to close the account with Bing: " But to break off our relations with Bing -- oh no, never that. Japanese art is something like the primitives, like the Greeks, like our old Dutchmen, Rembrandt, [Paulus] Potter, Hals, Vermeer, [Van] Ostade, Ruisdael. It doesn't end." (ibid.; emphasis in original.) These passages say as much about Vincent's defensiveness over his financial errancy in Paris as they do about his art.

461. reading of L'année terrible BVG 511, 7/15/1888.

Context:
JLB 642, 7/15/1888: "I've just read Victor Hugo's L'année terrible."

462. the blazing summer sun BVG 509, 7/13/1888. Vincent recognized that work was a distraction from his worries and a panacea for his loneliness: "If I'm alone, my word, I can't do anything about that -- then I have less need for company than for frantic work, and that's why I'm boldly ordering canvas and paints. And so I only feel life when I'm working at full stretch." (JLB 631, 6/25/1888.)

Context:
JLB 639, 7/13/1888: "… not everyone would have the patience to let themselves be eaten up by the mosquitoes, and to struggle against this infuriating nuisance of the constant mistral, not to mention that I've spent whole days out of doors with a bit of bread and some milk, it being too far to be going back to town all the time."

463. sometimes laced with rum Weiller, pp. 108-109. Vincent's friend Lieutenant Milliet reports that, in addition to drinking absinthe (see Ch. 31, n. 465), Vincent spiked his coffee with "a large dose of rum." Also, Signac (Paul Signac, 1863-1935; French artist), who visited Vincent in Arles in 1889, recalled him throwing back brandies -- Vincent's drink of choice in Nuenen. 464. dreamy evenings BVG 520, 8/11/1888. Vincent reports this state in his account of his health in August: "I'm as well now as other men," he reports somewhat equivocally (JLB 663, 8/18/1888). "By 'other men' I mean a bit like the road-menders on strike, père Tanguy, père Millet, the peasants. If you're well, you should be able to live on a piece of bread, while working the whole day long, and still having the strength to smoke and to drink your glass; you need that in these conditions. And still to feel the stars and the infinite, clearly, up there. Then life is almost magical, after all." (ibid.; emphasis added.) For Vincent's use of absinthe to induce this dreamy state, see Ch. 31, n. 465.

Context:
JLB 663, 8/18/1888: "Yes, I'm as well now as other men, which I have only been briefly -- in Nuenen, for example -- and that's not disagreeable. By 'other men' I mean a bit like the road-menders on strike, père Tanguy, père Millet, the peasants. If you're well, you should be able to live on a piece of bread, while working the whole day long, and still having the strength to smoke and to drink your glass; you need that in these conditions. And still to feel the stars and the infinite, clearly, up there. Then life is almost magical, after all." (Emphasis in original.)

465. of absinthe Vincent does not specifically mention absinthe consumption at this time (he wouldn't have), but his taste for the green fairy is well established (see Ch. 29, n. 326), and he does hint at it: "the only thing that comforts and distracts -- in my case -- as in others, is to stun oneself by taking a stiff drink or smoking very heavily" (JLB 635, 7/1/1888). He also stoutly defends the practice in general terms for artists: "Monticelli the logical colourist, able to carry out the most ramified and subdivided calculations on the ranges of tones that he balanced, certainly overtaxed his brain doing that work, as did Delacroix and Richard Wagner. But if he did perhaps drink, it was only because -- Jongkind too -- being physically stronger than Delacroix and suffering more physically (Delacroix was richer), it was, then -- I, for one, would be well inclined to believe -- because if they hadn't done it -- their rebellious nerves would have played other tricks on them. And Jules and Edmond de Goncourt say this, word for word -- 'we took very strong tobacco to stupefy ourselves' in the furnace of creation." (ibid.) A few letters later, he addresses his own consumption with a joke: " As far as drinking too much goes... I don't know if it's bad" (JLB 650, 7/29/1888). 466. even more popular in Arles Lanier, p. 92. 467. "If I thought about" JLB 645, 7/22/1888.

Context:
BVG 513, 7/22/1888: " If I were to think of and dwell on disastrous possibilities, I could do nothing. I throw myself headlong into my work, and come up again with my studies; if the storm within gets too loud, I take a glass too much to stun myself."
JLB 645, 7/22/1888: " If I thought about, if I dwelled on the disastrous possibilities, I could do nothing -- I throw myself into work with abandon, I re-emerge from it with my studies; if the storm within roars too loudly, I drink a glass too many to stun myself."

468. usual exertion and starvation BVG 509, 7/13/1888. (See Ch. 31, n. 462.) In late July, he wrote Wil again: "Here I am afflicted now and then with an inability to eat" (JLB 653, 7/31/1888). His diet had not improved by August -- "I lived for 3 weeks of the month on ship's biscuits with milk, eggs" -- although he pretends that this diet signals healthy digestion (JLB 663, 8/18/1888).

Context:
JLB 639, 7/13/1888: "And not everyone would have the patience to let themselves be eaten up by the mosquitoes, and to struggle against this infuriating nuisance of the constant mistral, not to mention that I've spent whole days out of doors with a bit of bread and some milk, it being too far to be going back to town all the time."

469. He cut off his beard BVG W4, 6/22/1888. Vincent wrote his sister Wil in late June: "I look different nowadays, in so far as I no longer have either hair or beard, both being always shaved off close" (JLB 626, 6/16/1888-6/20/1888). He told Theo the same thing (interestingly) a month later (JLB 650, 7/29/1888). This abrupt change in tonsuring is sometimes attributed to Vincent's Japanomania: in particular, his desire to emulate the Buddhist monks that he read about (and saw illustrations of) in Loti's Madame Chrysanthemum. Vincent did depict himself as an almost-bald (but not clean-shaven) "bonze" in a self-portrait from September 1888 (Self-Portrait [Dedicated to Paul Gauguin] [F 476 JH 1581]), but the painting was executed almost three months after Vincent's initial report to his sister. Almost surely, the hot weather played some part in Vincent's decision to shave, but he had suffered hot summers before and had often had his hair and/or his beard cut short. The decision to shave himself completely, employing a razor on the sides and top of his head (instead of, presumably, a barber's clippers), clearly signifies more than a seasonal convenience. Maintaining complete baldness would have been a time-consuming, care-taking chore.

Context:
JLB 626, 6/16/1888-6/20/1888: "I look different nowadays, in so far as I no longer have either hair or beard, both being always shaved off close; further, my complexion has changed from green-grey pink to grey-orange, and I have a white suit instead of a blue one, and am always dusty, always more laden like a porcupine with sticks, easel, canvas, and other merchandise."

470. upended his stomach Weiller, p. 110: According to his friend Milliet, Vincent "would complain from time to time about his stomach." 471. "It has cost me a carcass" BVG 513, 7/22/1888: We have combined elements from both translations. It is not certain that this is unguarded honesty or forced resignation; one masquerading as the other; or both. He repeats the same sentiment later in the letter, referring to himself as "washed up ... and driven crazy by this bloody painting" and "broken as I am" (JLB 645, 7/22/1888).

Context:
BVG 513, 7/22/1888: "All it has cost me is a carcass pretty well destroyed and wits pretty well crazed, and only to lead the same life I might lead if I were a philanthropist."
JLB 645, 7/22/1888: " It's only cost me my broken-down carcass -- my mind pretty well cracked as far as living as I could and should goes -- living like a philanthropist."

610 472. "hotheaded" Erpel, p. 47. 473. "when he was mad" Weiller, p. 110. 474. "exaggerated sensitivity" Weiller, p. 110. 475. "sometimes reacting like" Erpel, p. 47: Milliet seems to have seen everything through the prism of sex, including art. His odd objections to the way Vincent painted (as opposed to the way he drew) is indicative: "He painted too broadly, he gave no attention to details, he never sketched out his design. ... And then what color ... excessive, abnormal, inadmissible. Tones too hot, too violent, not restrained enough. You see, my friend, the painter has to make a painting with love, not, with passion. A painting has to be "cuddled"; Van Gogh, he, he raped it." 476. wage furious battles In the course of July and the first half of August, Vincent repeats, usually in even more imperative terms, many of the arguments he has already made on behalf of the Yellow House and the combination with Gauguin: the financial savings from combining expenses (JLB 631, 6/25/1888); his support for the larger Impressionist enterprise (JLB 660, 8/13/1888); his abdication of temporal ambitions (ibid.); the ultimate profitability of the proposed joint venture (JLB 664, 8/19/1888); and its practicality (ibid.). Also see Ch. 31, n. 459 for Vincent's vigorous, and sometimes contradictory, arguments against Theo's complaints about the hastiness and "wild look" of his paintings (JLB 644, 7/17/1888-7/20/1888). 477. "All that one hopes for" BVG W4, 6/22/1888: Not surprisingly, Vincent first reveals this streak of despair to his sister Wil in June, presumably trying to put the bravest face forward to Theo as he pushed for support for Gauguin's coming. By mid-August, however, the same sentiment surfaces irrepressibly in a letter to his brother: "if when you're younger you're able to believe that you can meet your needs through diligent work, it becomes more and more doubtful now" (JLB 660, 8/13/1888).

