Notes

Notes

 

Chapters

Chapters

452 1. October 7, 1885BVG 426, 10/10/1885-10/11/1885. Vincent reports on about October 10, "I've been to Amsterdam this week -- I hardly had time to see anything but the museum. I was there 3 days; went Tuesday, back Thursday." (JLB 534, 10/10/1885.) Tuesday was October 6 and Thursday was October 8. Anton Kerssemakers, who only came for one day, met Vincent at the station in Amsterdam on October 7 and they went directly from there to the Rijksmuseum. Vincent visited the museum by himself the next day, as he reports doing a small painting (The De Ruijterkade in Amsterdam [F 211 JH 973, October 1885, oil on panel, 8.9 x 10.6 in., 22.5 x 27 cm., Amsterdam, Van Gogh Museum]) on another morning there "before I went to the museum at about 10 o'clock" (JLB 534, 10/10/1885). Vincent could also have visited the museum on the day of his arrival, October 6. As Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop detail, Vincent could have arrived in Amsterdam as early as 9:13 on the morning of the sixth (Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop, p. 213 and p. 214, n. 8). A visit on the sixth would explain Vincent's apparent familiarity, according to Kerssemakers, with the location of the paintings he wanted to see on the seventh. (See Ch. 25, n. 33.)

Context:
JLB 534, 10/10/1885: "I was there 3 days; went Tuesday, back Thursday."

2. ceremony featuring chorus Van der Ham, p. 167: Two special choruses were composed for the event, one with words by (Jan Jacob Lodewijk ten Kate, a pillar of the Reformed "dominocratie" so infuriated by Pierre Cuypers's cathedral of art. 453 3. and fireworks Van der Ham, p. 167: After an official dinner, multiple tableaux vivant celebrating the masterpieces of Dutch art were staged at the Paleis voor Volksvlijt and fireworks were displayed over the river IJ. 4. boycotted the opening ceremony Van der Ham, p. 167. 5. another Roman conspiracy Van der Ham, p. 182. 6. "It is such a pity" b1818 V/1970, "Bonger, Andries" to "Bonger, H.C. en H.L.", 7/26/1885. 7. a quarter million visitors Van der Ham reports the official figures of 500,000 visitors in the two and a half months from the opening to the end of September, and 630,000 by the end of 1885, for an average of 175,000 per month in 1885 (Van der Ham, p. 179). He cites many additional figures from later years to undermine the credibility of this remarkable attendance, but his arguments do not seem to take into account that the figures record visits, not unique visitors. Undoubtedly in the months after the museum opened, many Amsterdammers made multiple trips to the city's latest and most controversial landmark. 8. four million inhabitants Van der Ham, p. 179. 9. on a rainy Wednesday Kerssemakers, "Reminiscences of Vincent van Gogh," in Stein, ed., pp. 51-52: According to Kerssmakers's account, when he and Vincent set out for the museum from the station, "it had then begun to pour." Vincent wanted to walk -- a distance of about two miles -- but Kerssemakers insisted on hailing a cab. "[H]e grumbled considerably [about that]," Kerssemakers recalled, "saying, 'What do I care what all of Amsterdam thinks?'" (ibid.). There had been a heavy downpour on the day of the opening ceremonies in July, as well (Van der Ham, p. 167). 10. their soaking umbrellas Van der Ham, p. 179. According to Van der Ham, umbrellas (and canes) were handed over at the top of the entrance stairs, in the Grote Voorhall, before entering the Eeregalerij (the Honor Gallery). Children under twelve had to be accompanied by an adult and those under seven were not allowed in at all. 11. the density of its hangings Van der Ham, p. 182. 12. profusion of its decoration Van der Ham, p. 182. 13. a wet, hairy ulster b3038 V/1982, "Kerssemakers, Anton" to "Plasschaert, A.", 8/27/1912. 14. a fur cap Kerssemakers, "Reminiscences of Vincent van Gogh," in Stein, ed., pp. 51-52. 15. "He looked like" Kerssemakers, "Reminiscences of Vincent van Gogh," in Stein, ed., pp. 51-52. 454 16. "like an iron worker" BVG 442, 12/28/1885: We have slightly altered the translation. At the end of 1885, Vincent reports on a visit he made to a doctor in Amsterdam: "taking advantage of a minor illness that I had to turn things to my constitution in general during the course of the conversation -- it pleased me very much indeed that this doctor took me for an ordinary workman, said 'you must be an ironworker by trade'" (JLB 550, 12/28/1885). Equating his appearance with his spiritual health in a way that Dorus van Gogh would have understood, Vincent brags to a doubtlessly skeptical Theo: "You see precisely what I've been trying to change in myself -- when I was younger it could be seen that I over-exerted myself intellectually, and now I look like a bargee or someone who works in the iron trade" (ibid.). Although Vincent does not mention this consultation in his letters about the Amsterdam visit, nor does Kerssemakers include it in his account of the trip, it almost certainly occurred during the October visit. Vincent had considerable time in the city before Kerssemakers arrived and after he left.

Context:
BVG 442, 12/28/1885: "Something about my constitution that has pleased me a great deal is that a doctor in Amsterdam, with whom I once discussed a few things that sometimes made me think that I wasn't long for this world, and whose opinion I didn't ask for directly, wanting simply to gauge the first impression of someone who didn't know me at all and availing myself of a small upset I had at the time to bring the conversation round to my general constitution -- I was absolutely delighted that this doctor took me for an ordinary worker, saying, 'I daresay you're an ironworker by trade.'"
JLB 550, 12/28/1885: "Something regarding my constitution that has pleased me very much is that a doctor in Amsterdam, whom I also once spoke to about a few things that sometimes made me think that I wouldn't last long and whose opinion I didn't ask directly, but just to find out the first impression of one who didn't know me at all -- taking advantage of a minor illness that I had to turn things to my constitution in general during the course of the conversation -- it pleased me very much indeed that this doctor took me for an ordinary workman, said 'you must be an ironworker by trade.'"

17. Rembrandt's The Jewish Bride Kerssemakers, "Reminiscences of Vincent van Gogh," in Stein, ed., p. 52: Kerssemakers recalls that Vincent "spent the most time in front of The Jewish Bride," and Vincent essentially confirms this report in his subsequent comment on the painting to Theo, comparing it to the much more celebrated Rembrandt group portrait, The Syndics (popularly known as The Dutch Masters): "[While] not ranked so high [as The Syndics], what an intimate, what an infinitely sympathetic picture [the Jewish Bride] is, painted d'une main de feu [with a hand of fire]. You see, in The Syndics Rembrandt is true to nature, though even there, and always, he soars aloft, to the very highest height, the infinite; but Rembrandt could do more than that -- if he did not have to be literally true, as in a portrait, when he was free to idealize, to be a poet, that means Creator. That's what he is in The Jewish Bride. ... What a noble sentiment, infinitely deep." (See also Ch. 25, n. 36.) 18. ineffably tender gestures Four years later, from the asylum at Saint-Rémy, Vincent recalls the gestures and expressions in the Jewish Bride: "what Rembrandt alone, or almost alone, has among painters, that tenderness in the gazes of human beings we see either in the Pilgrims at Emmaus, or in the Jewish bride ... that heartbroken tenderness, that glimpse of a superhuman infinite which appears so natural then, one encounters it in many places in Shakespeare" (JLB 784, 7/2/1889). 19. "What an intimate" BVG 426, 10/10/1885-10/11/1885.

Context:
BVG 426, 10/10/1885-10/11/1885: "'The Syndics' is perfect, is the most beautiful Rembrandt; but 'The Jewish Bride' -- not ranked so high, what an intimate, what an infinitely sympathetic picture it is, painted d'une main de feu."
JLB 534, 10/10/1885: "The Syndics is perfect -- the finest Rembrandt -- but that Jewish bride -- not reckoned so much -- what an intimate, what an infinitely sympathetic painting, painted -- with a glowing hand."

20. who had joined Vincent Kerssemakers, "Reminiscences of Vincent van Gogh," in Stein, ed., pp. 51-52: In his memoir, Kerssemakers explains: "Because of domestic reasons I could not spend the night away from home, so he [Vincent] went the day before [October 6], and made an appointment to meet me the next day in the third-class waiting room at the Central Station." Kerssemakers tells a wonderful story of his arrival at the station -- a story that throws an oblique but revealing light on the reaction of the other Rijksmuseum visitors to Vincent's enthusiastic and uninhibited appreciation of art: "When I entered the room, I saw a large crowd of people of all types and from all walks of life -- conductors, workmen, tourists, etc. -- standing near the windows in front of the waiting room; surrounded by this crowd, [Vincent] sat quite calmly in his shaggy overcoat and his ever-present fur cap ... undisturbed by the contemptuous comments and remarks loudly voiced by the 'distinguished' (?) public" (ibid., p. 52). 21. "He could not be torn" Kerssemakers, "Reminiscences of Vincent van Gogh," in Stein, ed., p. 52: "he spent the most time in front of The Jewish Bride. He could not be torn away from it; he went and sat there at length, while I went on to see other things." In his recollections, Kerssemakers goes on to add this oft-quoted tribute to the Jewish Bride: "When I came back after a considerable time and asked if we shouldn't be off, [Vincent] looked surprised and said, 'Can you believe it, and I mean this sincerely, I would give ten years of my life if I could remain sitting here in front of this painting for two weeks with a crust of dry bread to eat?'" (ibid). Vincent probably said something like this, but it was almost certainly as much role-playing as involuntary entrancement. Within the previous several months, he had read of two similar instances of artists' prolonged raptures in front of single works. In Les artistes de mon temps, Charles Blanc reported that Eugène Delacroix stared at a work by Antoine-Jean Gros for three hours (Blanc, p. 33); and in his biography of Jean-François Millet, Sensier quotes Millet claiming that he spent "the whole day" in front of a painting by Giorgione (Sensier, p. 52). It is inconceivable that Vincent did not have these testimonials from Delacroix and Millet, two of his greatest heroes, in his mind when he made his statement to Kerssemakers. 22. now sittingKerssemakers, "Reminiscences of Vincent van Gogh," in Stein, ed., p. 52. (See Ch. 25, n. 21.) 23. now clasping his hands Kerssemakers, "Reminiscences of Vincent van Gogh," in Stein, ed., pp. 53-54: This and a few other examples of Vincent's gallery behavior are drawn from Anton Kerssemakers's account of visiting a museum in Antwerp in the fall of 1885 with Vincent, only weeks before the two toured the Rijksmuseum: "I remember vividly one particularly striking moment. It was when he caught sight of the fisher boy with the basket on his back [The Fisher Boy by Frans Hals] ... Suddenly he had left my side, and I saw him running towards the painting, and I followed. When I caught up with him, he was standing before the painting with hands clasped as in prayer and murmured, 'My God … look at that,' and after a pause he said: 'that is truly a painting, look,' and tracing with his thumb the direction of the broad brushstrokes: 'he indeed left it just the way he had put it down,' and embracing the room with a wide gesture: 'Almost everything else is as outdated as periwigs and pigtails.'" (ibid., p. 53.) 24. now staring intently BVG 431, 11/8/1885-11/12/1885: Both of Vincent's focal lengths, close-up and distant, are referred to in this description of his interaction with Jan Vermeer's View of Delft on a visit to the Mauritshaus in The Hague. In the preceding letter, Vincent reveals how closely he inspected, and how vividly he remembers, the Vermeer work: "Isn't it curious that the Vermeer of Delft in The Hague has retained its colour so magnificently, with a whole series of strong tones of red, green, grey, brown, blue, black, yellow, white?" (JLB 538, 11/3/1885-11/4/1885). A few months later, he complains about a picture in Antwerp that "I couldn't get near enough to examine the technique from very close to, which would have been worthwhile" (JLB 551, 1/2/1886).

Context:
JLB 539, 11/7/1885: "When I read this, I thought of -- Vermeer of Delft. When one sees it from close to, the townscape in The Hague is incredible, and done with completely different colours from what one would suppose a few steps away." (Emphasis in original.)

25. now stepping backBVG 431, 11/8/1885-11/12/1885. (See Ch. 25, n. 24.)

Context:
JLB 539, 11/7/1885: "When I read this, I thought of -- Vermeer of Delft. When one sees it from close to, the townscape in The Hague is incredible, and done with completely different colours from what one would suppose a few steps away." (Emphasis in original.)

26. two years beforeSince leaving The Hague for Drenthe in September 1883, Vincent had been back to The Hague once, in December 1883, to see Sien Hoornik and her family. On the same trip, he visited Van Rappard's studio in Utrecht. He made another short day-trip to Utrecht in September 1884, ostensibly to visit the recuperating Margot Begemann (see Ch. 22, n. 260). He does not mention seeing any galleries or museums on either of those trips. Also, only a few weeks before going to Amsterdam, he had been to Antwerp with Kerssemakers. That trip, not this one, was truly Vincent's first interaction with the great works of the Golden Age since becoming a painter. Since he did not report that trip to Theo, however, we have almost no details of his response to the works he saw there except Kerssemakers's reminiscence. (See Ch. 25, n. 23.) 27. visits to the Trippenhuis BVG 96, 5/21/1877-5/22/1877. Vincent visited the Trippenhuis multiple times during his arduous term in Amsterdam, the first time in May 1877, only shortly after beginning his studies ("Before I went to the Strickers' I walked briefly through the Trippenhuis in order to see several paintings again" [JLB 115, 5/21/1877-5/22/1877]). He went with Theo when he visited soon thereafter and then again in June (JLB 120, 6/12/1877). Finding some of the rooms closed, he returned in July ("coming from church yesterday I walked over there for a while" [JLB 121, 7/9/1877]). When his friend Harry Gladwell visited in September, he went again twice (JLB 130, 9/7/1877). Although he did not accompany Gladwell to the Van der Hoop collection, he did propose that the two take a trip to Haarlem to see the Frans Hals museum -- a proposal that came to nothing (ibid.). Only a few weeks later, when Mendes da Costa left the city for a few days, he returned yet again: "Being less occupied because of this, I could carry out my plan to see the etchings by Rembrandt in the Trippenhuis, went there this morning and am glad I did it" (JLB 131, 9/18/1877). Vincent never directly reports visiting the Van der Hoop collection during this time.