Context:
JLB 626, 6/16/1888-6/20/1888: "Everything one hopes for in terms of independence through one's work, of influence on others, absolutely nothing comes of it."

478. "15,000 francs" BVG 513, 7/22/1888.

Context:
BVG 513, 7/22/1888: "All it has cost you is, say, 15,000 francs, which you have advanced to me."
JLB 645, 7/22/1888: "It's only cost you, let's say, around fifteen thousand francs that you've advanced me."

479. joked blackly BVG 502, 6/23/1888.

Context:
JLB 630, 6/23/1888: "It quite often makes me feel sad that painting's like a bad mistress one might have, who's always spending, spending and it's never enough, and to say to myself that even if there happens to be a passable study from time to time, it would be much less expensive to buy them from others."

480. "an ungrateful planet" BVG B8, 6/23/1888. (See Ch. 31, n. 481.)

Context:
BVG B8, 6/23/1888: "Yet our own life is a modest one indeed, our life as painters, languishing under the back-breaking yoke of the problems of a calling that is almost too hard to practise on this ungrateful planet, where 'love of art drives out true love.'"
JLB 632, 6/26/1888: "Nevertheless -- our own real life -- is humble indeed -- our life as painters. Stagnating under the stupefying yoke of the difficulties of a craft almost impossible to practise on this so hostile planet, on the surface of which 'love of art makes one lose real love.'"

481. "the worm-eaten official" BVG 514, 7/25/1888. As often in the past, Vincent conflates his general complaint on behalf of all avant-garde artists and his very personal complaint about the treatment he himself has received in society. The bitter tone of this comment was probably informed by his reading around this time of Daudet's L'immortel, a "work of spleen" attacking the French Academy specifically and cultural officialdom in general (Sund, pp. 167-168). "I find [L'immortel] very beautiful, but not particularly heartening. I think I shall have to read a book on elephant hunting, or of absolute lies about adventures which are categorically impossible ... to get rid of the heartbreak that [it] is going to leave me with. It is exactly because it is so beautiful and so true that it makes you feel the emptiness of the civilized world." (Sund's translation of JLB 672, 9/1/1888, pp. 167-168.)

Context:
BVG 514, 7/25/1888: "Considering, if you like, the time in which we live a great and true renaissance of art, the worm-eaten official tradition still alive but really impotent and inactive, the new painters isolated, poor, treated like madmen, and because of this treatment actually becoming so, at least as far as their social life is concerned."
JLB 650, 7/29/1888: "Considering, if you will, the times in which we live as a true and great revival of art, the moth-eaten and official tradition, which is still on its feet, but which is at bottom powerless and bone-idle, the new painters, alone, poor, treated like madmen and as a result of this treatment becoming so in fact, at least as far as their social life is concerned."

482. "isolated, poor" BVG 514, 7/25/1888. (See Ch. 31, n. 481.)

Context:
BVG 514, 7/25/1888: "Considering, if you like, the time in which we live a great and true renaissance of art, the worm-eaten official tradition still alive but really impotent and inactive, the new painters isolated, poor, treated like madmen, and because of this treatment actually becoming so, at least as far as their social life is concerned."
JLB 650, 7/29/1888: "Considering, if you will, the times in which we live as a true and great revival of art, the moth-eaten and official tradition, which is still on its feet, but which is at bottom powerless and bone-idle, the new painters, alone, poor, treated like madmen and as a result of this treatment becoming so in fact, at least as far as their social life is concerned."

483. he tacked up thirty BVG 513, 7/22/1888.

Context:
JLB 645, 7/22/1888: "I've just taken thirty or so painted studies off their stretching frames."

484. an exhibition of his own work BVG 515, 7/26/1888. According to Pickvance: "In mid-July, Van Gogh arranged a one-man show of the work he had produced since 10 May -- that is, since he sent his first batch of paintings to Theo. This two-month retrospective occurred when he took some thirty canvases from their stretchers and nailed them to his studio walls to speed up their drying." (Pickvance, p. 124.)

Context:
JLB 648, 7/24/1888 or 7/25/1888: "At the moment I have something like an exhibition at my place, in the sense that I've taken all the studies off the stretching frames and have nailed them to the wall to finish drying."

485. "We have gone too far" BVG 513, 7/22/1888.

Context:
BVG 513, 7/22/1888: "If I reminded you just now of what painting costs us, it is only to emphasize what we ought to tell ourselves -- that we have gone too far to turn back, that's all I harp on."
JLB 645, 7/22/1888: "If I was reminding you just now what painting costs us, it was only to emphasize what it is that we have to say to ourselves, that we've gone too far to turn back -- and for the rest, I don't put the emphasis on anything."

486. "[I] swear to you" BVG 513, 7/22/1888.

Context:
BVG 513, 7/22/1888: "That is why I almost dare to swear to you that my painting will improve. Because I have nothing left but that."
JLB 645, 7/22/1888: "And that's why I dare almost give you an assurance that my painting will become better. Because that's all I have left."

487. In bleaker moodsVincent grew so depressed that color drained out of his vision of the Midi. In his descriptions from early August, the overwhelming impression is gray, gray, gray (JLB 656, 8/6/1888). (See Ch. 31, n. 112.) 488. "[Perhaps] the hope" BVG 502, 6/23/1888.

Context:
BVG 502, 6/23/1888: "The other thing, the hope of doing better, is rather a fata morgana too. But there is no quick remedy for all this, unless sometime or another you can join hands with a good worker, and produce more together."
JLB 630, 6/23/1888: "The rest, the hope of doing better, is also a bit of a fata Morgana. Well, there's not much remedy for all that, unless some day or other one could enter into an association with a good worker and produce more together."

489. "I do not feel" BVG 523+522a, 8/18/1888.

Context:
BVG 523+522a, 8/18/1888: "Under the present conditions, though I am spending money, I haven't even what is necessary, and I do not feel I have strength enough left to go on like this for long. If Gauguin can find the same opportunity at Pont-Aven, it's all right; but I'll tell you this, once here and this expense over, the work would be done. The sun here counts for a good deal. As it is, I am going to pieces and killing myself."
JLB 664, 8/19/1888: "Under the present circumstances, even while spending, I don't have what's barely essential, and I no longer feel in myself the strength to go on very long like that. If Gauguin can find the same opportunity at Pont-Aven, that's fine, but I tell you the costs here, for which, once this expenditure has been made, plenty of hard work will have been done. The sun down here means a good deal, all the same. As things are, I'm ruining myself and I'm wearing myself out."

490. "You will see that" BVG W4, 6/22/1888: We have altered the translation slightly. There can be no doubt what dark place the ellipsis, which is Vincent's, avoids. Only a few sentences later, he blurts it out: "I'm still in exactly the same junk heap as ever." In a letter to Theo from around the same time, the formulation of this self-accusation takes almost exactly the same form as it did in the Borinage: "… on days when you come home empty-handed and you eat and spend money all the same, you don't feel content with yourself, and you feel like a madman, a scoundrel or an old fool" (JLB 625, 6/15/1888-6/16/1888).

Context:
BVG W4, 6/22/1888: " You see what I have found -- my work; and you see too what I have not found -- all the rest that belongs to life. And the future? Either I shall become wholly indifferent to all that does not belong to the work of painting, or ... I dare not expatiate on the theme, seeing that this becoming exclusively a painting machine, unfit for and uninterested in anything else, may be so much better or worse than the average."
JLB 626, 6/16/1888-6/20/1888: " You see what I've found, my work, and you also see what I haven't found, everything else that's part of life. And the future? Either become wholly abstracted from whatever isn't the work or ... I dare not elaborate on that 'or' because becoming nothing but a work machine, unfit for and indifferent to all the rest, could be either better or worse than that average"

491. will could prevent BVG W4, 6/22/1888: Vincent admits as much to Wil.

Context:
JLB 626, 6/16/1888-6/20/1888: "I daren't give way to my desire to write to you often or to encourage this on your part. All this correspondence doesn't always help to keep us, who are of a nervous disposition, strong in cases of possible immersions in melancholy of the kind you refer to in your letter and which I myself have too every now and then."

492. "mad" BVG 514, 7/25/1888. (See Ch. 31, n. 497.)

Context:
BVG 514, 7/25/1888: "Considering, if you like, the time in which we live a great and true renaissance of art, the worm-eaten official tradition still alive but really impotent and inactive, the new painters isolated, poor, treated like madmen, and because of this treatment actually becoming so, at least as far as their social life is concerned."
JLB 650, 7/29/1888: "Considering, if you will, the times in which we live as a true and great revival of art, the moth-eaten and official tradition, which is still on its feet, but which is at bottom powerless and bone-idle, the new painters, alone, poor, treated like madmen and as a result of this treatment becoming so in fact, at least as far as their social life is concerned."

493. "cracked" BVG 513, 7/22/1888. After describing his habit of medicating himself with drink, Vincent comments: "It's being crazy, compared with what one ought to be" (JLB 645, 7/22/1888; emphasis in original). The confessional nature of this elliptical construction is illuminated a few lines later when Vincent adds: "Have you read in De Goncourt that Jules Dupré also gave them the impression that he was crazy?" This is the opening wedge in a long campaign to justify the storm in his head by identifying himself with other "mad" -- but successful -- artists. An extension of the same metaphor is Vincent's reference to himself as a "broken pitcher": "Just as I very much hope to be in the same case. ... The more I become dissipated, ill, a broken pitcher, the more I too become a creative artist in that great revival of art of which we're speaking." (JLB 650, 7/29/1888.)

This image, like the Émile Wauters painting of the "mad painter" Hugo Van der Goes, has roots in Vincent's imagination that go back to his earliest intimations of insanity. In 1877, driving himself to become a parson, he expatiated on an Old Testament passage foretelling the Apocalypse: "[When]ever the silver bowl be loosed, or the wheel broken at the cistern. Then shall the dust return to the earth as it was: and the spirit shall turn unto God Who gave it." (JLB 131, 9/18/1877.) Around the same time, Vincent's father gave a sermon on the same biblical passage (Ecclesiastes, 11:9) (b2561 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 10/6/1877).

Context:
BVG 513, 7/22/1888: " Cracked, of course; when you look at what one ought to be."
JLB 645, 7/22/1888: "It's being crazy, compared with what one ought to be" (emphasis in original).

494. "crazy" BVG 513, 7/22/1888.

Context:
BVG 513, 7/22/1888: "My dear brother, if I were not broke and crazy with this blasted painting, what a dealer I'd make just for the impressionists."
JLB 645, 7/22/1888: "My dear brother, if I wasn't all washed up, and driven crazy by this bloody painting, what a dealer I'd still make, with the Impressionists."

495. in self-conscious jest BVG 513, 7/22/1888. (See Ch. 31, n. 494.) Also, with Bernard, Vincent tries lightheartedly to draw all the Petit Boulevard painters into his fear for his own sanity: "Ah, my dear pals, we crazy ones, let's anyway enjoy with our eyes, shall we?" (JLB 665, 8/21/1888).

Context:
JLB 645, 7/22/1888: "My dear brother, if I wasn't all washed up, and driven crazy by this bloody painting, what a dealer I'd still make, with the Impressionists, I mean."

496. in deadly earnest BVG 521, 8/9/1888.

Context:
JLB 658, 8/9/1888: "Each of us living alone, we live like madmen or criminals, in appearance at least, and to some extent in reality, too."

497. "actually becoming so" BVG 514, 7/25/1888. In another letter less than a month later, Vincent hints that this self-fulfilling prophecy (i.e., if the townspeople treated him as a madman, he might become one) may have already had some effect on him: "Each of us living alone, we live like madmen or criminals, in appearance at least, and to some extent in reality, too" (JLB 658, 8/9/1888).

Context:
BVG 514, 7/25/1888: "Considering, if you like, the time in which we live a great and true renaissance of art, the worm-eaten official tradition still alive but really impotent and inactive, the new painters isolated, poor, treated like madmen, and because of this treatment actually becoming so, at least as far as their social life is concerned."
JLB 650, 7/29/1888: "Considering, if you will, the times in which we live as a true and great revival of art, the moth-eaten and official tradition, which is still on its feet, but which is at bottom powerless and bone-idle, the new painters, alone, poor, treated like madmen and as a result of this treatment becoming so in fact, at least as far as their social life is concerned."

498. Hugo van der Goes BVG 514, 7/25/1888. Vincent tries half-heartedly to turn the worrisome comparison into humor by adding: "And I'm not unhappy to be somewhere between the two" (JLB 650, 7/29/1888). For more on Wauters's depiction of the medieval artist Van der Goes, see Ch. 19, n. 339 and n. 340. Also, Arnold, pp. 85-87.

Context:
JLB 650, 7/29/1888: "Not just my paintings, but I myself most of all, I had recently become wild-eyed, a bit like Hugo van der Goes in the painting by Émile Wauters. But having had all my beard carefully shaved off, I believe that I have as much of the very placid abbot in the same painting as of the mad painter so intelligently depicted in it."

499. "mad painter" BVG 514, 7/25/1888. (See Ch. 31, n. 498.)

Context:
BVG 514, 7/25/1888: "Only, having got my whole beard carefully shaved off I think that I am as much like the very placid priest in the same picture as like the mad painter so intelligently portrayed therein."
JLB 650, 7/29/1888: "But having had all my beard carefully shaved off, I believe that I have as much of the very placid abbot in the same painting as of the mad painter so intelligently depicted in it."

500. haunted Vincent's imagination BVG 010, 7/20/1873. While still an apprentice at Goupil (in London in 1873), Vincent wrote his brother: "Be sure, when you get the chance, to write and tell me whether there are photographs after Wauters, besides Hugo van der Goes" (JLB 11, 7/20/1873).

Context:
JLB 11, 7/20/1873: "Be sure, when you get the chance, to write and tell me whether there are photographs after Wauters, besides Hugo van der Goes and Mary of Burgundy, and whether you also know photographs of paintings by [Victor] Lagye and [Ferdinand] De Braekeleer."

501. when word arrived BVG 516, 7/31/1888: Vincent heard the news in a letter from his sister Wil on July 31, three days after Uncle Cent's death on July 28, 1888. Apparently, Theo did not have time to write before he hurriedly left Paris for Prinsenhage, where the funeral was held on the same day Vincent received the news. Interestingly, Vincent's mother did not write him; nor, apparently, did he write her. ("How's Ma doing at present? I often think about you both, and I wish you the best from the bottom of my heart." [JLB 653, 7/31/1888.])

Context:
JLB 652, 7/31/1888: "So at last our uncle's no longer suffering -- I received the news from our sister this morning. It seems that they're more or less expecting you for the funeral, and perhaps you'll be there now, in fact. How short life is, and how like smoke. Which isn't a reason to despise the living -- on the contrary."

502. had finally succumbed Van Gogh, Maria Johanna, pp. 13-14: According to the day-by-day account posted in the family chronicle by Aunt Mietje, Cent van Gogh died on Saturday, July 28, 1888. He had been extremely sick since the middle of July when she was summoned to Mertersem, Cent's house in Prinsinhage, by a telegram informing her that "things had gotten much worse; the stomach had refused to function lately, ever more morphine was supplied." Her entry on the July 14 reads: "We all believe that the end is near, the patient himself does too and says goodbye and yet -- at 12 o'clock he regains consciousness. Delay, so alas prolonged suffering. It lasts for another 14 days." Those gathered for the death-vigil at Mertersem included Vincent's Uncle Cor (C.M.), the Reverend Paulus Stricker, and H.G. Tersteeg (ibid.). Mietje recounts the conclusion: "On Saturday, 10 to 11 o'clock, one continued to help him and the dying began, all gathered until half past two. Dorothee [another sister] supported him until the wife took over and it was done, that long suffering over, the rest begun." The funeral was held on July 31, with Theo in attendance (ibid.). According to Mietje, the service had "many good things [and] a lot of emotion." 503. outlasting all but one Only Cor (C.M.) survived. Hein, the Brussels bookseller, had died in 1877; Jan, the admiral, in 1885, the same year as Vincent's father, Dorus. Cor, the youngest, did not die until 1908. 504. decades of ill health b2257 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 10/2/1884: As early as 1884, the family considered Cent's death imminent. Dorus wrote Theo in October that year: "Uncle Cent was not too well and does not have much pleasure anymore. He is always tired and short of breath and weak and depressed and only seldom does his old cheerfulness show." 505. Although alerted in advance BVG 512, 7/19/1888: In mid-July, Vincent had written Theo, obviously in response to a report from Theo on their uncle's worsening condition in Prinsenhage. At this point, Vincent sounds sympathetic, closing his discussion of Cent's impending death on a touching, nostalgic note: "I quite often think of Holland, and with the double separation of distance and time that has passed, these memories have something heartbreaking about them" (ibid.).