Context:
JLB 115, 5/21/1877-5/22/1877: "Before I went to the Strickers' I walked briefly through the Trippenhuis in order to see several paintings again, I'm sure you know which ones."

28. the Rijksmuseum's predecessors Because the central government had never built a museum before, the city's great works were still spread among various collections and galleries, including the Trippenhuis, the Van der Hoop, the Town Hall, and the Dupper. Van der Ham tells the wonderful story of the frantic, last-minute effort to move these various collections into the new museum in time for its opening in July 1885. Due to construction delays, the building only became available days before the scheduled ceremony. The large collection of the Netherlands Museum, which was destined for the ground floor, was not installed until long after the opening (Van der Ham, p. 177). 29. follow a brushstrokeKerssemakers, "Reminiscences of Vincent van Gogh," in Stein, ed., pp. 53-54. (See Ch. 25, n. 23.) 30. lick his finger BVG B13, 7/25/1888: Vincent describes the procedure and its benefits to his friend Émile Bernard in 1888.

Context:
JLB 651, 7/30/1888: "Thus the annoying yellow tonality of certain canvases by Rembrandt is an effect of deterioration through humidity or other causes, instances of which I could point out to you."

31. "My God, look at that"Kerssemakers, "Reminiscences of Vincent van Gogh," in Stein, ed., pp. 53-54. (See Ch. 25, n. 23.) 32. the museum's prescribed tour Van der Ham illustrates the tour. Cuypers's original floor plan was unforgiving, with few and narrow passages from one gallery to the next (Van der Ham, p. 178). 33. "He knew precisely"Kerssemakers, "Reminiscences of Vincent van Gogh," in Stein, ed., p. 52. 34. skyscape by Ruisdael The Windmill at Wijk bij Duurstede (c. 1670). In his report to Theo, Vincent described it as "the one with the mill" and reviewed it enthusiastically: "Is there no sky in it and vast space? ... sky and earth moreover form a single whole, belong together" (JLB 535, 10/13/1885). 35. two leafless oaksBVG 427, 10/1/1885. Although Vincent later refers to it as "an oak tree on a dune in a storm," he certainly means Jan van Goyen's Landscape with Two Oaks from 1641 (JLB 539, 11/7/1885). The "Dupper Collection" was one of those collections, like the Van der Hoop, that was consolidated into the Rijksmuseum, although it was shown in its own gallery. (See Ch. 25, n. 28.)

Context:
JLB 535, 10/13/1885: "Van Goyen -- that Corot among the Dutchmen -- I stood for a long time in front of that masterly piece in the Dupper Collection, two oaks on a dune in the autumn, in a storm."

36. a woman reading a letter Woman Reading a Letter. Of the examples given, this is the only work that Vincent does not specifically mention in his letters to Theo. It was in the same gallery, the one devoted to the Van der Hoop collection, as Rembrandt's Jewish Bride (Van der Ham, p. 181). 37. "[I am] longing most" BVG 425, 9/4/1885.

Context:
BVG 425, 9/4/1885: " Longing most of all for Rembrandt and Frans Hals, this week I shall go to the museum in Amsterdam for a day with a friend of mine from Eindhoven, some of whose studies I showed you."
JLB 533, 10/4/1885: " Longing most of all for Rembrandt and Frans Hals, one day this week I'm going to the museum in Amsterdam with a friend of mine in Eindhoven whose studies I once showed you."

38. the navelike Honor Gallery Van der Ham, p. 181. 39. Hals's The Lean Company The painting, from 1637, was actually the work of two hands: Hals and Pieter Codde, as Vincent acknowledges (JLB 534, 10/10/1885). Halfway through the monumental work, Hals tired of the commute from his home in Haarlem to Amsterdam, where the company of militiamen lived. After a fee dispute, the Amsterdammers recruited Pieter Codde to finish Hals's painting. Almost all the painting to the left of the central figure is Hals's work, as well as most of the hands and faces. In his letter to Theo praising this painting (ibid.), Vincent appears not to have remembered its peculiar name, based on nothing more obscure than the fact that the posing figures are all thin -- a notable distinction in a culture that equated heft with wealth. 40. Unfamiliar to Vincent BVG 426, 10/10/1885-10/11/1885.

Context:
JLB 534, 10/10/1885: "I don't know whether you remember that to the left of the Night watch, in other words as a pendant to the Syndics, there's a painting -- it was unknown to me until now -- by Frans Hals and P. Codde, 20 or so officers full length" (emphasis in original).

455 41. "I was literally rooted" BVG 426, 10/10/1885-10/11/1885.

Context:
JLB 534, 10/10/1885: "I stood there literally rooted to the spot."

42. both masters' imaginations Vincent compared his two favorite painters of the Golden Age this way: "one can speak about the paintings by Frans Hals, he always remains -- on earth. Rembrandt goes so deep into the mysterious that he says things for which there are no words in any language." (JLB 534, 10/10/1885.) 43. Hals's delighted documentation Vincent clearly saw Hals as first and foremost, if not exclusively, a portrait painter. In 1883, he wrote about "some heads by Frans Hals": "I find a passion [in them] that might be likened to white-hot iron ... It's so subdued that it seems cold, and when one takes a look at it -- -- -- one is amazed that someone evidently working with so much emotion and becoming completely absorbed and lost in nature at the same time has that presence of mind to set it down with such a steady hand" (JLB 310, 2/8/1883). In 1888, from Arles, in a dazzling display of both his memory and his remarkable powers of visualization, Vincent wrote his fellow artist Émile Bernard this astonishing catalogue of Hals imagery: "He painted portraits; nothing nothing nothing but that. Portraits of soldiers, gatherings of officers, portraits of magistrates assembled for the business of the republic, portraits of matrons with pink or yellow skin, wearing white bonnets, dressed in wool and black satin, discussing the budget of an orphanage or an almshouse; he did portraits of good citizens with their families, the man, his wife, his child; he painted the tipsy drinker, the old fishwife full of a witch's mirth, the beautiful gypsy whore, babies in swaddling-clothes, the gallant, bon vivant gentleman, moustachioed, booted and spurred; he painted himself and his wife as young lovers on a turf bench in a garden, after their first wedding night. He painted guttersnipes and laughing urchins, he painted musicians and he painted a fat cook." (JLB 651, 7/30/1888.) 44. red-cheeked drinkers The Merry Drinker (1628-30). 45. love-struck grooms Marriage Portrait Massa (1622). 46. self-satisfied burghers Portrait of Nicholaes Hasselaer (1630-35). 47. world-weary wives Portrait of Sara Wolphaerts (1630-35). 48. the Fodor BVG 426, 10/10/1885-10/11/1885: At the Fodor, Vincent reported seeing works by Alexandre-Gabriel Decamps (he declared that The Shepherd "really is a masterpiece"); Ernest Meissonier, Narcisse Diaz de la Peña, Johannes Bosboom, Antonie Waldrop, Wijnand Nuyen, and Charles Rochussen. In a later letter, he mentions seeing also works by the "old Dutch masters," Adriaen Brouwer, Adriaen van Ostade, and Gerard ter Borch (JLB 535, 10/13/1885).

Context:
JLB 534, 10/10/1885: "Went to the Fodor too."

49. Uncle Cor's gallery BVG 426, 10/10/1885-10/11/1885: Both Vincent, in his contemporaneous letters, and Kerssemakers, in his later reminiscence, recount this visit to the Van Gogh family gallery in Amsterdam. Vincent does not tell his brother about his unwillingness to show his face inside, however, reporting only that his friend bought a book that he recommended: the second volume of Théophile Thoré's Musées de la Hollande (Musée van der Hoop, à Amsterdam, et Musée de Rotterdam [1860]). (Vincent uses Thoré's pseudonym, "[W.] Bürger.") Vincent asks Theo to procure the first volume of the Thoré work, Amsterdam et la Haye: études sur l'École Hollandaise (Amsterdam and The Hague: Studies on the Dutch School [1858]). Kerssemakers recalls that he bought "two books" by Thoré: "Musées de Hollande [sic] and Trésors d'art en Angleterre [1860]" (Kerssemakers, “Reminiscences of Vincent van Gogh,” in Stein, ed., p. 52).

Context: JLB 534, 10/10/1885: “Now I have a favour to ask you. That friend of mine in Eindhoven, who went with me to Amsterdam, bought Bürger, Musées de la Hollande, Van der Hoop et Rotterdam at C.M.'s, but C.M. didn't have the first volume, Musées de la Haye et d'Amsterdam. We must have that one though. It's out of print, but you'll be able to dig one up somewhere, and he's even prepared to give 10 francs for it if need be, although preferably cheaper, of course. I'll send you what it costs you straightaway, since it's for him, and he charged me with this on that condition. So will you do your best to get it? If you do find it, read it through again yourself first -- because it's so good.”

50. balked at going inside Kerssemakers, "Reminiscences of Vincent van Gogh," in Stein, ed., p. 52: "Then we stopped by the Gallery Van Gogh, where at his recommendation I bought two books ... When I asked whether he was not going inside, he answered: 'No, I must not show myself to such a proper, rich family.' He still seemed to be at odds with the family; he remained outside waiting for me." 51. "I must not show myself" Kerssemakers, "Reminiscences of Vincent van Gogh," in Stein, ed., p. 52. 52. that same evening Kerssemakers, "Reminiscences of Vincent van Gogh," in Stein, ed., pp. 51-52: "Because of domestic reasons I could not spend the night away from home." 53. spending precious pennies BVG 433, 11/10/1885-11/20/1885.

Context:
JLB 541, 11/14/1885: "In Amsterdam I lodged in a soup kitchen for 50 cents; I'd do the same there, or better yet reach agreement with some painter or other to be allowed to work in his studio."

54. one of two tripsSee Ch. 25, n. 55. 55. his brother's tourTheo and Dries Bonger visited Antwerp on their way to Nuenen in late July 1885. (See Ch. 24, n. 557.) At the end of his stay in Nuenen, around August 7, Theo traveled to Amsterdam to meet Bonger's family. That Theo saw the Rijksmuseum at this time is not only an inevitable inference (made, for instance, by Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop (Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop, p. 216), but also attested to by a letter Dries Bonger wrote in late August that refers to a recent visit to the newly-opened museum ("It is such a pity that this great building turned out to be such a disappointment" [b1820 V/1970, ''Bonger, Andries'' to ''Bonger, H.C. en H.L.'', 8/25/1885]) and by a reference in a letter that Vincent wrote after his visit to the museum in which he appears to respond to a comment from Theo about a painting in the Rijksmuseum that he, Theo, particularly liked: "The fragment of Rembrandt's anatomy lesson, yes, I was astounded by it too" (JLB 536, 10/20/1885). The reference is almost certainly to The Anatomy Lesson of Dr. Joan Deyman (1656), a picture far less well known than Rembrandt's much earlier Anatomy Lesson of Nicolaas Tulp (1632) at the Mauritshaus in The Hague. 56. deeper into the heath BVG 398, 4/5/1885: In April 1885, Vincent wrote his brother. By July, his vision of a peasant life on the heath had taken an escapist, hermetic turn: "[I] withdraw so much that I literally don't see anybody other than -- the peasants -- with whom I'm directly concerned in order to paint them. ... It may even very well be that before long I'll give up my studio and go and live in a cottage, so that I no longer hear or see anything of those who call themselves civilized people." (JLB 528, 8/18/1885.)

Context:
JLB 490, 4/6/1885: "And I think it by no means unlikely that I'll stay here for the rest of my life, too. After all, I desire nothing other than to live deep in the country and to paint peasant life."

57. single day trip to UtrechtSee Ch. 22, n. 260. 58. journey of his choice A full year before his trip to Amsterdam, Vincent reported: "After all, [Antoon] Hermans has definitely promised me that he'll pay for a trip for me somewhere, but with a return" (JLB 470, 11/17/1884; emphasis in original). 59. "see pictures again" BVG 426, 10/10/1885-10/11/1885: We have slightly altered the translation.

Context:
BVG 426, 10/10/1885-10/11/1885: "The result is that I am very glad I went in spite of the cost, and I made up my mind not to go so long without seeing pictures again."
JLB 534, 10/10/1885: "I'm very glad I went, whatever the cost, and that I don't propose going for so long again without seeing paintings" (emphasis in original).

60. "take a trip now" BVG 425, 9/4/1885.

Context:
BVG 425, 9/4/1885: "For the very reason that I hope to go on trying to find buyers for my own work, I think it will be a good thing for me to take a trip now and then."
JLB 533, 10/4/1885: "Precisely because I very much hope to go finding people for my own work, I think it will be good for me to go on a trip every now and then."

61. "find buyers for my own" BVG 425, 9/4/1885.

Context:
BVG 425, 9/4/1885: "For the very reason that I hope to go on trying to find buyers for my own work, I think it will be a good thing for me to take a trip now and then."
JLB 533, 10/4/1885: "Precisely because I very much hope to go finding people for my own work, I think it will be good for me to go on a trip every now and then."

62. no paintings to show After the Amsterdam trip, Vincent openly confesses that he did not take any of his work to show (even as he pledges to do so in the future): "As regards connections for my work -- I did speak to someone, and if I ever go again I'll take work with me" (JLB 534, 10/10/1885). Only after returning, no doubt to justify the expenses of the trip, Vincent trumpets the opportunities for showing his work in Amsterdam: "There's a general laxness that MAKES it EASY ENOUGH as regards finding a chance to exhibit. ... That's the message if we want to succeed, work a lot precisely because it's slack -- then one day, rather than finding all ports closed to us -- we may be able to lash a broom to the mast." (ibid.; emphasis in original.)

This colorful bit of encouragement was probably nothing but air. Vincent never says another word about showing in Amsterdam. In regard to the Antwerp trip, the evidence is more indirect. Months after the trip, Vincent reports that he met with a painter named "Linnig" while in Antwerp, apparently based on a referral from Theo: "he has nothing but a few miserable old paintings; paints himself rather like Vertin, but seemed to me to be a discouraged man in so far as he ever had any courage, which I reckon wasn't much. All these gentlemen, though, are complaining bitterly that nothing's moving. Still, that's not news." (JLB 546, 12/6/1885; emphasis in original.) This dispiriting report is the only mention Vincent makes of any sales-related activity during his trip to Antwerp. If he had made any other efforts at the time, he surely would have mentioned them here, given all the promises of self-promotion he had made over the previous two years. The "Linnig" Vincent visited would have been either Jan Theodor Joseph Linnig or his nephew Willem Linnig the Younger. Willem Lenning the Elder died in Antwerp in August 1885, almost certainly before Vincent's visit with Kerssemakers. Vincent's other reference is to Petrus Gerardus Vertin, an undistinguished Dutch scene painter with the eye and obsessions of a miniaturist, which may help explain Vincent's uncharacteristically nasty disparagement: "a few miserable old paintings" (ibid.).

63. to Antwerp or to AmsterdamThe trip to Amsterdam was arranged on the spur of the moment. Vincent had been protesting his intention to go to Antwerp almost since arriving in Nuenen. The idea of taking a trip there with Kerssemakers appears vaguely in his letters in early May: "I'm working as hard as I can because I'm thinking of going to see the Antwerp exhibition sometime with that friend of mine in Eindhoven, if I can manage it" (JLB 502, 5/22/1885). In August, in his delusional follow-up after Theo's stormy visit to Nuenen at the beginning of that month, Vincent revives the general plan for Antwerp, obviously trying desperately to rally his brother one more time: "it's the time to try to push ahead with my work. I've also been looking for addresses in Antwerp, and will hear more precisely about them before long. Then I can probably send things there, too. But if you want these things, help me to bring them about." (JLB 527, 8/17/1885.) There is no further mention of Antwerp, either directly or indirectly, until December, surely long after Vincent and Kerssemakers had come and gone. It appears from this mention that Vincent did consult Theo, probably during the latter's visit in early August, about connections in Antwerp, presumably in anticipation of a trip: "I've also hunted out Linnig, whom you mentioned in the summer when I asked you if you knew people in Antwerp" (JLB 546, 12/6/1885; see Ch. 25, n. 62). If so, it is even odder that Vincent neither reported to Theo on the trip as soon as he returned from it, nor mentioned it in any of the twenty-three long letters that he wrote Theo from Antwerp between December 1885 and February 1886. 64. Vincent's vehement denials BVG 423, 9/1/1885-9/15/1885.

Context:
JLB 531, 9/2/1885: "A girl I'd often painted was having a child and they thought it was mine, although it wasn't me."

65. quarreled with passersby BVG 433, 11/10/1885-11/20/1885: In November 1885, Vincent reports with evident relief, recalling earlier unpleasant disagreements with people in Nuenen: "Well then, the peasants and the folk from the village aren't mistaken and promptly say, even contradicting me if I say they're wrong, that is Renier de Greef, that's Toon de Groot and that's Dien van der Beek &c. And sometimes even recognize a figure seen from behind." (JLB 541, 11/14/1885; emphasis in original.)

Context:
JLB 541, 11/14/1885: "Well then, the peasants and the folk from the village aren't mistaken and promptly say, even contradicting me if I say they're wrong, that is Renier de Greef, that's Toon de Groot and that's Dien van der Beek &c. And sometimes even recognize a figure seen from behind." (Emphasis in original.)

456 66. drew them naked Van Heugten, p. 25: Despite the absence of any surviving nude images from Nuenen, Van Heugten believes that Vincent did make some, and he marshals compelling arguments for this conclusion. One of the most interesting of these follows the fate of the works that Vincent left behind in Nuenen when he departed for Antwerp in late 1885. These images fell into the custody of his mother, who, when she left Nuenen in 1886, gave all of them to a local carpenter named Janus Schrauwen. Seventeen years later (1904), Schrauwen sold the crate of paintings and drawings to two junk dealers. Only then did one of the dealer's wives discover that the cache included nude drawings, "which so scandalised [her]," Van Heugten recounts, "that they were thrown away" (ibid.).

In addition to this testamentary evidence, there are scattered hints in Vincent's letters that he would have taken advantage of any opportunity to do nude drawings, despite the obvious risk of scandal. In October 1884, he considered taking lessons in nude drawing with the sculptor Jean Theodore Stracké in Den Bosch or at the academy in Antwerp (JLB 465, 10/9/1884). As recently as July 1885, he had engaged in an odd digression on the subject of the "simple nude but modern figure," indicating that the subject was still on his mind (JLB 515, 7/14/1885; emphasis in original). As Vincent must have known, this was dangerous territory in a tight-knit, rural, religious community like Nuenen. Van Heugten notes: "If it is true that his models did occasionally pose in the nude, it is easy to see that this innocuous activity might have been seized on by the local gossips" (Van Heugten, p. 27). In his letters to Theo after the scandal breaks, Vincent does not own up to nude drawing. Instead, he casts the campaign against him in purely Millet-like terms, maintaining that he is being hounded by the forces of convention merely for socializing with the poor peasants: "But you see that it isn't easy to paint people at home and draw them as they go about their business" (JLB 531, 9/2/1885).

67. "a dose of malice" BVG 433, 11/10/1885-11/20/1885: We have slightly altered the translation.

Context:
BVG 433, 11/10/1885-11/20/1885: "The general nickname I have in this neighborhood is 't schildermenneke [the little painter fellow] and it is not without a certain dose of malice that I go abroad."
JLB 541, 11/14/1885: "The nickname I have around here is generally 'the little painter fellow', and it's not entirely without a measure of malice that I'm going there"

68. "God-fearing natives" BVG 425, 9/4/1885.

Context:
BVG 425, 9/4/1885: "But of course there will always be God-fearing natives in the village who will persist in suspecting me, for one thing is sure, namely that the priest would only too gladly throw the whole blame of that affair on me."
JLB 533, 10/4/1885: "There'll always be God-fearing natives in the village who'll still believe me capable of it, though, because it's certain that the priest would love to pin the blame for that business on me."

69. peasants idled after the summer It can be no coincidence that Vincent's drawings of peasants working in the summer of 1885 trail off in an unusual series of drawings of wheat stooks: Wheat Field with Sheaves and a Windmill (F 1319v JH 911), Stooks and a Peasant Stacking Sheaves (F 1339 JH 912), Stooks and a Mill (F 1340 JH 913), Wheatfield with Reaper and Peasant Woman Binding Sheaves (F 1321r JH 915), Wheatfield with a Stook and a Mill (F 1341 JH 918), and Wheatfield with Stooks and a Mill (F 1342 JH 919). There is also a painting of a single stook, Sheaves of Wheat in a Field (F 193 JH 914). Two of the drawings feature figures (Stooks and a Peasant Stacking Sheaves [F 1339 JH 912], and Wheatfield with Reaper and Peasant Woman Binding Sheaves [F 1321r JH 915]), but the others, including the painting, do not -- an eerie artifact, perhaps, of Vincent's ostracism in the late summer of 1885. 70. "They do nothing" BVG 423, 9/1/1885-9/15/1885; emphasis added. The echo of Lear is unmistakable.

Context:
BVG 423, 9/1/1885-9/15/1885: "But you see they do it only for the sake of earning money, and they do nothing for nothing here."
JLB 531, 9/2/1885: "But you see, they only do it for the sake of earning money and I don't get anything done for nothing around here" (emphasis in original).

71. Andreas PauwelsDe Brouwer, p. 96: De Brouwer gives the names of both Andreas Pauwels, the priest in Nuenen from 1880 to 1889, and Wilhelmus Beekmans, who was chaplain in Nuenen from 1882 to 1890. Van der Heijden, in an opaque construction, appears to give the name of Vincent's priest-nemesis as "Thomas van Luijtelaar," but Van der Heijden's evaluation of the Catholic-Protestant divide in Nuenen, unlike his assiduous economic analysis, seems misguided in other ways (Van der Heijden, p. 118). (See Ch. 21, n. 164.) 72. "people of lower station" BVG 423, 9/1/1885-9/15/1885.

Context:
BVG 423, 9/1/1885-9/15/1885: "These last two weeks I have had a lot of trouble with the reverend gentlemen of the clergy, who gave me to understand, albeit with the best intentions and believing like so many others that they were obliged to intervene -- that I ought not to be too familiar with people below me in station. But while they put the matter to me in these terms, they used quite a different tone with the 'people of lower station,' namely, threatening them if they allowed themselves to be painted."
JLB 531, 9/2/1885: "This last fortnight I've had a great deal of trouble with the reverend gentlemen of the priesthood, who gave me to understand -- of course with the best of intentions and, no less than others, believing that it was their duty to interfere -- who gave me to understand that I shouldn't be too familiar with people beneath my station -- who, having spoken to me in those terms, spoke in a very different tone to the 'people of lower station', that's to say with threats that they mustn't allow themselves to be painted."

73. voice of his dead father BVG 440, 12/15/1885. Four months later, Vincent wrote from Antwerp: "until the end Pa also spoke and acted towards me, yes, like the priest" (JLB 548, 12/17/1885).

Context:
JLB 548, 12/17/1885: "... until the end Pa also spoke and acted towards me, yes, like the priest."

74. would surely have preferred Perrot and Martin-Fugier, in Perrot, ed., p. 151: "The fundamental precepts of peasant and bourgeois alike were to keep troubles private, to keep outsiders out, and to wash one's dirty laundry at home." 75. took the matter directly BVG 423, 9/1/1885-9/15/1885.

Context:
JLB 531, 9/2/1885: "This time I simply went straight to the burgomaster and told him exactly what had happened, and pointed out that this was none of the priests' business and that they should stick to their own province of more abstract things."

76. the town Burgomaster De Brouwer, p. 96: According to De Brouwer, the town mayor in Nuenen at the time was Johannes van Hombergh. Vincent certainly anticipates that Theo's reaction will be horror at yet another public humiliation, and, as usual, he mounts an anticipatory defense: "You'll ask what's the point of being a disagreeable person -- sometimes you have to be. If I'd discussed it meekly they'd have ground me down without mercy. And when they hinder me in my work, sometimes the only way I know is an eye for an eye, a tooth for a tooth." (JLB 531, 9/2/1885.) Even if Vincent's public airing of the scandal did not horrify Theo, surely this bloody-minded defense did. 77. "the accident" BVG 425, 9/4/1885.

Context:
BVG 425, 9/4/1885: "With the peasants to whom the accident happened, where I often used to paint, I have remained on good terms, and I am as welcome in their home as I used to be."
JLB 533, 10/4/1885: "I've remained on good terms with the peasants to whom it happened and where I went to paint a lot, and am just as welcome in their home as before."

78. meddlesome priest in The Hague BVG 328, 9/26/1883.

Context:
JLB 390, 9/26/1883: "I've sometimes wondered, for instance, whether [Sien's] mother wasn't also being backed in turn by a priest, because too much has been done on their part to influence the woman for me to explain. ... if it's the case that [Sien's] family is helping her, I understand well enough that she's too much in agreement with them, and has been for a long time, so that I may not or cannot have anything more to do with it. Or, I've thought, if there's a priest behind it, she's being helped but only on condition that she has nothing more to do with me, and that's the reason for her silence." (Emphasis in original.)

79. promised them money BVG 423, 9/1/1885-9/15/1885: "The priest went so far as to promise the people money if they didn't allow themselves to be painted -- however, the people replied very pertly that they'd rather earn it from me than go cap in hand to him" (JLB 531, 9/2/1885; emphasis in original). Neither part of this story is credible. One cannot help but notice that the thrust of Vincent's argument here is that he will continue to need Theo's financial support in order to keep up with the priest in this unlikely bidding war for the peasants' allegiance. We know from Theo's letters to his mother that he shared Vincent's suspicion of the Catholic Church and its agents in Brabant, and Vincent could well have intended to take advantage of this common prejudice in rallying Theo to his cause.

Context:
JLB 531, 9/2/1885: "The priest went so far as to promise the people money if they didn't allow themselves to be painted -- however, the people replied very pertly that they'd rather earn it from me than go cap in hand to him" (emphasis in original).

80. a popular insurrection BVG 415, August 1885. Given the outcome of this controversy, Vincent's claim of a groundswell of support for him against the priest is highly suspect: "Fortunately for me, the priest isn't yet, but is nonetheless beginning to become, quite unpopular. ... The priest went so far as to promise the people money if they didn't allow themselves to be painted -- however, the people replied very pertly that they'd rather earn it from me than go cap in hand to him." (JLB 531, 9/2/1885; emphasis in original.) In fact, Vincent's surviving oeuvre from this period indicates a complete shutdown of his figure drawing, undoubtedly due to the unavailability of models, despite the fact that the harvest had ended in August and peasants should have been amply available for modeling by the time this letter was written in September.

At the time of his visit to Nuenen in mid-summer, Willem Wenckebach found Vincent already in a fury at the local peasants: "he talked volubly and interestingly about his aim and his work, his difficulties in working with the peasants, and so forth. It seemed so strange to me that, although he lived amongst them, he flew into a rage and was so provoked at them." (Wenckebach, "Letters to an Artist," in Stein, ed., p. 67.) Later, at a dinner at Kerssemakers's house, the subject came up again: "Vincent suddenly flew into a rage, threw down his fork, cursed the peasants, and left the room!" (ibid.). This suggests that Vincent's animosity toward the peasants was the background against which the scandal played out, not the result of the priest's campaign of vilification, as Vincent wants Theo to believe.

Context:
JLB 519, 7/16/1885: "Keep your spirits up, too, for perhaps we'll get more friends, and then it will liven up, and the squabbling among us might perhaps become a peasant battle against the sort of painters one can still point out in all juries nowadays, who even now would try to stifle the ideas for which Millet was the pioneer if they could."

81. "an eye for an eye" BVG 423, 9/1/1885-9/15/1885.

Context:
BVG 423, 9/1/1885-9/15/1885: "And when they hinder me in my work, I sometimes do not see any other way than an eye for an eye, and a tooth for a tooth."
JLB 531, 9/2/1885: "And when they hinder me in my work, sometimes the only way I know is an eye for an eye, a tooth for a tooth."