After his uncle's death at the end of July, however, Vincent's tone changes radically. In his letter of condolence to Wil (intended, undoubtedly, to be read by his mother and sister Lies, as well) he uses the language of consolation to express his resentment against his rich uncle for years of estrangement: "The impression [of his death] on me is very strange because of course I picture the man from memories of so long ago, of much earlier times, and it seems to me so peculiar that someone one has known at such close quarters has become such a stranger" (JLB 653, 7/31/1888). And he musters no warmer an appreciation than this: "it's certain that I feel about it very much as you do" (ibid.). To Theo, he irreverently compares Cent's death to being kicked out of a brothel (JLB 656, 8/6/1888) and coldly summarizes his reaction by citing the most unsentimental of all writers, Voltaire: "The best way of dying otherwise is to esteem the illustrious departed just as he is, as being the best man in the best of possible worlds, where everything is always for the best" (ibid.). The change in attitude (and/or posture) may be an artifact of his growing despair over the setbacks in his quest to bring Gauguin to Arles.

Context:
JLB 644, 7/17/1888-7/20/1888: "What you say about Princenhage, it's true that it's the same story all over again -- but when at long last the fellow isn't there any more, then for his little circle it will be one more emptiness and desolation. And even the rest of us would feel it, because there's something heartbreaking in the fact that when we were younger we saw so much of him, and we were even influenced by him. So, seeing someone whom one has known as very active reduced to that state of suspicious helplessness and constant suffering, it certainly doesn't give you an appealing or cheerful notion of human life, and doesn't add to the joy of living."

611 506. long ruminations on death One of the terrors released by Cent's death is not mentioned explicitly by Vincent but undoubtedly underlay many of those that were. Only two months before, when Theo's bosses asked him to travel to America on business, Vincent expressed his grave concern about the impact of travel on Theo's frail health by citing the example of their sickly uncle: "And would prefer to see you independent of the Goupils and working on your own account with the Impressionists, to this alternative of a life of travelling with the expensive paintings that belong to those gentlemen. When our uncle was an associate of theirs, in some years he managed to be very well paid -- but just count what it cost him." (JLB 615, 5/28/1888; emphasis added.) In a letter around the same time, Vincent admits that he is especially concerned about Theo's journey, and his health, because he fears that it is his (Vincent's) demands on Theo's purse that are driving him to such extremes of self-endangering exertion: "Travelling wears you out, and most of all, it unsettles the brain more than can be good for you. In any case, I'd feel it was my fault, telling myself that it's my needs for money that are driving you to it." (JLB 617, 5/29/1888 or 5/30/1888.) These concerns remained on Vincent's mind throughout the summer, as he inquired anxiously about Theo's health up through late July (JLB 650, 7/29/1888). Cent's death undoubtedly loosed these same demons of guilt. 507. "peace and calm" BVG 518, 8/6/1888.

Context:
BVG 518, 8/6/1888: "Whence comes it that, in the present instance of our uncle's death, the face of the dead was calm, peaceful, and grave, while it is a fact that while living he was scarcely like that, either in youth or age."
JLB 656, 8/6/1888: "Which is why in the present case of our uncle's death, the dead man's face was tranquil, serene and grave."

508. comforting certainty BVG 518, 8/6/1888: This may be somewhat coy. Vincent himself had argued with his uncle about "supernatural things" when he worked as an apprentice in Goupil's Paris office in 1875-76, right at the cusp of his wrenching conversion to evangelical Christianity (JLB 38, 7/15/1875). (See Chapter 7.)

Context:
JLB 656, 8/6/1888: "It's rather odd that our uncle, like our father, believed in the future life. Not to mention our father, I've heard our uncle debating it several times."

509. the vanity of old women BVG 518, 8/6/1888.

Context:
BVG 518, 8/6/1888: "Enough. What is the good of worrying about it? But living in the full tide of civilization, of Paris, of the Arts, why should not one keep this "Ego" of the old women, if women themselves without their instinctive belief that "so it is," would not find strength to create or to act?"
JLB 656, 8/6/1888: "That's enough, what's the use of worrying about it? But living in the heart of civilization, in the heart of Paris and the heart of the fine arts, why shouldn't one keep this self of an old woman? If women themselves, without their instinctive belief in an 'it's there,' wouldn't find the strength to create and to act?" (Emphasis in original.)

510. speculation on the possibility BVG 518, 8/6/1888: The salient characteristic of Vincent's ruminations on Uncle Cent's death is their incoherence, their "mad" disjointedness. In one relatively short letter, his thoughts careen from cafés to brothel-keepers to his dead uncle to the recently born child of the postman Roulin to train trips to Delacroix to his mother to madness. (Also see Ch. 31, n. 511 and n. 512.)

Context:
JLB 656, 8/6/1888: "That's enough, what's the use of worrying about it? But living in the heart of civilization, in the heart of Paris and the heart of the fine arts, why shouldn't one keep this self of an old woman? If women themselves, without their instinctive belief in an 'it's there', wouldn't find the strength to create and to act?" (Emphasis in original.)

511. "invisible" BVG 516, 7/31/1888: So compelling was Vincent's yearning for some modern, quasi-scientific, non-religious equivalent to his father's afterlife, that he looked not just into space, but also to the recently pioneered science of microbiology. Speaking of artists (specifically, Puvis de Chavannes and the De Goncourt brothers), he wrote Bernard in early August, still ruminating on his uncle's death, albeit implicitly: " If we don't know what to do, my dear old Bernard, then let's do the same as them [Puvis and the Goncourts] if only so as not to allow our scarce mental powers to evaporate in sterile metaphysical meditations that aren't up to bottling chaos, which is chaotic for the very reason that it won't fit into any glass of our calibre" (JLB 655, 8/5/1888; emphasis in original).

About the same time, Vincent wrote Theo with a very different proposition on the possibility of eternity in other worlds, citing the eternal optimist Pangloss of Voltaire's Candide: "The best way of dying otherwise is to esteem the illustrious departed just as he is, as being the best man in the best of possible worlds, where everything is always for the best" (JLB 656, 8/6/1888). It is a signal of his confused state, however, that in the same letter, he appears to deliver his equivalent of Macbeth's famous "Out, out, brief candle" paean to nihilism: "And at the end of my career [perhaps] I'll be wrong. So be it. Then I'll find that not only the fine arts but the rest as well were nothing but dreams, that we were nothing at all ourselves. If we're as lightweight as that, so much the better for us, as nothing would then stand in the way of the limitless possibility of future existence" (emphasis in original). The non sequitur that concludes this passage reveals Vincent's furiously mixed mind on the issue of mortality. To preserve his slipping grip on sanity, he cannot let go of the belief that there is another life in which he will get another chance, and that all the suffering and setbacks of this life will prove "lightweight" and "nothing at all."

Context:
BVG 516, 7/31/1888: "It would be so simple and would account so much for the terrible things in life, which now amaze and wound us so, if life had yet another hemisphere, invisible it is true, but where one lands when one dies."
JLB 652, 7/31/1888: "It would be so simple and would explain so well the horrors of life that now amaze us and distress us so if life had another, second hemisphere, invisible, it's true, but where we arrive when we breathe our last."

512. a rebirth of modern art BVG 518, 8/6/1888: Vincent's ruminations on death relentlessly conflate his own fate (or lack thereof) with the fate of art. He worries that at the end of his life he will "be wrong" and that he will "find that not only the fine arts but the rest as well were nothing but dreams, that we were nothing at all ourselves" (JLB 656, 8/6/1888). In the same letter, however, he explicitly rules out the possibility of immortality through art: "I don't see much of the future life of artists through their works. Yes, artists perpetuate themselves, passing on the torch, Delacroix to the Impressionists, &c. But is that all??"