82. his models would return BVG 423, 9/1/1885-9/15/1885.

Context:
JLB 531, 9/2/1885: "Anyway -- they won't easily win in this case, and this winter I do hope to keep the very same models, who are of the old Brabant stock through and through."

83. Deprived of models The literature generally respects Vincent's protest that he turned to still lifes because he wanted to, and, in fact, enjoyed doing them: "I've been painting a lot of still lifes lately ... and I like it enormously. I'll send you some. I know that they're difficult to sell -- but it's devilish useful and I'll go on doing a lot to them in the winter." (JLB 533, 10/4/1885.) But this is hardly credible. In his effort to hide from his brother the depth of the scandal in Nuenen and the breadth of his ostracism, Vincent clearly needed to provide a reason for his abrupt turn to an imagery that he had consistently avoided in the past, associating it with beginners' lessons and women artists (JLB 536, 10/20/1885). The shallowness of his commitment to the "usefulness" of still-life painting, at this point in his career, can be seen in his quick reversion to portrait painting when he arrives in Antwerp. Less than a month after leaving Nuenen, he writes: "I consequently believe that nothing helps one progress so directly as working with a model" (JLB 549, 12/19/1885; emphasis in original). And in 1888, in Arles, he remembers his time in Nuenen this way: "the work wasn't going badly in Nuenen and it was only a matter of going on with it. I still miss my models who were made for me and whom I still adore; if only I had them here now ..." (JLB 626, 6/16/1888-6/20/1888; emphasis in original.) 84. baskets of the potatoes Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop, p. 166: Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop make the point that the potato and apple harvests had just finished, so both were in ample supply. 457 85. Du dessinet et de la couleur BVG R58, 9/1/1885. Félix Bracquemond, who was primarily known to Vincent as an etcher (e.g., JLB 305, 1/27/1883), published Du Dessin et de la Couleur in 1885. Theo sent him a copy of the book soon after it appeared. Vincent pays eager homage to Bracquemond's notions of drawing with color: "I've read Bracquemond's book more than once, and have thought about it a lot. Although what he says about the colours isn't new -- although it comes down to the same thing -- at bottom -- as the theories that Delacroix discovered -- although what he says about drawing -- modeling is drawing, drawing is modeling -- isn't new either -- all the same, I've seldom read more powerful words for these and other truths. In short -- I think the book very good -- and have thought about it a lot." (JLB 532, 9/25/1885-9/29/1885; emphasis in original.)

And again a few letters later: "A great lesson that the old Dutch masters teach, it seems to me, is this: to regard drawing and colour as one -- which Bracquemond says too. That now -- many do not do it, they draw with everything except with sound colour." (JLB 535, 10/13/1885; emphasis in original.) As Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop discuss, Vincent appears to make an effort to apply this theory in his still lifes from the fall of 1885 (Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop, p. 164).

He never seems to fully master the application of Bracquemond's principles, however, and, like most such passions, it quickly passes. As soon as he leaves Nuenen, he never mentions Bracquemond or his theories again (at the end of his life, he recalls a Bracquemond etching [JLB 877, 6/3/1890]). Nor does Bracquemond's distinguishing notion of the unity of color and drawing play any discernible role in Vincent's mature works, in which color is rarely used for modeling, at least as Bracquemond defined it. Bracquemond's preferred palette (Nicolas Poussin was a favorite [JLB 531, 9/2/1885]) also bears no relation to Vincent's later work.

Commentators have emphasized the "heft" of Vincent's fruit and legumes in these still lifes, taking their cue from Vincent's colorfully-expressed ambitions for them: "Such that they become lumps that have weight and are solid, which you'd feel if they were thrown at you, for instance" (JLB 533, 10/4/1885). While most, but not all, have more volumetric reality than Vincent's figures, that is damning by faint praise. Otherwise, they are fairly standard beginner-level studies of simple shapes, although they obviously provided Vincent a more forgiving opportunity (than figures) to practice his brushwork. Vincent did not go on to apply their "lessons" about rendering volume in any significant way in his later art. As "studies for colour," another of Vincent's claims for them (JLB 534, 10/10/1885), they mostly rehash the same obsession with mixing complementary colors into various grays that preoccupied him throughout the first half of 1885.

Context:
JLB 526, 8/8/1885-8/15/1885: "I've also read a beautiful book by Bracquemond, the etcher -- Du dessin et de la couleur" (emphasis in original).

86. elaborate inventories This is the best example, referring to Basket of Apples (F 99 JH 930): "Just to say how that study was painted -- quite simply this. Green and red are complementary. Well there's a particular -- red in the apples, very coarse in itself -- and greenish things as well. Now there are one or two apples in a different colour too -- which make the whole thing right -- in a particular pink. That pink -- is the broken colour, created by mixing the aforementioned red and the aforementioned greenish. There you have the reason why there's an association between the colours. Added to this is a second contrast -- the background forms a contrast to the foreground. The one is a neutral colour, obtained by breaking blue with orange, the other the same neutral colour, only altered by the addition of some yellow." (JLB 536, 10/20/1885; emphasis in original.) Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop lavish important attention on Vincent's descriptions of this and other paintings from this series (Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop, pp. 164-178), but it is all too easy to allow the winds of Vincent's rhetoric to carry one far from the images themselves, which are undeniably, extraordinarily dark.

Even though they may have darkened with age somewhat, it must be remembered that they could be seen, at the time, only in interior daylight and by gaslight -- not in the intense illumination available today. It is hard to imagine that anyone other than Vincent could have made out the fine shadings of gray that he so lovingly describes. There is at least a hint that Theo expressed some skepticism about Vincent's colorful descriptions after he saw the paintings themselves (Vincent shipped some of them in mid-October [JLB 535, 10/13/1885]). Responding to a comment from Theo about one of them, Vincent writes: "But -- this gives me immense pleasure, that either by direct or by indirect personal feeling you notice a colour combination. Further -- that one of the studies appeared to you to be a variation on the brown-grey theme." (JLB 536, 10/20/1885.) Although Vincent sounds pleased with his brother's comment, he could be simply pretending not to notice the insinuation that the new still lifes were nothing more than a tired rehearsal of the tenebrous color scheme of the three still lifes, all titled Basket of Potatoes [F 100 JH 931, F 116 JH 934, and F 107 JH 933; see JLB 536, notes 2-4]. In fact, Vincent goes on to argue an elaborate but unconvincing distinction among the new works and between them and the previous one: "that's very definitely the case -- only -- all 3 of them are, the ones of the potatoes, with the difference that one is a study in sienna, the other in burnt sienna, the other in -- yellow ochre and red ochre" (ibid.; emphasis in original).

87. "dull" BVG 428, 10/15/1885-10/31/1885: Vincent writes this referring to one of his dark still lifes.

Context:
BVG 428, 10/15/1885-10/31/1885: "The latter -- that is the largest one -- is in my opinion the best -- notwithstanding the dull black background which I purposely left dull because the ochres are also naturally non-transparent colours."
JLB 536, 10/20/1885: "The latter -- that's the large one -- to my mind -- is the best -- despite the matt black background, which I left matt on purpose because the ochres are also naturally non-transparent colours" (emphasis in original).

88. bright still life of flowers This painting of flowers, a pipe, and a tobacco pouch, lies underneath Basket of Apples (F 99 JH 930). It was one of two flower still lifes with honesty (the flower) that Vincent attempted in the spring of 1885. (The other is Vase with Honesty, [F 76 JH 542]). Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop report on analysis of the hidden painting, one of Vincent's first flower images, that remained undiscovered until 1994: "The remnants of paint from this first image, still visible at the edges of the canvas, indicate that its palette was much more colourful than the first version [Vase with Honesty (F 76 JH 542)] ... The background to the left of the bouquet was a bright light blue; to the right a bright green. A little further down it was a brownish green. At the lower left we find traces of grey, running into grey-blue and pink at the edge. Where the separate flowers lay, along the left edge about 10 cm from the bottom, are remains of bright orange and yellow paint." (Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop, p. 177.) 89. a memento moriBVG 398, 4/5/1885: Vincent included in the letter a lovely pen and wash drawing of the image (Honesty in a Vase [F 398 JH 726]), which was his second attempt at the subject. (See Ch. 25, n. 88.) When Theo visited Vincent's studio during his visit for their father's funeral on March 30, he took the latter painting back to Paris with him. According to Vincent, his dealer-uncle Cor (C.M.), who also visited the studio at that time, also admired the first still life with honesty, and it was that rare compliment that led Vincent to begin the second version, the one that lies underneath Basket of Apples (F 99 JH 930) (JLB 489, 4/4/1885).

Context:
JLB 490, 4/6/1885: "Herewith another scratch of a man's head and one of a still life with honesty in the same style as the one you took with you. It's rather larger, though -- and the objects in the foreground are a tobacco pouch and a pipe of Pa's."

90. "reverend gentlemen" BVG 423, 9/1/1885-9/15/1885: Vincent writes of his troubles with Father Pauwels. Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop provide a wonderfully lucid and astute summary of the various interpretations of Vincent's painting over the memento mori he had painted on the occasion of his father's death (Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop, pp. 76-77). Whether or not Vincent's choice of honesty for the subject of this painting, in the spring of 1885, represents a condemnation of his father (the flower is called "judaspenning" in Dutch, a reference to the money Judas was paid to betray Christ), we believe his choice of this image to overpaint, in the fall of 1885, represents a conscious or unconscious act of animosity toward his father -- an animosity no doubt reawakened by the battle with Pauwels.

Context:
BVG 423, 9/1/1885-9/15/1885: "These last two weeks I have had a lot of trouble with the reverend gentlemen of the clergy, who gave me to understand, albeit with the best intentions and believing like so many others that they were obliged to intervene -- that I ought not to be too familiar with people below me in station."
JLB 531, 9/2/1885: "This last fortnight I've had a great deal of trouble with the reverend gentlemen of the priesthood, who gave me to understand -- of course with the best of intentions and, no less than others, believing that it was their duty to interfere -- who gave me to understand that I shouldn't be too familiar with people beneath my station -- who, having spoken to me in those terms, spoke in a very different tone to the 'people of lower station', that's to say with threats that they mustn't allow themselves to be painted."

91. protest his solidarity Vincent never offers a specific motivation for turning to the motif of birds' nests. The general view in the literature is that his reasons were personal. (See Hulsker, p. 202.) The resonance with his own childhood obsessions and particularly with his early reading of L'oiseau (1856) by Jules Michelet further indicate a long interest and private fulfillment in this imagery. Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop take the more skeptical position that Vincent was "merely seeking some respite from the rather monotonous series of still lifes he had recently been working on, dominated by potatoes," and that "[t]he nests were readily available in the studio" (Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop, p. 200). Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop, however, fail to take into account Vincent's active participation in collecting the nests he depicted or the significance of that joint activity with local boys as one of his few positive interactions with the peasantry that he yearned to be a part of, and from which he felt increasingly alienated.

Our view falls somewhere closer to the interpretation of H. R. Graetz in The Symbolic Language of Vincent van Gogh (1963): "[Vincent's] keen interest in such nests, with their deep dark holes, is another intimation of his somber mood at the time he chose them as a subject. Indeed, deep in his heart, he always looked for a nest -- a home, and never really found one" (Graetz; quoted in Hulsker, p. 202). (See Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop, p. 200, n. 15.) There is not the slightest empirical or intuitive evidence to support Vincent's suggestion that he undertook these images because they would be saleable (i.e., "some people who know nature well might like them" [JLB 533, 10/4/1885]). As Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop point out, there was hardly any precedent for the motif in Western iconography" (Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop, p. 200).

92. branches of a fallen tree limb Du Quesne-van Gogh, p. 38: In her memoir, Vincent's sister Lies describes this arrangement in the corner of Vincent's studio as "an old tree, which had been felled by the storm. It had been cut down and placed in a box filled with earth." This memory is too specific to be dismissed, yet must partake of some measure of poetic license. Any complete tree with sufficient branch structure to support several dozen nests would have been too big to fit into the corner of a room, even "cut down," as Lies has it. We have taken the view that she is referring to a substantial limb off a larger tree. Kerssemakers remembers a different arrangement, however: "A great pile of ashes around the stove that had never seen a brush or polish, a few chairs with frayed cane seats, a cupboard with about thirty different birds' nests" (Kerssemakers, "Reminiscences of Vincent van Gogh," in Stein, ed., p. 51). Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop attempt to reconcile these two versions of the manner in which Vincent displayed his nests by suggesting that Lies's account predates Vincent's move into the studio in May 1885, while Kerssemakers's post-dates it (Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop, p. 198, n. 5 and n. 6). It does seem odd that Kerssemakers, who described Vincent's studio in some detail, failed to notice or mention the unusual form of exhibition described by Lies, although it is not inconceivable that, in the clutter of the Kerkstraat studio, it failed to register -- especially if it was not the substantial "dead crown" described by Lies (Du Quesne-van Gogh, p. 38). However, it is certainly consistent with the avidity of Vincent's collecting behavior that he filled both the cupboard and the dead tree limb with nests. 93. more than thirtyKerssemakers, "Reminiscences of Vincent van Gogh," in Stein, ed., pp. 51-52. (See Ch. 25, n. 92.) 94. straw of the wren's nest For example: Basket of Apples, F 99 JH 930, September, 1885, oil on canvas, 16.9 x 23.2 in. , 43 x 59 cm., Van Gogh Museum, Amsterdam. According to Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop: "the wren reinforces its dwelling with little pieces of straw" that are clearly visible in Potato Field in the Dunes (F 1037 JH 390) (Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop, p. 198). 95. the woolly bowl Du Quesne-van Gogh, p. 38: In her memoir, Vincent's sister Lies includes touching descriptions of some of the nests in Vincent's collection -- descriptions that probably do not lie far from Vincent's own feelings about the "trophies" he had been gathering since childhood: "There hung the cone-shaped nest of the Zaum-koenig [wren], the moss nest of the faik [faik] the simple housing of the sparrow, starling, or Krammetsvogel [thrush] and a nest belonging to the nightingale, which showed less skill than the others; also the snow-white, woolly nest of the Wiel Wool [golden oriole], braided out of reeds and lined with soft white down feathers; while in the fork of the tree was the strange little nest of the stream swallow, made out of grass with a flooring of clay; and last of all a pair of nests of those who build low on the ground." 96. monuments of nature Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop, p. 198: Five nest still lifes are known to have survived. They are Still Life with Three Birds' Nests (F 112 JH 938), Still Life with Birds' Nests (F 111 JH 939), Still Life with Three Birds' Nests (F 108 JH 940), Still Life with Three Birds' Nests (F 110 JH 941), and Still Life with Birds' Nests (F 109r JH 942). In addition, there is a wonderful ink sketch of a single nest (Bird's Nest [F 425 JH 943]) in JLB 533. 97. his reassuring words BVG 425, 9/4/1885.