This concluding equivocation leads him into a rambling, disjointed argument on the relationship between a belief in the afterlife and madness -- a discussion with distinctly personal overtones: "If a kind old mother of a family, with pretty limited ideas that are tormented in the Christian system, were immortal, just as she believes -- and this seriously. And I for one in no way deny it. Why should a consumptive or nervous cab-horse, like Delacroix or De Goncourt, with broad ideas though, be any less so? Seeing that it appears that it is precisely the most worn-out people who feel the germ of this indefinable hope. That's enough, what's the use of worrying about it? But living in the heart of civilization, in the heart of Paris and the heart of the fine arts, why shouldn't one keep this self of an old woman? If women themselves, without their instinctive belief in an 'it's there', wouldn't find the strength to create and to act? Then the doctors will tell us that not only Moses, Mohammed, Christ, Luther, [John] Bunyan and others were mad, but also Frans Hals, Rembrandt, Delacroix and all the good, narrow-minded old ladies like our mother as well. Ah -- that's serious, that is. We could ask these doctors, where, then, are the sensible people?" Basically, the argument is paper-thin: i.e., "If Ma is immortal, then surely Delacroix is. And that means I must be, too."

Vincent wants desperately to believe this, but cannot bring himself to. He is too much the modern, post-Zola realist, and too much invested in the rejection of his parents' conventions, and religion, not to see the manifest self-delusion in their argument for immortality. He recognizes that the ardency of this hope for another life springs partly from his dire circumstances -- it is more wishful thinking that persuasive reasoning -- but he still cannot let go of it. So even as he dismisses the idea of an afterlife in the most demeaning terms (the vanity of old women), he continues to cling to it. His concluding argument is basically an unconvincing shrug: i.e., "What's the harm of believing it as long as it gives one the strength to create." In the very next letter, he again takes up the subject of the evanescence of life, again conflating his own fate and art's: "At the moment there are still plenty of fine lithographs to be had, Daumiers, reproductions of Delacroix, [Alexandre-Gabriel] Decamps, [Narcisse] Diaz [de la Peña], Rousseau, Dupré, &c. Soon, though, it'll be over, and what a great pity that this art tends to disappear. Why is it that we don't hold on to what we have, the way doctors and mechanics do? Once something has been discovered and found, they keep the knowledge of it; in these wretched fine arts we forget everything, we hold on to nothing." (JLB 657, 8/8/1888.) In searching to explain the injustice of mortality, Vincent finds the same villain for both his own sad fate and that of his favorite art: "Isn't it partly the fault of Paris and the Parisians, fickle and disloyal like the sea?" (ibid.). (Also see Ch. 31, n. 511.)

Context:
JLB 656, 8/6/1888: "I don't see much of the future life of artists through their works. Yes, artists perpetuate themselves, passing on the torch, Delacroix to the Impressionists, &c. But is that all?" (Emphasis in original.)

513. "another hemisphere" BVG 516, 7/31/1888.

Context:
BVG 516, 7/31/1888: "It would be so simple and would account so much for the terrible things in life, which now amaze and wound us so, if life had yet another hemisphere, invisible it is true, but where one lands when one dies."
JLB 652, 7/31/1888: "It would be so simple and would explain so well the horrors of life that now amaze us and distress us so if life had another, second hemisphere, invisible, it's true, but where we arrive when we breathe our last."

514. "It would be so simple" BVG 516, 7/31/1888.

Context:
BVG 516, 7/31/1888: " It would be so simple and would account so much for the terrible things in life, which now amaze and wound us so, if life had yet another hemisphere, invisible it is true, but where one lands when one dies."
JLB 652, 7/31/1888: " It would be so simple and would explain so well the horrors of life that now amaze us and distress us so if life had another, second hemisphere, invisible, it's true, but where we arrive when we breathe our last."

515. He took long walks BVG 520, 8/11/1888: Vincent implies this in his poetic account of his daily routine.

Context:
JLB 663, 8/18/1888: "Yes, I'm as well now as other men, which I have only been briefly -- in Nuenen, for example -- and that's not disagreeable. ... If you're well, you should be able to live on a piece of bread, while working the whole day long, and still having the strength to smoke and to drink your glass; you need that in these conditions. And still to feel the stars and the infinite, clearly, up there. Then life is almost magical, after all. Ah, those who don't believe in the sun down here are truly blasphemous."

516. "I always feel I am" BVG 518, 8/6/1888.

Context:
JLB 656, 8/6/1888: "It always seems to me that I'm a traveller who's going somewhere and to a destination. If I say to myself, the somewhere, the destination don't exist at all, that seems well argued and truthful to me."

517. "a one-way journey" BVG 518, 8/6/1888.

Context:
BVG 518, 8/6/1888: "In short, I know nothing about it, but it is just this feeling of not knowing that makes the real life we are actually living now like a one-way journey in a train. You go fast, but cannot distinguish any object very close up, and above all you do not see the engine."
JLB 656, 8/6/1888: "In fact, I know nothing about it, but precisely this feeling of not knowing makes the real life that we're living at present comparable to a simple journey by train. You go fast, but you can't distinguish any object very close up, and above all, you can't see the locomotive." (Emphasis in original.)

518. "Why, I ask myself" BVG 506, 7/9/1888; emphasis in original.

Context:
JLB 638, 7/10/1888 or 7/10/1888: "Why, I say to myself, should the spots of light in the firmament be less accessible to us than the black spots on the map of France. Just as we take the train to go to Tarascon or Rouen, we take death to go to a star. What's certainly true in this argument is that while alive, we cannot go to a star, any more than once dead we'd be able to take the train." (Emphasis in original.)

519. On a large canvas The Sower (F 422 JH 1470, June 1888, oil on canvas, 25.2 x 31.7 in., 64 x 80.5 cm., Kröller-Müller Museum, Otterlo) is of a standard dimension that Vincent referred to by its common name, "a no. 25 canvas" (JLB 629, 6/21/1888). 520. not start until the fall Silverman, p. 87: According to Silverman, the figure of the sower was "inserted from memory" because "in Arles, the season for sowing would have been February or October, with the second and third weeks of June dedicated in the harvest." Hulsker takes the easier, more literal view: "Immediately after mowing a wheatfield, the people of Arles started to sow the land again, and so Vincent was able to return to his favorite theme of the sower at the same time that he was doing harvest scenes" (Hulsker, p. 282). But Silverman's research in Arles is far deeper than Hulsker's. 521. "I am still enchanted" BVG B7, 6/18/1888.

Context:
BVG B7, 6/18/1888: "To he honest with you, I have absolutely no objection to the countryside, since I grew up in it -- I am still enchanted by snatches of the past, have a hankering after the eternal, of which the sower and the sheaf of corn are the symbols."
JLB 628, 6/19/1888: "I don't hide from you that I don't detest the countryside -- having been brought up there, snatches of memories from past times, yearnings for that infinite of which the Sower, the sheaf, are the symbols, still enchant me as before."

522. With no one to pose Pickvance hypothesizes that the Zouave "probably" modeled for Vincent's Sower (Pickvance, p. 13). Not only does this seem highly unlikely given what little we know or can infer about the Zouave's background and disposition. Indeed, when Vincent first mentions acquiring the Zouave as a model, he frames it as an escape from the self-torment of obsessing over the Sower: "what still remains to be done," he wrote on June 21, "is a sower, in color and large size. Let's talk of something else -- I have a model at last." (See Ch. 31, n. 555.) Also, if Vincent had had the Zouave as a model, he would probably not have revised the figure in his painting to look more and more like the Millet image in his head. (See Ch. 31, n. 547.) 523. had seen only as a print Van Tilborgh, Van Heugten, and Conisbee, pp. 162-163. Millet's original Le Semeur (1850) had left France in 1855 for Boston, where it has remained since. According to these authors, Vincent had Paul Edme Le Rat's etching after Millet's painting hanging in his studio and "probably also possessed the heliogravure made after Millet's drawing of the motif." 524. in a pastel rendering Van Tilborgh, Van Heugten, and Conisbee, pp. 162-163: Vincent "did see the pastel of this subject which [Émile] Gavet had in his possession. He even saw it twice, because the work was both at the auction of Gavet's Millet collection, visited by Van Gogh in 1875, and at the exhibition of Millet's work in the École des Beaux-Arts in 1887, where the pastel was again put on show alongside various other versions of the motif." 525. haunted him with hope Van Tilborgh, Van Heugten, and Conisbee, p. 156: Vincent "made more than thirteen variations based on Millet's famous scene -- excluding the sketches." In addition to many drawings, this list includes a lost work, probably a watercolor, that was done toward the end of his stay in The Hague, of which only a poor photograph, which Vincent had made, survives (JLB 361, 7/11/1883; see ibid., p. 157). (We suspect the image Van Tilborgh, Van Heugten, and Conisbee refer to was made in Drenthe, not The Hague; see Ch. 20, n. 78.) In Nuenen, Vincent made "visiting cards" in 1884 "comprising photos of his best works," (JLB 463, 9/30/1884) in which The Sower makes another appearance in a version that Van Tilborgh, Van Heugten, and Conisbee describe as "painstakingly close to the French canvas" (Van Tilborgh, Van Heugten, and Conisbee, p. 157); as well as another lost work, more "ambitious," on the same subject which was part of his scheme of decoration for the dining room of his friend Antoon Hermans in Eindhoven (JLB 454, August-September 1884). (See Chapter 21.) 612 526. the depths of the Borinage BVG 135, 9/7/1880. In September 1880, Vincent wrote from the Borinage of his multiple attempts to copy the Millet print: "I've drawn [The Sower] 5 times now, twice small, 3 times large, and yet I'll go back to it again, that figure haunts me so" (JLB 157, 9/7/1880).

Context:
JLB 157, 9/7/1880: "As for The sower, I've drawn it 5 times now, twice small, 3 times large, and yet I'll go back to it again, that figure haunts me so."

527. in EttenSee Chapter 14. 528. in The Hague See Ch. 18, n. 405. 529. in Drenthe See Ch. 20, n. 78. 530. in Nuenen See Ch. 24, n. 42. (Also see Ch. 31, n. 555.) One part of Sensier's description of Millet's famous Sower so captivated Vincent's imagination that it became a mantra in defense of The Potato Eaters (F 82 JH 764) and the other dark paintings of Nuenen depicting peasant life: "There is something great, and of the grand style in this figure, with its violent gesture, its proud raggedness, which seems to be painted with the very earth that the sower is planting" (Sensier, p. 90; see Ch. 24, n. 442). 531. from Eliot See end of Chapter 9, and specifically, Ch. 9, n. 587. 532. to Zola Zola, The Earth (La terre), p. 18: Zola's La terre, about peasant life, appeared only the previous year (1887). In it, Zola spins metaphysical gold from the image of the sower: "… at the beginning, the peasants, like tiny insects dwarfed by the boundless horizon of Beauce, are once again, as they always have done and always will do, making the eternal gesture of the sower casting the good seed on the land" (ibid.). "They were sowing everywhere: another sower was working three hundred yards away to the left and yet another further along to the right; and for miles around, others and yet others could be seen sinking from sight and receding into the distance over the level ground ahead, tiny black figures, mere lines which grew thinner until they were finally lost from view. But all of them made this same gesture of casting the seed which you could sense floating in the air around them like a living wave. And even in the distance where all was blurred and the scattered sowers could no longer be seen, the plain was still quivering beneath it." (ibid., pp. 22-23.) "[Y]ou could still distinguish the same stubborn, monotonous gesture, like so many insects, engaged in an implacable struggle against the vast expanse of earth, who finally triumph over their immense task, and over life" (ibid., p. 32). "In every direction men could be seen moving along with a steady sweep of their arms sowing the rich earth. The golden seed could be seen as a living cloud slipping from the hands of the nearest sowers; and then, as their figures became smaller and were lost in the infinite space, the seed swirled around them until, in the far distance, it seemed like a sheer quivering of light itself. For miles around, at every point of the boundless plain, the life of the coming summer was raining down in the sunlight." (ibid., p. 485.) The Zola passages underscore the communal aspect of sowing. Following Millet, Vincent always portrays it as a solitary activity -- like his solitary art. 533. "I have been longing" BVG 501, 6/21/1888.

Context:
JLB 629, 6/21/1888: "For such a long time it's been my great desire to do a sower, but the desires I've had for a long time aren't always achieved. So I'm almost afraid of them."

534. as another affirmation Welsh-Ovcharov, Vincent van Gogh and the Birth of Cloisonism, p. 126: Welsh-Ovcharov makes the very likely point that Anquetin's painting of The Mower was probably one of Vincent's inspirations for his sower, despite the differences of subject matter and execution. Anquetin, in his recently conferred status as leader of the new movement called Cloisonnism, was very much on Vincent's mind at the time. So, while the image had much deeper roots in Vincent's imagination, the memory of Anquetin's work, which Vincent saw in Paris in 1887, would certainly have given his ambition to paint a sower the fresh imprimatur of the avant-garde. 535. "a definite purple" BVG B7, 6/18/1888.

Context:
BVG B7, 6/18/1888: "Here is a sketch of a sower: a large piece of land with clods of ploughed earth, for the most part a definite purple. A field of ripe wheat, in yellow ochre with a little carmine. The sky chrome yellow, almost as bright as the sun itself, which is chrome yellow 1 with a little white, while the rest of the sky is chrome yellow 1 and 2 mixed. Thus very yellow. The Sower's smock is blue and his trousers white."
JLB 628, 6/19/1888: "Large field with clods of ploughed earth, mostly downright violet. Field of ripe wheat in a yellow ochre tone with a little crimson. The chrome yellow 1 sky almost as bright as the sun itself, which is chrome yellow 1 with a little white, while the rest of the sky is chrome yellow 1 and 2 mixed, very yellow, then. The sower's smock is blue, and his trousers white."

536. "done completely differently" BVG 503, 6/28/1888.

Context:
BVG 503, 6/28/1888: "Yesterday and today I worked on the sower, which is done completely differently."
JLB 634, 6/28/1888: "Yesterday and today I worked on the sower, which has been completely reworked."

537. older complementary gospels BVG 503, 6/28/1888: By the time of his second approach to the painting in late June, Vincent's ambitions for the image have clearly soared past the visual touchstone of Millet's iconic figure. A little later, he invokes Delacroix again, citing the "simultaneous contrast" of yellow and violet in the artist's Apollo ceiling in the Louvre (JLB 634, 6/28/1888). One interesting aspect of this new ambition for The Sower is Vincent's explicit rejection of the "colourless grey" (emphasis in original) of former favorites like Millet and Israëls. Of course, this is exactly the drab, tonal palette that he defended so furiously in his own paintings, especially The Potato Eaters (F 82 JH 764) (see Chapter 23). Thus, the effort to create a new paradigm of color ("a symbolic language through colour itself") is simultaneously an artistic and an existential struggle to escape the judgment of the past -- a judgment both of his art and of himself -- that weighs especially heavily when external events, like Cent's death or Theo's illness, force him to confront his mortality. The artistic aspects of Vincent's effort to develop a "symbolic language" of color are taken up in the next chapter.

Context:
JLB 634, 6/28/1888: "The question remains this -- Christ's boat by Eugène Delacroix and Millet's sower are of entirely different workmanship. Christ's boat -- I'm talking about the blue and green sketch with touches of purple and red and a little lemon yellow for the halo, the aureole -- speaks a symbolic language through colour itself. Millet's sower is colourless grey -- as are Israëls's paintings too."

538. Christ on the Sea of Galilee The painting, Christ on the Sea of Galilee (c. 1853), which is now at the Metropolitan Museum in New York, is also known as Christ on Lake Gennesareth (Van Tilborgh, Van Heugten, and Conisbee, p. 176). To us, one of the most interesting aspects of Vincent's allusion to this painting at this time is the way it echoes his resort to Veronese's Marriage at Cana at a previous turning point in the development of his art -- specifically his approach to color -- in Nuenen in 1885 (see Ch. 25, n. 20). In both cases, Vincent reached into the vast gallery of his memory not for inspiration, but for arguments to bolster what his hand had already wrought. The image itself, the sower, was not art-historically driven, but only art-historically justified. As with all Vincent's seminal images, it sprang from driving inner compulsions (to placate his father's ghost without conceding his father's religion, to engage with Bernard and Gauguin on the issues of color and symbolism [discussed in the next chapter], and to assuage his own inner demons of guilt and remorse). Another seminal image, The Potato Eaters (F 82 JH 764), followed a similar progression: emerging from the forge of emotional need only to be re-dressed (and defended) in the finery of artistic precedent. 539. "I am trying to get" BVG 503, 6/28/1888.

Context:
BVG 503, 6/28/1888: "Another very crude effort, and yet I am trying to get at something utterly heartbroken and therefore utterly heartbreaking."
JLB 634, 6/28/1888: "One more effort that's far from finished -- but one at least where I'm attempting something more heartbroken and therefore more heartbreaking."

540. "great artist" BVG B8, 6/23/1888.

Context:
BVG B8, 6/23/1888: "This great artist -- Christ -- although he did not concern himself with writing books on ideas (sensations), felt considerably less disdain for the spoken word, and for parables in particular (what a sower, what a harvest, what a fig tree! etc.)."
JLB 632, 6/26/1888: "This great artist -- Christ -- although he disdained writing books on ideas and feelings -- was certainly much less disdainful of the spoken word -- the parable above all. (What a sower, what a harvest, what a fig tree, &c.)"