Context:
JLB 533, 10/4/1885: "That dispute I had with the priest -- I haven't had much more bother with it. There'll always be God-fearing natives in the village who'll still believe me capable of it, though, because it's certain that the priest would love to pin the blame for that business on me. Since I'm not to blame, though, the rumours from that quarter leave me completely cold. As long as they don't get in the way of my painting I don't take any notice of them whatsoever."

98. abandoned him altogetherNot surprisingly, Vincent's letters to Theo never give a clear picture of his complete alienation from the townspeople of Nuenen, at all class levels. The closest he comes is a belated, self-justifying report in mid-November 1885, right before leaving, allowing that the priest had successfully intimidated the peasants into submission: "continuing to work with models here didn't so much run up against opposition from the priest, which would have been neutralized by being absolutely ignored on my part right away, had that been all there was to it, but the wretched thing is that, although I have the courage to oppose him, the people hesitate and are more frightened than I'd expected" (JLB 543, 11/20/1885).

A truer indication of the depth and timing of Vincent's ostracism can be gleaned elsewhere. In early September, Vincent wrote Theo, reassuring him that the priest's machinations had not deprived him of the friendship of the De Groots: "I've remained on good terms with the peasants to whom it happened and where I went to paint a lot, and am just as welcome in their home as before" (JLB 533, 10/4/1885). (Even this boast may contain an inadvertent admission of estrangement: i.e., "where I went to paint a lot.") Yet when Gordina's child was born about a month later (October 20), Vincent was not involved in any way and knew nothing about the birth. Although he remained in Nuenen for another month, he later had to inquire of his sister Wil as to whether the child had survived, and does not appear to know its sex (JLB 574, October 1887). Vincent comes close to admitting his alienation from the De Groots on the eve of his departure. Believing that the scandal would blow over, he expected to return to Nuenen. But if he did not, he took vindictive satisfaction in imagining how much his models would miss the extra income he provided: "If I go away for a few months now, that might help, and if it doesn't help, then none of those I paid something for it every week last winter will earn anything from it this winter" (JLB 543, 11/20/1885). The bitter reference to "those I paid something for it every week last winter" could only refer to the De Groots and Rooijses, the sitters for his beloved Potato Eaters

99. "frightened" BVG 435, 11/18/1885-11/22/1885.

Context:
BVG 435, 11/18/1885-11/22/1885: "But working steadily with models here is not so much hampered by the priest's opposition, which in itself would have been neutralized by my ignoring it completely, but the worst is that though I have the courage to stand my ground, people hesitate, and are more frightened than I thought they would be."
JLB 543, 11/20/1885: "But in practice, continuing to work with models here didn't so much run up against opposition from the priest, which would have been neutralized by being absolutely ignored on my part right away, had that been all there was to it, but the wretched thing is that, although I have the courage to oppose him, the people hesitate and are more frightened than I'd expected."

100. a brief three daysVincent could have visited the Rijksmuseum all three day of his visit to Amsterdam. 458 101. "deep tones" BVG 427, 10/1/1885: Note we have slightly altered Bonger's translation.

Context:
BVG 427, 10/1/1885: "[Hendrik Willem] Mesdag, for instance, who was at first very realistic, as you remember, has become in his later pictures and drawings deeper of tone and often somewhat more mysterious."
JLB 535, 10/13/1885: "A Mesdag, for instance, who was once a terrible realist, as you'll remember -- is becoming more tonal in his later paintings and drawings, and often more mysterious" (emphasis in original).

102. Ruisdael's skies BVG 427, 10/1/1885: The references to "outdoors" and "vast space" are veiled retorts to Theo's arguments distinguishing the Impressionists.

Context:
JLB 535, 10/13/1885: "Is the Ruisdael in the Van der Hoop, the one with the mill, not outdoors? Is there no sky in it and vast space? And yet -- the whole painting is very much darker than the fellows would do, sky and earth moreover form a single whole, belong together." (Emphasis in original.)

103. "The more I see" BVG 426, 10/10/1885-10/11/1885.

Context:
BVG 426, 10/10/1885-10/11/1885: "Speaking of black -- the more I see of those pictures in a cold, childish colour scheme, the more I am glad that my studies are found too black"
JLB 534, 10/10/1885: "Speaking -- of -- too black -- I'm very glad, all the more so as I see more of the paintings in cold, childish spectrums -- that they think my studies are too black."

104. long report of his visit BVG 426, 10/10/1885-10/11/1885.

Context:
JLB 534, 10/10/1885: "I'm writing at some length."

105. Rembrandt's scumbled surfaces This is clearly one of the features of Rembrandt's Jewish Bride in particular that attracted Vincent. Comparing it to The Syndics (The Dutch Masters), Rembrandt's more widely esteemed -- and more precisely-painted -- group portrait, Vincent suggests the Jewish Bride goes beyond "the literal sense, as he did in a portrait," (JLB 534, 10/10/1885; emphasis in original). "[Rembrandt] could -- make poetry -- be a poet, that's to say Creator. ... What a noble sentiment, fathomlessly deep." (ibid; emphasis in original.) This, of course, is precisely the defense that he used against criticism of Potato Eaters' (F 1594v JH 1958) weak and imprecise drawing. 106. "great masters" BVG 426, 10/10/1885-10/11/1885: We have slightly altered the translation.

Context:
BVG 426, 10/10/1885-10/11/1885: "I am writing you rather a long letter -- though perhaps you may not believe what I say about the colours, and though you may find me pessimistic when I say that much of what is called delicate grey is a very ugly grey; though you may find me pessimistic or worse when I also disapprove of the smooth polishing of faces, hands and eyes, because the great masters all worked in quite a different way, perhaps by and by your own study of art, which I am glad you took up again thoroughly, will change you too."
JLB 534, 10/10/1885: "I'm writing at some length -- even if you perhaps don't believe what I say about the colours, and even if you think me pessimistic when I say that much of what they call subtle grey is very ugly grey, even if you think me pessimistic or worse still when I also condemn the smooth finishing of faces, hands, eyes, since all the great masters worked differently -- perhaps, little by little, your own study of art, which you have happily begun again properly, will change you too."

107. "by that conscience" BVG 426, 10/10/1885-10/11/1885.

Context:
BVG 426, 10/10/1885-10/11/1885: "Let them jabber about technique as much as they like, in Pharisaical, hollow, hypocritical terms -- the true painters are guided by that conscience which is called sentiment, their soul: their brains aren't subject to the pencil, but the pencil to their brains."
JLB 534, 10/10/1885: "Let people prattle on about technique as they will, with hollow, hypocritical, Pharisee words -- the true painters -- allow themselves to be guided by that conscience that's called sentiment; their soul, their brains aren't led by the brush, but the brush is led by their brains."

108. Brouwer and Van Ostade BVG 427, 10/1/1885: Vincent actually singles out three Golden Age painters for special mention of their Rijksmuseum works: Adriaen Brouwer and Adriaen von Ostade, both famous peasant painters; and Gerard ter Borch, whose primary subject was middle-class domestic life. Vincent focuses on the work of one contemporary painter among the many he saw elsewhere in Amsterdam on his brief visit: "In Amsterdam I saw other present-day paintings, Witkamp and others. Witkamp's certainly the best, reminds me of Jules Breton." (JLB 534, 10/10/1885.) Ernest Sigismund Witkamp was a primarily known for his peasant scenes. Given Vincent's reference to Breton (Jules Adolphe Aimé Breton, 1827-1906; French artist and poet), this is probably the kind of work he saw. In retrospect, it is tempting to read in Witkamp's ultimate obscurity (only one of his works, Dans les champs, hangs in the Municipal Museum in Amsterdam) the fate that Vincent would have suffered if he had stuck to his championing of Millet and peasant painting.

Context:
JLB 535, 10/13/1885: "In Amsterdam I saw other present-day paintings, Witkamp and others. Witkamp's certainly the best, reminds me of Jules Breton."

109. Hals's mastery of gray BVG 426, 10/10/1885-10/11/1885: Vincent singles out one figure in The Lean Company for an elaborate exegesis in support of his longstanding argument that a colorist's greatest challenge is mixing complementary colors in fine gradations of neutral tones.

Context:
JLB 534, 10/10/1885: "There's a figure in it, the figure of the standard-bearer in the extreme left corner, right up against the frame. That figure is in grey from top to toe, let's call it pearl grey, -- of a singular neutral tone -- probably obtained with orange and blue mixed so that they neutralize each other -- by varying this basic colour in itself -- by making it a little lighter here, a little darker there, the whole figure is as it were painted with one and the same grey. But the leather shoes are a different material from the leggings, which are different from the folds of the breeches, which are different from the doublet -- expressing different materials, very different in colour one from another, still all one family of grey."

110. artistic godfather Israëls BVG 426, 10/10/1885-10/11/1885. On his brief visit to Amsterdam, Vincent saw two works by Israëls at the Fodor Museum, including "Fishermen of Zandvoort" (Past Mother's Grave [see Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop, p. 14]) and Alone in the World, which Vincent described as "an old woman, hunched up like a bundle of rags, by a bedstead in which her husband's corpse is lying" (JLB 534, 10/10/1885). Almost immediately, his imagination creates a bond between the old masters at the Rijksmuseum and the Israëlses at the Fodor -- and an opposition between them and other modern art. Vincent places himself firmly on the side of Israëls in this bipolar world. Elsewhere, he takes care to add Israëls's name when he mentions Rembrandt and Hals, in effect creating a new trinity of Dutch art (JLB 534, 10/10/1885; JLB 536, 10/20/1885). Not only does he declare both the Israëls pictures at the Fodor "masterly," but their high-Victorian sentimentality also casts him into a nostalgic reverie for The Hague and his long immersion in magazine illustrations (JLB 534, 10/10/1885).

Some of the heroes from that era, in addition to Israëls, make a sudden reappearance (Joahnnes Bosboom, Jules Breton, Paul Gavarni, Charles Rochussen [ibid.], Willem Maris, Anton Mauve, Hendrik Willem Mesdag, Albert Neuhuys), triggering an angry spasm of evangelical self-righteousness directed at Vincent's (and Israëls's) critics: "Let them go on about technique as much as they like in their hollow, hypocritical terms -- true painters are guided by the consciousness known as sentiment. Their souls, their minds are not there for the brush, but the brush is there for their minds." (JLB 534, 10/10/1885; translation Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop, p. 14.)

Context:
JLB 534, 10/10/1885: "I'd rather go very calmly to the old Dutchmen and rather to the paintings by Israëls and those who have a direct affinity with Israëls, which the newer ones do not. They are, rather, diametrically opposed to Israëls." (Emphasis in original.)

111. "bright" BVG 427, 10/1/1885: In this example, Vincent uses several of the Rijksmuseum's paintings, including The Windmill at Wijk bij Duurstede by Ruisdael, to ridicule the Impressionist argument that "true" light and color can only be achieved by working out of doors (plein-air).

Context:
JLB 535, 10/13/1885: "Some 10, 15 years ago people started to talk about 'clarity of light'. It's true that originally this was a good thing; it's a fact that masterly things came about as a result of that system. But where it increasingly degenerates into an overproduction of paintings where all through the painting -- in all 4 corners the same light, the same what I think they call day tone and local colour dominates, is this a good thing??? I think not. Is the Ruisdael in the Van der Hoop, the one with the mill, not outdoors? Is there no sky in it and vast space? And yet -- the whole painting is very much darker than the fellows would do." (Emphasis in original.)

112. "Every day I hate" BVG 427, 10/1/1885.

Context:
BVG 427, 10/1/1885: "Those are the things which I believe in, but every day I hate more and more those pictures which are light all over."
JLB 535, 10/13/1885: " I believe in that, but every day I dislike the paintings that are equally light all over more and more" (emphasis in original).

113. "that fashionable impotency" BVG 426, 10/10/1885-10/11/1885. Much of his first letter to Theo after visiting the Rijksmuseum is dedicated to showing his brother how their great new national museum supports him, Vincent, not Theo, in their long argument over the Impressionists (JLB 534, 10/10/1885). Vincent refers to them again and again in phrases dripping with disdain: "You know -- all those cold, grey tones that they think are distinguished and that are flat and bloody boringly, childishly mixed. Nowadays, for the convenience of painters who work in what they think is a distinguished, light spectrum, they deliberately manufacture colours consisting of -- the ordinary ones mixed with pure white. … Much of what they call subtle grey is very ugly grey." (ibid.)

Context:
BVG 426, 10/10/1885-10/11/1885: "But what's the good of thinking about it; it is much better to think of Rembrandt, of Frans Hals, of Israëls, than to think of that fashionable impotency."
JLB 534, 10/10/1885: "But what's the point of thinking about it -- it's better to think about Rembrandt, about Frans Hals, about Israëls, than about that respectable impotence."

114. Hals's cavaliers BVG 428, 10/15/1885-10/31/1885: The last part of that sentence indicates that Vincent intended to invoke the "de terre" description that he had used so often in defense of The Potato Eaters.

Context:
JLB 536, 10/20/1885: "Listen -- Frans Hals's flesh colours are also earthy, that's to say in the sense you know."

115. Rembrandt's cadaversBVG 428, 10/15/1885-10/31/1885. (See Ch. 25, n. 55.)

Context:
JLB 536, 10/20/1885: "The fragment of Rembrandt's anatomy lesson, yes, I was astounded by it too. Do you remember those flesh colours? It's -- OF THE EARTH, particularly the feet." (Emphasis in original.)

116. "a color like mud" BVG 428, 10/15/1885-10/31/1885.

Context:
BVG 428, 10/15/1885-10/31/1885: "Just listen, suppose one wants such a muddy tone or drab colour to become light in the picture, like Delacroix said of Veronese, that he could paint a blonde nude woman with a colour like mud in such a way that she comes out fair and blonde in the picture -- then the question arises -- how is this possible, unless by contrast of great forces in bluish-blacks or violets, or reddish-browns?"
JLB 536, 10/20/1885: "Listen -- suppose one wants to make a muddy tone or snot colour like this look light in the painting, what Delacroix said -- that Veronese could paint a blonde, nude woman with a colour like mud so that she looked white and blonde in the painting" (emphasis in original).

117. "Just now my palette" BVG 429, 10/15/1885-10/31/1885.

Context:
BVG 429, 10/15/1885-10/31/1885: " Just now my palette is thawing and the frigidness of the first beginning has disappeared."
JLB 537, 10/28/1885: " Presently my palette is thawing, and the bleakness of the earliest beginnings has gone."

118. "Colors follow" BVG 429, 10/15/1885-10/31/1885.

Context:
BVG 429, 10/15/1885-10/31/1885: "It is true, I often blunder still when I undertake a thing, but the colours follow of their own accord, and taking one colour as a starting-point, I have clearly before my mind what must follow, and how to get life into it."
JLB 537, 10/28/1885: "I still often run up against a blank wall when undertaking something, but all the same, the colours follow one another as if of their own accord, and taking a colour as the starting-point I see clearly in my mind's eye what derives from it, and how one can get life into it."

119. "Colors indeed have" BVG 429, 10/15/1885-10/31/1885.

Context:
JLB 537, 10/28/1885: "Truly colours that can have quite a lot to say to one another."

459 120. "When Veronese had" BVG 429, 10/15/1885-10/31/1885: We have slightly altered the translation.

Context:
JLB 537, 10/28/1885: "When Veronese had painted the portraits of his beau monde in the The marriage feast at Cana, when he had devoted to it all the richness of his palette in sombre violets, in magnificent golden tones -- then -- there was still a faint azure and a pearly white he thought of -- which doesn't appear in the foreground. He flung it on at the back -- and it was right, changed of its own accord into the surroundings of marble palaces and sky that singularly complete the array of figures. That background is so magnificent in that it came about of its own accord, spontaneously, from a colour calculation. Am I wrong about this? That is truly painting -- and the result is more beautiful than precise imitation of the things themselves." (Emphasis in original.)

121. set a big canvas Autumn Landscape, F 119 JH 949, October 1885, canvas on panel, 25.6 x 34.3 in., 65 x 87 cm., Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge, England. The width is three inches greater than The Bible (F 117 JH 946), another large painting from this period (25.5 x 30.8 in., 65 x 78 cm.), but not as big as another landscape done about the same time, Lane with Poplars (F 45 JH 959) (30.8 x 38.5 in., 78 x 97.5 cm.). Vincent did another landscape at this time, The Parsonage Garden with Figures (F 124 JH 955) which was even larger (36.3 x 41 in., 92 x 104 cm.) -- almost the same size as Potato Eaters (F 78 JH 734) (32.3 x 45 in., 82 x 114 cm.) -- but it was destroyed during WWII. 122. He squeezed tube after tube BVG 430, 11/1/1885-11/15/1885. Vincent sent Theo "two studies of the autumn leaves" (JLB 538, 11/3/1885-11/4/1885). JLB identifies these paintings as Avenue of Poplars (F 45 JH 959) and Autumn Landscape with Four Trees (F 44 JH 962) (JLB 538, n. 2).

Context:
JLB 538, 11/3/1885-11/4/1885: "You'll shortly receive two studies of the autumn leaves, one in yellow (poplars) -- and the other in orange (oaks)."

123. carmine and cobalt BVG 441, 12/19/1885: Vincent's surviving work from this period indicates a special fascination with the complementaries orange and blue: due in part, no doubt, to the autumn landscape. Vincent mixed carmine with yellow to make his orange. He always worried over the quality of his colors, especially their fastness and long-term drying properties, and finding a suitable blue ("cobalt") seemed to cause him special problems (JLB 538, 11/3/1885-11/4/1885). In September 1885, he blamed the color failings of The Potato Eaters (F 78 JH 734, April 1885, canvas on panel, 28.3 x 36.6 in., 72 x 93 cm., Otterlo, Kröller-Müller Museum) on the poor quality of the blue paint he secured from a local supplier (JLB 532, 9/25/1885-9/29/1885). He claimed to have found a new source in Dusseldorf (Schoenfeld) (ibid.), but complained about the higher cost: "To my mind -- it's a pity that some enduring colours like cobalt are so expensive" (JLB 538, 11/3/1885-11/4/1885). Convinced that the right blue could make the difference between success and failure, Vincent argued to Theo the long-term economies of spending more: "The most expensive is still sometimes the cheapest. Cobalt especially -- it can't be compared with any other blue as regards the delicate tones that one can get with it." (JLB 549, 12/19/1885.)

Context:
JLB 549, 12/19/1885: "It's a real pleasure for me to work with a rather better type of brush, and to have cobalt and carmine,"

124. the naked pollard trees BVG 431, 11/8/1885-11/12/1885: The painting is Autumn Landscape with Four Trees (F 44 JH 962). The same stand of four pollard trees (three oaks and one birch) is visible, leafless and at a more oblique angle, in Vincent's drawing from March 1884, "Behind the Hedges" (Behind the Hedges [F 1129 JH 461]). Vincent described the painting lovingly to Theo: "Never before have I felt such a conviction that I'll make things that work, that I'll succeed in calculating my colours such that I have it in my power to create an effect. That was Havana [brown], soft green and white-grey, -- even pure white straight from the tube" (ibid., emphasis in original). Vincent tells the story of taking the painting to Kerssemakers's house in Eindhoven and hanging it on the wall in his friend's "quite … elegant drawing room" (Vincent describes the room as having gray paper and black furniture with gold accents) (ibid.). According to Vincent, Kerssemakers thought the painting "damned good" and "had affected him" (ibid.). Vincent describes his reaction: "I had such a tingle of good spirits when I saw that it worked, that it created a mood as it hung there because of the soft, melancholy peace of that colour combination -- that I COULD not sell. But because it had affected him, I gave it to him." (Emphasis in original.) It is always risky to take Vincent at his word, especially when bragging to Theo about the salability of his work. Kerssemakers's version of the painting's transfer is more straightforward: "Before leaving [Vincent] stopped by my place once more to say goodbye and brought along as a souvenir a splendid not-yet-dry autumn study" (Kerssemakers, "Reminiscences of Vincent van Gogh," in Stein, ed., pp. 54-55). (Although he describes the painting in detail, Kerssemakers mis-remembers its dimensions as "one meter [100 cm] by eighty centimeters"; the painting is in fact 24.5 x 35 in., 64 x 89 cm.)

Context:
JLB 539, 11/7/1885: "You know the 3 pollard oaks at the end of the garden at home -- I slogged away at them for the 4th time. I'd sat in front of them for three days."

125. a large still life Still Life with Vegetables and Fruit, F 103 JH 928, September 1885, oil on cardboard, 12.8 x 16.9 in., 32.5 x 43cm., Van Gogh Museum, Amsterdam. Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop argue persuasively that this still life does not belong to the September group (where it was long placed), primarily because of its vivid palette (Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop, pp. 226-229). 126. bold complementary contrasts It may have been in the same fever of reform that he seized one of the recent birds' nests paintings and covered over its dark background with swirls of bright green and jabs of red. The painting in question is Still Life with Birds' Nests (F 111 JH 939, September-October 1885, oil on canvas, 15.2 x 18.3 in., 38.5 x 46.5 cm., Van Gogh Museum, Amsterdam). Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop, following the consensus in the literature, conjecture that Vincent did not repaint the background of the picture until he was living in Paris, "when he had begun to find the Nuenen pictures rather too dark" (Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop, pp. 202-204). The primary reason for proposing this unusual delayed revision is a reference Vincent made in a letter written around the time he sent four birds' nests paintings, including Still Life with Birds' Nests (F 111 JH 939), to Theo: "Well -- the nests were also painted on a black background on purpose -- for the reason that I simply want it to be obvious in these studies that the objects appear against a conventional background, and are not in their natural setting. ... Given that one wants to paint nests from one's collection of nests, one can't say emphatically enough that the background and setting in nature are very different -- so I made the background -- simply black." (JLB 536, 10/20/1885.)

However, we think it is possible that Vincent repainted the background of Still Life with Birds' Nests (F 111 JH 939) after writing this part of the letter and before sending the painting. Not only is Vincent's argument for a black background superfluous (as Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop recognize [p. 201]), but in the very same letter, he seems to back off the argument in light of some paintings he had just seen in Amsterdam: "That, though, a coloured background is attractive in a still life is -- certain. In Amsterdam I saw still lifes by Miss Vos that I thought outstanding -- a good deal better than Blaise Desgoffe -- really Van Beijerenesque." (JLB 536, 10/20/1885; emphasis in original.) "Miss Vos" is probably Maria Vos, a Dutch painter known for her still lifes and watercolors. Blaise Alexandre Desgoffe was a French artist also best known for his still lifes. Abraham Hendrickszn van Beijeren was a leading still-life painter of the Dutch Golden Age, celebrated especially for his sumptuous banquet still lifes.

127. "A painter does better" BVG 429, 10/15/1885-10/31/1885. There is another passage in the same letter that elaborates on this (for Vincent) revolutionary new approach to color: "I study nature so as not to do anything silly, to remain reasonable -- but -- I don't really care whether my colours are precisely the same, so long as they look good on my canvas, ... COLOUR EXPRESSES SOMETHING IN ITSELF. ... What looks beautiful, really beautiful -- is also right." (JLB 537, 10/28/1885; emphasis in original.)

Context:
BVG 429, 10/15/1885-10/31/1885: "May I not boldly take it to mean that a painter does better to start from the colours on his palette than from the colours in nature?"
JLB 537, 10/28/1885: "May I not simply understand by it that a painter does well if he starts from the colours on his palette instead of starting from the colours in nature?"

128. "to draw quick as lightning" BVG 223, 8/5/1882-8/6/1882.

Context:
BVG 223, 8/5/1882-8/6/1882: "With long and continuous practice it enables one to draw quick as lightning, -- and once the drawing is established to paint quick as lightning also."
JLB 254, 8/5/1882-8/6/1882: "With CONSIDERABLE practice and with lengthy practice, it enables one to draw at lightning speed and, once the lines are fixed, to paint at lightning speed" (emphasis in original).

129. "to paint quick as lightning" BVG 223, 8/5/1882-8/6/1882; emphasis added.

Context:
BVG 223, 8/5/1882-8/6/1882: "With long and continuous practice it enables one to draw quick as lightning, -- and once the drawing is established to paint quick as lightning also."
JLB 254, 8/5/1882-8/6/1882: "With CONSIDERABLE practice and with lengthy practice, it enables one to draw at lightning speed and, once the lines are fixed, to paint at lightning speed" (emphasis in original).

460 130. "to get more brio" BVG 358, 3/1/1884.

Context:
BVG 358, 3/1/1884: "There needs to be more gusto in my life if I am to get more brio into my brush -- exercising patience will not get me a hair's breadth further."
JLB 432, 3/2/1884: "There has to be more zest in my life if I want to get more brio into my brush -- I won't get a hair's breadth further by exercising patience."

131. "even more quickly" BVG 409, 5/15/1885: Note we have reordered the translation.

Context:
BVG 409, 5/15/1885: "But I shall work on till I am absolute master of my hand, so that I can work even more quickly than now, and, for instance, bring home about thirty studies within a month."
JLB 505, 5/28/1885: "However, I'll keep working until I'm absolutely and utterly sure of my case -- such that I'm working even faster than now and will also be able to bring home 30 or so studies in the space of a month, say."

132. "You must set it" Kerssemakers, in Van Gogh, The Complete Letters of Vincent van Gogh, Volume II, pp. 444-445. 133. "Paint in one rush" BVG 427, 10/1/1885.

Context:
JLB 535, 10/13/1885: "Paint in one go, as far as possible in one go."

134. the ideal of tableaux BVG 403, 4/15/1885-4/30/1885.

Context:
JLB 496, 4/28/1885: "But you know I wrote to Mr. Portier -- up till now I've made nothing but studies -- but -- the paintings will come" (emphasis in original.)

135. "What struck me most" BVG 427, 10/1/1885: We have reinstated Vincent's use of the French term "premier coup."

Context:
BVG 427, 10/1/1885: " What struck me most on seeing the old Dutch pictures again is that most of them were painted quickly, that these great masters, such as a Frans Hals, a Rembrandt, a Ruysdael and so many others -- dashed off a thing from the first stroke and did not retouch it so very much."
JLB 535, 10/13/1885: " What particularly struck me when I saw the old Dutch paintings again is that they were usually painted quickly. That these great masters like Hals, Rembrandt, Ruisdael -- so many others -- as far as possible just put it straight down -- and didn't come back to it so very much" (emphasis in original).

136. for the first time BVG 148, 8/1/1881-8/15/1881: This advice to Theo on how to read a book is an indication of how Vincent looked at art before becoming a painter.

Context:
JLB 170, 8/5/1881: "Reading books is like looking at paintings: without doubting, without hesitating, with self-assurance, one must find beautiful that which is beautiful."

137. revisit every decision BVG 426, 10/10/1885-10/11/1885.

Context:
JLB 534, 10/10/1885: "You see, in The syndics Rembrandt is true to life, although even there he still goes into the higher -- into the very highest -- infinite. But yet -- Rembrandt could do something else -- when he didn't have to be true in the literal sense, as he did in a portrait -- when he could -- make poetry -- be a poet, that's to say Creator." (Emphasis in original.)

138. "What joy to see" BVG 427, 10/1/1885: We have slightly altered the translation.