541. light-filled art of redemption BVG B8, 6/23/1888. Vincent's construction is not as direct as this, but the thrust of his comment is unmistakable: "This great artist -- Christ -- although he disdained writing books on ideas and feelings -- was certainly much less disdainful of the spoken word -- the parable above all. (What a sower, what a harvest, what a fig tree, &c.)" (JLB 632, 6/26/1888.) The key is the reference to parables and, specifically, the odd, exclamatory invocation of the parable of the fig tree: "what a fig tree" (ibid.). This parable (Luke 13:6-9), about which Vincent wrote a sermon on the eve of his descent into the Borinage in 1878 (see Chapter 14), taught essentially the same lesson as Dorus's account of the sower: patience and persistence in the face of failure, and ultimate vindication. This was the mantra of hope in the midst of despair to which Vincent was clinging tenaciously throughout the summer of 1888 (particularly in his painting of the sower) as he waited for word from Pont-Aven and Paris whether to cut down the fig tree, or leave it to bear fruit.

Context:
JLB 632, 6/26/1888: "This great artist -- Christ -- although he disdained writing books on ideas and feelings -- was certainly much less disdainful of the spoken word -- THE PARABLE above all. (What a sower, what a harvest, what a fig tree, &c.)"

542. "What a sower" BVG B8, 6/23/1888.

Context:
BVG B8, 6/23/1888: "This great artist -- Christ -- although he did not concern himself with writing books on ideas (sensations), felt considerably less disdain for the spoken word, and for parables in particular (what a sower, what a harvest, what a fig tree! etc.)."
JLB 632, 6/26/1888: "This great artist -- Christ -- although he disdained writing books on ideas and feelings -- was certainly much less disdainful of the spoken word -- THE PARABLE above all. (What a sower, what a harvest, what a fig tree, &c.)"

543. strange, impossible self-portrait The Painter on his Way to Work (F 488 JH 1491) is lost and presumed destroyed. 544. "on the sunny road" BVG 524, 8/14/1888.

Context:
BVG 524, 8/14/1888: "For instance, there is a rough sketch I made of myself laden with boxes, props, and canvas on the sunny road to Tarascon."
JLB 660, 8/13/1888: "For example, there's a quick sketch I made of myself laden with boxes, sticks, a canvas, on the sunny Tarascon road; …"

545. "I consider making studies" BVG 233, 9/19/1882: The metaphor of this passage (written in The Hague in 1882) can partly be seen as a defense against Theo's criticism at the time that Vincent made too many sketches and not enough finished (saleable) works. (See Chapter 19.) The broader implication, of course, is that Vincent had yet to "reap" the bounty that he had sown: i.e., to see the fruits of all his hard work in paintings of quality. Vincent used the metaphor again -- again defensively -- a year later from Drenthe: "This is not about weakening or giving up; on the contrary it's about striking calamity to the heart, planting in better soil the same energetic principle of wanting to rise" (JLB 401, 10/31/1883; emphasis in original).

Context:
BVG 233, 9/19/1882: "" I consider making studies like sowing, and making pictures like reaping. ... Sometimes I long for harvest time, that is, for the time when I shall be so imbued with the study of nature that I myself can create something in a picture."
JLB 266, 9/18/1882: " I regard making studies as Sowing, and making paintings as reaping. ... Sometimes I can yearn for harvest time, that is, the time when I'll be so permeated by the study of nature that I myself will create something in a painting." (Emphasis in original.)

546. Vincent worked and reworked Pickvance, p. 102: Pickvance points out that The Sower (F 422 JH 1470) is "one of the most documented paintings from the Arles period. There are four different descriptions of it in the letters, two hasty sketches also in letters Sower with Setting Sun (F 501a JH 1471), and Sower with Setting Sun (F B7 JH 1472), and two drawings after the finished painting Sower with Setting Sun (F 1442 JH 1508) and Sower with Setting Sun (F 1441 JH 1543)." 547. bringing it more into line Pickvance, pp. 102-103: "[Vincent] radically altered the pose of the sower. ... reverting to a closer adaptation of Millet's Sower." 548. thick shingles of paint Silverman, p. 87. 549. to a deeper truth BVG 489, 5/20/1888. (See Ch. 29, n. 23.) In September 1888, Vincent refers to this new notion of metaphysical profundity more explicitly in relation to The Sower: "The idea of the sower still continues to haunt me. Exaggerated studies like the sower, like the night café [The Night Cafe in the Place Lamartine in Arles (F 463 JH 1575)] usually seem to me atrociously ugly and bad, but when I'm moved by something, as here by this little article on Dostoevsky, then they're the only ones that seem to me to have a more important meaning" (JLB 680, 9/11/1888).

Context:
JLB 611, 5/20/1888: "When good père Corot said a few days before he died: last night I saw in my dreams landscapes with entirely pink skies, well, didn't they come, those pink skies, and yellow and green into the bargain, in Impressionist landscapes? All this is to say there are things one senses in the future and that really come about."

550. "I couldn't care less" BVG B7, 6/18/1888; emphasis in original. Pickvance translates this passage somewhat differently, but to the same effect: "I have played hell somewhat with the truthfulness of the colors" (Pickvance, p. 102).

Context:
BVG B7, 6/18/1888: "There are many touches of yellow in the soil, neutral tones produced by mixing purple with the yellow, but I couldn't care less what the colours are in reality."
JLB 628, 6/19/1888: "There are many repetitions of yellow in the earth, neutral tones, resulting from the mixing of violet with yellow, but I could hardly give a damn about the veracity of the colour."

551. "hankering after the eternal" BVG B7, 6/18/1888.

Context:
BVG B7, 6/18/1888: "To he honest with you, I have absolutely no objection to the countryside, since I grew up in it -- I am still enchanted by snatches of the past, have a hankering after the eternal, of which the sower and the sheaf of corn are the symbols."
JLB 628, 6/19/1888: "I don't hide from you that I don't detest the countryside -- having been brought up there, snatches of memories from past times, yearnings for that infinite of which the Sower, the sheaf, are the symbols, still enchant me as before."

613 552. He dismissed the result Pickvance points out just what a retreat Vincent's dismissal of the painting represents (Pickvance, p. 103). The picture shows signs that, at some point in its gestation, Vincent clearly considered it a finished, successful work: "… van Gogh put a narrow painted frame around the edges of the canvas, contrasting violet in the upper part against the yellow sky, and yellow in the lower part against the violet earth. (Unfortunately, the existing picture frame obscures his intentions.) Recent X-ray examination has confirmed the existence of the first state beneath the present painting." This procedure, which has precedent both in his own Paris oeuvre and, perhaps more tellingly, in Seurat's oeuvre, indicates a level of "finish" very rare in this period. The painting is also signed: another signal that, despite his effort to disavow it, Vincent considered it a complete work at some point. 553. "exaggerated study" Van Tilborgh, Van Heugten, and Conisbee, p. 158: The authors write that Vincent called The Sower "an 'exaggerated study' and 'an attempt at a composition', interesting as an experiment, but basically a 'failure,'" citing letters (JLB 664, 8/19/1888) and (JLB 677, 9/9/1888), as well as (JLB 680, 9/11/1888). 554. another seed that failed Van Tilborgh, Van Heugten, and Conisbee, p. 158. (See Ch. 31, n. 553.) 555. "hardly daring to think" BVG 501, 6/21/1888: Within this short passage, Vincent sets aside his ambitions for his sower painting, takes them up, sets them aside, takes them up again, then sets them aside again with a quick change of subject.

Context:
BVG 501, 6/21/1888: "Such as it is, I am putting the sketch to one side, hardly daring to think about it. I have been longing to do a sower for such a long time, but the things I've wanted for a long time never come off. And so I am almost afraid of it. And yet, after Millet and Lhermitte, what still remains to be done is -- a sower, in colour and large size."
JLB 629, 6/21/1888: "I'm putting the sketch aside just as it is, hardly daring to think about it. For such a long time it's been my great desire to do a sower, but the desires I've had for a long time aren't always achieved. So I'm almost afraid of them. And yet, after Millet and [Léon] Lhermitte what remains to be done is ... the sower, with colour and in a large format."

556. "torment" BVG 501, 6/21/1888. (See Ch. 31, n. 555.)