Context:
BVG 427, 10/1/1885: "What joy to see such a Frans Hals, how different it is from those pictures -- there are so many of them -- where everything has been carefully smoothed down in the same way."
JLB 535, 10/13/1885: "What a joy it is to see a Frans Hals like that -- how very different it is from the paintings -- there are so many of them -- where everything has been carefully smoothed out in the same way."

139. "done with a single stroke" BVG 427, 10/1/1885.

Context:
BVG 427, 10/1/1885: "And heads too -- eyes, nose, mouth done with a single stroke of the brush without any retouching whatever."
JLB 535, 10/13/1885: "And heads, too -- eyes, nose, mouth done with the first brushstrokes, without any sort of retouching."

140. eight-by-ten-inch panels The actual sizes vary slightly. View of the Singel (F 113 JH 944) is 7.5 x 10 in., 19 x 25.5 cm., and The Ruijterkade in Amsterdam (F 211 JH 973) is 8 x 10.5 in., 20.3 x 27 cm. The third painting, Centraal Station, is lost. 141. a small paint box Kerssemakers, "Reminiscences of Vincent van Gogh," in Stein, ed., pp. 51-52: "[Vincent] had taken along a small tin paintbox." Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop cite a letter Kerssemakers wrote for more details about the box: "a small painter's box ... made of lacquered tin" which Vincent had bought from an art store in Germany (Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop, p. 214, n. 13). 461 142. snapshots of the rainy cityVan Tilborgh and Vellekoop, pp. 212-213: Vincent only reports sending "two little panels" of city views to Theo (JLB 534, 10/10/1885). These were View of the Singel (F 113 JH 944) and The Ruijterkade in Amsterdam (F 211 JH 973). Nevertheless, Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop conclude that there was a third one. (See Ch. 25, n. 145.) 143. its river skyline View of the Singel, F 113 JH 944, October 1885, panel, 7.5 x 10 in., 19 x 25.5 cm., P. and N. de Boer Foundation, Amsterdam. 144. its forested quays The De Ruijterkade in Amsterdam, F 211 JH 973, October 1885, oil on panel, 8.9 x 10.6 in., 22.5 x 27 cm., Van Gogh Museum, Amsterdam. 145. its vast new rail station Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop, pp. 212-213: Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop conclude that the third work that Vincent executed in Amsterdam was probably Centraal Station, a painting that was shown in 1904 but has since been lost. 146. "on the wing" BVG 426, 10/10/1885-10/11/1885.

Context:
BVG 426, 10/10/1885-10/11/1885: "I have packed several still lifes, which you will receive next week, together with two souvenirs from Amsterdam, which I caught on the wing, and also a few drawings."
JLB 534, 10/10/1885: "I've packed up various still lifes which you'll receive next week, with two souvenirs of Amsterdam that I snatched in haste and also a couple of drawings."

147. at a café table Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop, p. 214. 148. When Kerssemakers arrived Groot and De Vries, p. 115: Groot and De Vries point out that Kerssemakers must have been mistaken in his account of Vincent meeting him in the third-class waiting room of the Central Station because "the Central Station as we know it was not put into use until 1889." Their research indicates that Kerssemakers arrived at the "wooden sub-station Westerdok which had been used on the western station island since 1873" (ibid.). This comports with the view of the Singel that Vincent painted from the waiting-room window. 149. he found Vincent sittingKerssemakers, "Reminiscences of Vincent van Gogh," in Stein, ed., pp. 51-52: "When I entered the room, I saw a large crowd of people of all types and from all walks of life -- conductors, workmen, tourists, etc. -- standing near the windows in front of the waiting room; surrounded by this crowd, he sat quite calmly." If the crowd was near the windows, then Vincent must have been, too. As Groot and De Vries point out, the view out the windows of the Westerdok sub-station is the view of the bend in the Singel that Vincent painted (Groot and De Vries, p. 115). 150. "fervently working" Kerssemakers, "Reminiscences of Vincent van Gogh," in Stein, ed., pp. 51-52. 151. "surrounded by a crowd" Kerssemakers, "Reminiscences of Vincent van Gogh," in Stein, ed., pp. 51-52. 152. to use smaller brushes Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop, pp. 214, 216. 153. "souvenirs" BVG 426, 10/10/1885-10/11/1885.

Context:
BVG 426, 10/10/1885-10/11/1885: "I have packed several still lifes, which you will receive next week, together with two souvenirsfrom Amsterdam, which I caught on the wing, and also a few drawings."
JLB 534, 10/10/1885: "I've packed up various still lifes which you'll receive next week, with two souvenirs of Amsterdam that I snatched in haste and also a couple of drawings."

154. treated them like tableaux This is not meant to refer to the harsh treatment the little paintings suffered in their first few days. According to Vincent: "They got wet on the journey; then the little panels warped when they dried, and dust &c. got into them" (JLB 535, 10/1/1885). Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop confirm this report at least in regard to one of the panels (The De Ruijterkade in Amsterdam [F 211 JH 973, October 1885, oil on panel, 8.9 x 10.6 in., 22.5 x 27 cm., Amsterdam, Van Gogh Museum]): "The surface is indeed very dirty and contains traces of what appears to be soot" (Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop, p. 114). However, a better index of what Vincent -- and, apparently, Theo -- thought of them comes from elsewhere in Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop's condition report: "There is a horizontal indentation along the top of the paint layer, indicating that Theo framed the picture even before it was completely dry. He appears to have admired the work." (ibid., p. 216.) 155. packed up two of themSee Ch. 25, n. 154. 156. barely dryVan Tilborgh and Vellekoop, p. 216: According to Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop, at least one of the paintings (The De Ruijterkade in Amsterdam [F 211 JH 973, October 1885, oil on panel, 8.9 x 10.6 in., 22.5 x 27 cm., Amsterdam, Van Gogh Museum]), was still not completely dry when Theo framed it in Paris. (See Ch. 25, n. 154.)  157. crate marked "V4"According to Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop, this crate, which was sent the second week of October, also contained a number of still lifes (Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop, p. 12). (Also see ibid., p. 11; n. 25.) 158. "If in an hour's time" BVG 427, 10/1/1885.

Context:
BVG 427, 10/1/1885: "But I sent them to show you that if in an hour's time I want to dash off an impression somewhere, I am learning to do so in the same way as others who analyze their impressions, and who account for what they see. This is a different thing from feeling, i.e. undergoing impressions, there is perhaps a great difference between undergoing impressions and analyzing them, that is to say, taking them to pieces and putting them together again. But it is pleasant work to dash something off in a rush."
JLB 535, 10/13/1885: "I'm sending them all the same to show you that if, in the space of an hour, I want to dash off an impression somewhere, I'm beginning to be able to do this in the same sentiment as others who -- analyze -- their impressions. And give themselves a reason for what they see. This is something other than feeling, that's to say undergoing impressions -- there may perhaps be a great deal between experiencing impressions and -- analyzing them, that's to say taking them apart and putting them together again. But it's enjoyable to put something down in a rush." (Emphasis in original.)

159. a newfound passionIt appears that Bracquemond's Du Dessin et de la Couleur (see Ch. 25, n. 85) first intrigued Vincent about the great French painters of the eighteenth century. Poussin was a particular favorite of Bracquemond's, according to Vincent ("The French call Poussin their greatest ever painter among the old masters" [JLB 531, 9/2/1885].) Another possible source of this surprising interest for the painter of The Potato Eaters (F 78 JH 734, April 1885, canvas on panel, 28.3 x 36.6 in., 72 x 93 cm., Otterlo, Kröller-Müller Museum) was Edmond de Goncourt's (Edmond de Goncourt, 1822-1896; French writer) novel, Chérie (1884), which Vincent read in the fall of 1885 (JLB 534, 10/10/1885). His enjoyment of this novel may have led to his request for Theo to send him the book on eighteenth-century art by Edmond and his brother Jules de Goncourt, L'Art du dix-huitième siècle (Art of the Eighteenth Century) soon after he returned from Amsterdam: "There's a book by de Goncourt about Chardin, Boucher, Watteau, and Fragonard -- I must read it; do you or any of your acquaintances have it? I don't suppose you do, but do you perhaps know whether or not it's particularly important?" (JLB 535, 10/13/1885; emphasis in original.)

He impatiently asks for the book again in the very next letter: "[I] want to read L'art du XVIIIme siècle as soon as possible -- I particularly want to hear something about Chardin by De Goncourt" (JLB 536, 10/20/1885). And again in early November: "I'm really looking forward to De Goncourt" (JLB 538, 11/3/1885-11/4/1885). Theo finally sent him the book around November 7, 1885 (JLB 539, 11/7/1885). In the meantime, Vincent had apparently read Théophile Thoré's Trésors d'art en Angleterre (Treasures of English Art) (1860) (see JLB 543, 11/20/1885), in which he learned more about Gainsborough. (See Ch. 25, n. 160.) In addition to these possible sources, Vincent had been doing extensive reading in French art of the early nineteenth century for much of 1885 (including Charles Blanc, Armand Silvestre, Alfred Sensier, and Jean-François Gigoux.) Any of these could have led him backwards, and would explain his familiarity, prior to reading the books by Thoré or the De Goncourts, with figures like Maurice Quentin de Latour, the great French pastellist (JLB 539, 11/7/1885).

160. Gainsborough BVG 435, 11/18/1885-11/22/1885: Thomas Gainsborough. Vincent had commented on Gainsborough as early as 1873 when he was working in London where he found "beautiful portraits of women" of Gainsborough and Joshua Reynolds among the very few British works that appealed to him (JLB 11, 7/20/1873). Gainsborough does not merit another mention in the correspondence until now, when Vincent acquires a new admiration for him from Théopile Thoré's Trésors d'art en Angleterre (Treasures of English Art) (Thoré, a Frenchman, wrote under the pseudonym "W. Bürger") (JLB 542, 11/20/1885; n. 5).

Context:
JLB 543, 11/20/1885: "I found a passage about Gainsborough that has once more encouraged me to work in one go -- look. It's this brusqueness of touch that gives so much effect. The spontaneity of his impression is there in full, and communicates itself to the viewer. What's more, Gainsborough had a perfect method of ensuring that his compositions formed a whole. He laid down his painting in one go as a rough sketch, and worked it up harmoniously from the top to the bottom, without focusing his attention on small fragments, without getting involved in the details, because he was looking for the general effect and almost always found it, thanks to this broad view of the canvas, which he looked at as one looks at nature, in a single glance." (Emphasis in original.)

161. FragonardBVG 427, 10/1/1885. Vincent did not respond to all of these painters equally enthusiastically, a discrimination that must have been based on his memories of their works. 162. Chardin BVG 427, 10/1/1885. Although the De Goncourts admired the whole panoply of eighteenth-century French artists (Chardin, Boucher, Watteau, Fragonard, and others), Vincent did not respond to all of these painters equally enthusiastically, a discrimination that must have been based on his memories of their works. His most enthusiastic embrace is reserved for Jean-Siméon Chardin. He goes on at length about Chardin's "unfinished" images and gauzy color ("In that respect, Chardin is as great as Rembrandt" [JLB 539, 11/7/1885, emphasis in original]). Inevitably, he identifies with Chardin as a man: " Third Estate. Corot-like as far as bonhomie is concerned -- with more sadness and adversity in his life" (ibid., emphasis in original). As to the others, Vincent says very little. He takes exception to Theo's criticism of the De Goncourts' admiration for Boucher ("I don't think he praises Boucher too much"), and even says, "I would admit that he [Boucher] is someone in the world of painters" (ibid., emphasis in original). However, he seems to dismiss him as little more than a "painter of nude women," not as good as Rubens at it, and as "canaille" (vulgar) as Bouguereau (ibid.). Watteau gets one very brief, cryptic mention at the time ("Watteau was exactly as I thought" [ibid.]), and he does not discuss Fragonard at all until several years later when he makes clear that he considers him notable primarily for his paintings of women (JLB 604, 5/4/1888). 163. presto brushwork De Goncourt and De Goncourt, p. 290: The De Goncourts write of Fragonard: "[He] cultivated this rapid manner of painting which grasps the general impression of things and flings it on to the canvas like an instantaneous image. There are extant, in this genre, miracles, tours de force, figure-pieces in which he reveals himself as a prodigious La Presto." 164. "brusqueness of touch" BVG 435, 11/18/1885-11/22/1885: We have slightly altered the translation.

Context:
BVG 435, 11/18/1885-11/22/1885: "It is this brusqueness of touch that produces so much effect. The spontaneity of his impression is all there, and communicates itself to the spectator."
JLB 543, 11/20/1885: "It's this brusqueness of touch that gives so much effect. The spontaneity of his impression is there in full, and communicates itself to the viewer."

165. "foolishness" BVG 431, 11/8/1885-11/12/1885: Vincent trades persecution on account of his peasant subject matter with persecution on account of his "brusque" style. To support this new martyrdom, he cites Michelangelo.

Context:
BVG 431, 11/8/1885-11/12/1885: "But to work like that one must be something of a magician, to learn which costs a great deal, and the sad sarcastic saying of Michelangelo's: 'Ma manière est destinée a faire de grands sots' [My method is destined to be known as great foolishness] -- is also true of the colourists who dare dash on their colours, this too cannot be imitated by cowards and weaklings."
JLB 539, 11/7/1885: "At the same time, to bring this off one has to be able to do a little magic, which costs one dear to learn, and Michelangelo's gloomy, sarcastic words -- my manner is destined to make great fools -- is also true of those who dare take risks in regard to colour -- there, too, it can't be imitated by the cowards and the dependent" (emphasis in original).

166. "it cannot be imitated"BVG 431, 11/8/1885-11/12/1885 and JLB 539, 11/7/1885: We have combined elements from both translations; emphasis in original. (See Ch. 25, n. 165.)

Context:
BVG 431, 11/8/1885-11/12/1885: "But to work like that one must be something of a magician, to learn which costs a great deal, and the sad sarcastic saying of Michelangelo's: 'Ma manière est destinée a faire de grands sots' [My method is destined to be known as great foolishness] -- is also true of the colourists who dare dash on their colours, this too cannot be imitated by cowards and weaklings."
JLB 539, 11/7/1885: "At the same time, to bring this off one has to be able to do a little magic, which costs one dear to learn, and Michelangelo's gloomy, sarcastic words -- my manner is destined to make great fools -- is also true of those who dare take risks in regard to colour -- there, too, it can't be imitated by the cowards and the dependent" (emphasis in original).