Context:
BVG 501, 6/21/1888: "And the sketch, such as it is -- a size 25 canvas -- torments me, making me wonder if I shouldn't attack it seriously and make a tremendous picture of it."
JLB 629, 6/21/1888: "And the sketch as such -- a no. 25 canvas -- also worries me a lot, in the sense that I wonder whether I shouldn't take it seriously and make a tremendous painting out of it."

557. "making me wonder" BVG 501, 6/21/1888. (See Ch. 31, n. 555.)

Context:
BVG 501, 6/21/1888: "And the sketch, such as it is -- a size 25 canvas -- torments me, making me wonder if I shouldn't attack it seriously and make a tremendous picture of it. My Lord I want to. But I keep asking myself if I have vigor enough to carry it out."
JLB 629, 6/21/1888: "And the sketch as such -- a no. 25 canvas -- also worries me a lot, in the sense that I wonder whether I shouldn't take it seriously and make a tremendous painting out of it. My God, how I'd love to do that. But I just wonder whether I'll have the necessary power of execution."

558. "Could one paint" BVG 503, 6/28/1888; emphasis in original.

Context:
BVG 503, 6/28/1888: "Now, could you paint the Sower in colour, with a simultaneous contrast of, for instance, yellow and violet (like the Apollo ceiling of Delacroix's which is just that, yellow and violet), yes or no? Why, yes. Well, do it then."
JLB 634, 6/28/1888: " Can we now paint the sower with colour, with simultaneous contrast between yellow and purple for example (like Delacroix's Apollo ceiling, which is precisely yellow and purple), yes or no? Yes -- definitely. So do it then! -- yes -- that's what père Martin says too, 'you must make the masterpiece.'" (Emphasis in original.)

559. "There is certainly" BVG 503, 6/28/1888.

Context:
BVG 503, 6/28/1888: "Yesterday and today I worked on the sower, which is done completely differently. The sky is yellow and green, the ground violet and orange. There is certainly a picture of this kind to be painted of this splendid subject, and I hope it will be done someday, either by me or by someone else."
JLB 634, 6/28/1888: "Yesterday and today I worked on the sower, which has been completely reworked. The sky is yellow and green, the earth purple and orange. There's definitely a painting like that to be made of this splendid subject, and I hope it will be done one day, either by someone else or by me."

560. he lavished large sums "Het Testament van de Kunsthandekaar Vincent van Gogh en het Leven van de Weduwe Vrouwe Cornelia van Gogh-Carbentus," n.p.: Cent left a hefty total of 5,000 florins to "servant" Dorothée Hingway (3,000 by the original will, plus 2,000 in the codicil of August 20, 1886); and 1,000 florins (the same as to Theo) to his "old servant Leonardus Scheenhouwer." According to a later letter from Jo Bonger to Theo, Cent's second will also left "5,000 guilders to the gardener Willem van Versevelt" (b4272 V/1984, ''Bonger, Jo'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 3/2/1889). 561. "I want to make the clear" "Het Testament van de Kunsthandekaar Vincent van Gogh en het Leven van de Weduwe Vrouwe Cornelia van Gogh-Carbentus," n.p.: It should be noted that Vincent was not the only family member explicitly disinherited in Cent's will. Also singled out were the son of Cent's brother Johannes (the admiral), Vincent Willem Uncle Johannes's son), and a daughter of Cent's brother Hein. Like Vincent, Johannes's son Hendrik was considered a family embarrassment and, also like Vincent, widely viewed as the proximate cause of his father's untimely death. The story behind the exclusion of Hein's daughter is unknown to us. 614 562. "and his progeny" Het Testament van de Kunsthandekaar Vincent van Gogh en het Leven van de Weduwe Vrouwe Cornelia van Gogh-Carbentus," n.p. (See Ch. 31, n. 565.) It is possible that Cent's concerns were more general or that he had other rumored indiscretions in mind. But Vincent's long, open cohabitation with Sien and her children in The Hague, a city where Cent visited often and had many contacts, probably prompted the specific exclusion, which partook as much of practical considerations (the possibility of an illegitimate heir making claims against the estate) as of moral condemnation (Cent had certainly patronized prostitutes in his day). Both Theo and Dorus believed that Vincent had fathered Sien's child (see Ch. 19, n. 395). But even without their prompting, Cent unquestionably would have taken the presence of the infant in the Schenkweg studio and Vincent's heated demand to marry Sien as proof of paternity. Why else would a decent man even consider marrying a prostitute? A few years later in Nuenen, Margot Begemann's bourgeois family had a similar reaction to Vincent's marriage proposal: they took it as an admission that he had impregnated Margot. (See Ch. 22, n. 225 and n. 227.) Subsequent rumors about Vincent's relationship with Margot Begemann, leading to her suicide attempt and banishment; or about Sein de Groot, Vincent's pregnant peasant-girl model, which led to Vincent's banishment from Nuenen, would have found wide credibility in family circles based on his behavior in The Hague and, surely, would have found their way to Cent's ears, confirming the wisdom of his will's wording. 563. special bequests to both Theo Het Testament van de Kunsthandekaar Vincent van Gogh en het Leven van de Weduwe Vrouwe Cornelia van Gogh-Carbentus," n.p.: Theo's bequest is included in a codicil to Cent's will dated August 30, 1886: "To his nephew Theo van Gogh, son of his deceased brother Th[eodorus] Van Gogh f[lorins] 1000." Interestingly, Cent executed this codicil immediately after Theo came to Holland and petitioned him to support a bid to leave Goupil and establish an independent dealership. Cent turned down the request and Theo returned to work at Goupil. (See Chapter 28.) 564. and his mother b2933 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 9/29/1888: Anna Carbentus van Gogh received 1,500 florins, but this was not spelled out in Cent's will -- a source of some temporary family consternation. "Uncle had left a small inheritance to his sisters," Anna wrote in mid-August, "and Aunt [Cornelia, Cent's wife and Anna's sister] found it an unpleasant idea that her sisters received nothing and she promised Aunt Mina [Johanna [Antje] Wilhelmina van Gogh, Theodorus's sister] and me that we would also receive a small inheritance in memory of Uncle's last will" (Anna to Theo, 08/15/88; emphasis added). By the end of September, the amount had been determined and the narrative tweaked: "I wrote you that Aunt Mina and I each got Fl. 1500 from Aunt because that was stipulated in Uncle's will." (Also see Ch. 31, n. 565.) 565. more than a quarter Het Testament van de Kunsthandekaar Vincent van Gogh en het Leven van de Weduwe Vrouwe Cornelia van Gogh-Carbentus," n.p.: Cent left 5/16ths of the contingency remainder of his estate (subject to his wife's life estate) "to children of his brother Theodorus van Gogh, excepting his son Vincent Willem van Gogh and his progeny." In addition, widow Cornelia made a "gift" to Theo's youngest brother Cor of 500 florins. Cor had just turned twenty-one. The gift was apparently intended as additional support to Anna (and, indirectly, Theo) because Cor had yet to find a suitable, self-supporting position. 566. "It's a pity" b2933 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 9/29/1888: We hear Theo's lament in his mother's cryptic, unsympathetic response: "It's a pity of that one thing, but let's leave it at that." She does not specify what that "one thing" is, but it comes at the end of a list of bequests to other family members and clearly refers, dismissively, to a concern on that subject that Theo raised. 567. Anna was unmoved b2933 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 9/29/1888. (See Ch. 31, n. 566.) 568. "carry out [their] combination" BVG 523+522a, 8/18/1888. Theo's offer is echoed in Vincent's thank-you: "you're very kind to promise Gauguin and me to put us in a position [i.e., on the road] to carry out the partnership project" (JLB 664, 8/19/1888).

Context:
BVG 523+522a, 8/18/1888: "And it's very good of you to promise the two of us, Gauguin and me, that you'll put us in the way to carrying out our combination."
JLB 664, 8/19/1888: "And you're very kind to promise Gauguin and me to put us in a position to carry out the partnership project."

569. the same favorable terms Stolwijk and Thomson, pp. 137, 139. Vincent confirms this in September in advising Theo not to offer the same terms to Bernard: "I don't believe that it's wise to offer Bernard 150 francs for one painting a month immediately, as we've offered Gauguin" (JLB 682, 9/18/1888). 570. "I have had a note" BVG 526, 8/21/1888.

Context:
BVG 526, 8/21/1888: "I write in great haste to tell you that I have had a note from Gauguin, saying that he has not written much, but that he is quite ready to come South as soon as the opportunity arises."
JLB 666, 8/21/1888 or 8/22/1888: "I'm writing to you in great haste, but to tell you that I've just received a line from Gauguin, who says that he hasn't written because he was doing a great deal of work, but says he's still ready to come to the south as soon as chance permits."