167. " comme le lion" BVG R58, 9/1/1885.

Context:
BVG R58, 9/1/1885: "Then I read somewhere else, "Lorsque Delacroix peint -- c'est comme le lion qui dévore le morceau [When Delacroix paints -- it's like a lion devouring a piece (of meat)]."
JLB 526, 8/8/1885-8/15/1885: " 'When Delacroix paints -- it's like the lion devouring his piece of flesh'. And Silvestre's article is particularly full of this latter." (Emphasis in original.)

168. their mastery of enlever BVG 427, 10/1/1885.

Context:
JLB 535, 10/13/1885: "That -- dashing off -- with a few brushstrokes, they won't hear of it now -- but how true the results are. And how masterfully well many French painters."

169. seen the distinctive BVG 427, 10/1/1885.

Context:
JLB 535, 10/13/1885: "In the winter I'm going to explore various things regarding manner that I noticed in the old paintings. I saw a great deal that I needed. But this above all things -- what they call -- dashing off -- you see that's what the old Dutch painters did famously." (Emphasis in original.)

170. Golden Age painters BVG 427, 10/1/1885: Vincent writes this immediately after returning from Amsterdam.

Context:
JLB 535, 10/13/1885: "I saw a great deal that I needed. But this above all things -- what they call -- dashing off -- you see that's what the old Dutch painters did famously." (Emphasis in original.)

171. he began practicing BVG 427, 10/1/1885: Vincent announces this intention as soon as he returns from Amsterdam. It is not known exactly how he practiced ("explored") enlever painting other than from the few surviving works that can be dated to the short period (six to seven weeks) between his return from Amsterdam and his departure for Antwerp.

Context:
JLB 535, 10/13/1885: "In the winter I'm going to explore various things regarding manner that I noticed in the old paintings. I saw a great deal that I needed. But this above all things -- what they call -- dashing off." (Emphasis in original.)

172. he took a batThe painting is Flying Fox, F 177a JH 1192, October-November 1885, oil on canvas, 16.1 x 31.1 in., 41 x 79 cm., Van Gogh Museum, Amsterdam. It was long attributed to Vincent's stay in Paris, but Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop make a convincing argument for this earlier dating (Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop, pp. 230-233). Very little about the specific bat Vincent used is known: not the species, not the size, nor even where he got it. We find it unlikely that he borrowed it from Antoon Hermans, with whom he had broken by this time. The rough identification of the subject as a fruit-eating type of bat from the tropics (the order of Megachiroptera [ibid.,, p. 230]) narrows the possibilities for acquisition considerably. If it were a simple barn bat, it could easily have found its way into Vincent's collection of stuffed birds, as observed by Kerssemakers. Even though the painting is wide (16.3 x 31 in., 41.5 x 79 cm.), suggesting a broad wingspan, we have assumed that it was about the size of a bird, or Kerssemakers surely would have noted it. Vincent has merely enlarged it to fit the available canvas. It is also possible that Vincent borrowed the bat from Johannes van der Harten (Johannes van der Harten. Kerssemakers had offered to introduce Vincent to Van der Harten when the former professed a desire to "do sketches of stuffed heron and other water birds." (See ibid., p. 232, n. 3.) 462 173. "At present it comes" BVG 429, 10/15/1885-10/31/1885.

Context:
BVG 429, 10/15/1885-10/31/1885: "This to show you that when I say that I have perhaps not plodded completely in vain, I dare say this, because at present it comes quite easily to me to paint a given subject unhesitatingly, whatever its form or colour may be."
JLB 537, 10/28/1885: "This to show you that when I say that perhaps I haven't swotted entirely for nothing I mean it, because these days it really comes quite readily to me to paint a given object, whatever the shape or colour may be, without hesitation."

174. primacy of artistic temperamentBVG 418, 7/1/1885. The extent to which Vincent had internalized Zola's substitution of artist for art can be seen in one of his last letters to Van Rappard, from August 1885, in which he chastises his friend for his criticisms of Vincent's work: "Now you call that totality of my work extremely weak, and demonstrate at great length that the faults outnumber the qualities. Thus about my work, thus about my person." (JLB 528, 8/18/1885.)

Context:
JLB 515, 7/14/1885: "Zola who otherwise, to my mind, often makes colossal mistakes in his judgement of paintings -- says something beautiful about art in general in 'Mes haines'. 'In the painting (the work of art) I look for, I love the man -- the artist.'"

175. "paint what I feel" BVG R57, 8/15/1885-8/31/1885.

Context:
BVG R57, 8/15/1885-8/31/1885: "I want to paint what I feel and feel what I paint."
JLB 528, 8/18/1885: "I know too well what aim I have in view, I'm too absolutely and utterly convinced that I am, after all, on the right path -- when I want to paint what I feel and feel what I paint -- to worry too much about what people say of me."

176. put himself under the lens He had used figures, both drawn and painted, to send messages, to make arguments, to express sentiment. From "Sorrow" to "At Eternity's Gate" to Potato Eaters, he had piled images on words and words on images as both defiance and persuasion. Landscapes, too, often carried a freight of advocacy -- as when the paintings of Drenthe pleaded his case for a perfect brotherhood on the heath. But these were merely extensions of his passions, not expressions of himself; rhetoric, not revelation. 177. self-portraits One could certainly argue that the still life Vincent painted at this time of a straw hat and pipe (Still Life with Yellow Straw Hat [F 62 JH 922, September 1885, oil on canvas, 14.2 x 21.1 in., 36 x 53.5 cm., Otterlo, Kröller-Müller Museum]) is a proto-self-portrait -- Vincent's way, as in the Peasant Cemetery and The Bible, of approaching the personal symbolically. 178. traditional still-life subjects Still Life with Jars (F 50 JH 529); Still Life with Jars (F 56 JH 530); Beer Tankards (F 49 JH 534); Still Life with Earthenware and Bottles (F 53 JH 538); Still Life with Pottery, Jar, and Bottle (F 57 JH 539); Still Life with Earthen Pot and Clogs (F 63 JH 920); Still Life with Two Jars and Two Pumpkins (F 59 JH 921); Still Life with Ginger Jar and Fruit (F 104 JH 923); Still Life with Ginger Jar and Onion (F 104a JH 924); and Still Life with Brass Cauldron and Jug (F 51 JH 925). (See Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop, p. 182.) 179. in early JuneAfter the watercolors and drawings at the time of the building scrap auction in mid-May (see Ch. 25, n. 181), Vincent waited several weeks before attempting a painted version of the abandoned tower. Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop believe that he probably started "at the end of May" and completed it in early June (Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop, p. 215). The record is confused on this subject by a passage in a letter previously dated to mid-May: "The old tower is being pulled down next week! The spire's already off -- I'm working on a painting of it." (JLB 506, 6/2/1885.) However, the letter is, in fact, divided into two parts and the second part, in which the instant passage appears, has been firmly dated to the first few days of June (Dorn; cited in Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop, p. 154, n. 4). Vincent's claim that "I'm working on a painting of it" dates from early June. Given that the process was a torturous one, involving multiple sponged-out watercolors and at least one scraped-off painting (see Ch. 25, n. 188), we suspect that the final (and only surviving) version of the image (Old Church Tower at Nuenen ('The Peasants' Churchyard') [F 84 JH 772, May-June 1885, oil on canvas, 25.6 x 34.6 in., 65 x 88 cm., Amsterdam, Van Gogh Museum]) was probably not completed until mid-June. 180. Theo had suggested it BVG 397, 4/1/1885. Given that the rest of the letter, and all his previous letters, have been preoccupied by peasant portraits, this sudden reference to a different subject (note, with an excuse for putting it off) could only be a response to a suggestion from Theo. As Van Tilborgh, Van Heugten, and Conisbee discuss, the subject of the graveyard had become, by this time, a sensitive subject between the two brothers (Van Tilborgh, Van Heugten, and Conisbee, pp. 58, 60-61). In the spring of the previous year, 1884, in the midst of a huge fight over Vincent's art, Vincent had withheld from his brother a previous painted study of the tower and its graveyard (The Old Tower at Nuenen with a Ploughman [F 34 JH 459, February 1884, oil on canvas, 13.6 x 16.5 in., 34.5 x 42 cm., Otterlo, Kröller-Müller Museum]), apparently out of pique at a comment Theo made about Vincent's paintings from Drenthe (JLB 442, 3/24/1884). Instead of sending the painting to Theo, as he had promised, Vincent gave it to Margot Begemann. A recommendation by Theo to paint the old tower and graveyard, whether as a memento mori or not, could well have opened this old wound. Longstanding fraternal resentments no doubt overlaid the pain Vincent felt when he looked at the old tower and cemetery after his father's death, which made the act of depicting it even more fraught with the guilty, regretful reflections he dreaded.

Context:
JLB 489, 4/4/1885: "It has become colder again here. As soon as we have a few fine days, I'll make something of the churchyard."

181. many times already De Brouwer, p. 89: By De Brouwer's count, Vincent painted the tower and/or the cemetery ten times, drew it twenty-two times, and made one watercolor of it during his almost two years in Nuenen. As recently as February 1885, only a month before his father's death, he had painted the tower in the snow, with its steeple still in place (The Old Cemetery Tower at Nuenen in the Snow [F 87 JH 600, January 1885, canvas on cardboard, 11.8 x 16.3 in., 30 x 41.5 cm., Collection Niarchos]). In fact, Vincent had come to Nuenen with the ambition to depict the abandoned tower and its nuzzling graveyard, based solely on a description of it in a letter from Theo soon after their parents moved there. Vincent wrote in May 1882, while still in The Hague: "What you say about their new surroundings is most interesting. I certainly would like to try doing that kind of old church and churchyard with sandy graves and old wooden crosses." (JLB 259, 8/26/1882.) And again in October the same year: "The churchyard with the wooden crosses is often on my mind, so I may do some studies for it in advance -- I would like to do something like that in the snow -- a peasant funeral or the like" (JLB 271, 10/8/1882). In Drenthe, he painted the churchyard at Rolde (JLB 387, 9/16/1883). When he finally arrived in Nuenen, he wasted no time in fulfilling his long-standing ambition. In December 1883, his father reported the favorable result to Theo: "Don't you think the drawing of the old tower that Vincent sent you is beautiful" (b2248 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 12/8/1883). His father's death, however, completely changed Vincent's attitude toward the scene he had depicted so often. 182. its condemned tower De Brouwer, p. 89: De Brouwer records that while the tower had fallen into disuse and disrepair by 1873, demolition was not officially considered until November 1884, while Dorus van Gogh was still alive. One of the last impediments to destruction, apparently, was the concern of the town's Protestant community that the graveyard at the tower's base, which included both Catholic and Protestant sections, might be closed to Protestants. On January 14, 1885, an agreement was signed that ensured continued interment rights to the Protestant congregation. The final decision on demolition followed soon thereafter, on February 20, 1885. Dorus was buried there less than two months later. 183. resisted the suggestion During this time period, he did use the graveyard and its condemned tower as a backdrop for a series of images showing an auction of building scrap salvaged from the tower on the eve of its destruction. The watercolor Vincent refers to is Sale of Building Scrap (F 1230 JH 770). (He later gave it a French title: "Vente pour cause de démolition" [Sale on Account of Demolition] [JLB 506, 6/2/1885].) The auction (one of several over the months during which the tower was dismantled) took place on May 11, 1885. Vincent also made a number of drawings during the same event (Sketches of the Old Tower and Figures [F 1336r JH 767], Sketches for the Drawing of an Auction [F 1112r JH 768], Sale of Building Scrap [F 1231r JH 769], Sale of Building Scrap [F 1231v JH 771], Sketches of a Man with a Ladder, Other Figures, and a Cemetery [F 1336v JH 773]; and Entrance to the Old Tower [F 1112v JH 774]). Because this was an official event, much about it is recorded. Van Heugten sifts and summarizes the record splendidly (Van Heugten, pp. 185-187). He makes the point that although it looks like the people on the left are examining a stack of crosses, these are, in fact, probably beam joints, and the only cross sold was the iron cross from the top of the dismantled steeple, which Vincent shows lying on the ground center right in the composition. We see significance in the fact that Vincent did not undertake the painting of the churchyard at the time he painted and drew the auction -- an obvious consolidation of effort. The lapse of time may indicate Vincent's resistance to tackling the subject -- not a conscious resistance that would have showed up in his letters to Theo, but an unexplained postponement nonetheless. 184. his father's funeral b2248 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 12/8/1883. One of the only recorded comments from Dorus van Gogh about his son's art is a compliment he paid to a drawing that Vincent did of the oude toure soon after arriving in Nuenen: "Don't you think the drawing of the old tower that Vincent sent you is beautiful he does it so quickly" (b2248 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 12/8/1883). 185. "I wanted to express" BVG 411, 6/1/1885-6/15/1885. In mid-June, when Vincent wrote this "explanation" of his image, he was still firmly in the grip of the Millet fantasy that fueled and was fueled by the defense of The Potato Eaters (F 78 JH 734, April 1885, canvas on panel, 28.3 x 36.6 in., 72 x 93 cm., Otterlo, Kröller-Müller Museum). Thus, his words of explanation steer away from the personal (i.e., his father's recent death and burial) and toward the preoccupying argument. He goes on to extrapolate from the image yet another variation on the Millet theme of the relationship between peasants and the earth they work: "now this ruin says to me how a faith and religion mouldered away, although it was solidly founded -- how, though, the life and death of the peasants is and will always be the same, springing up and withering regularly like the grass and the flowers that grow there in that churchyard" (JLB 507, 6/9/1885).

But the real subject is, without question, his recently buried father. Although he never explicitly mentions the pastor or the funeral -- casting everything in terms of the peasants -- he gives the game away inadvertently in his summation: "Victor Hugo, whom they've also just buried, said Religions pass, God remains" (ibid., emphasis added). Another indication of Vincent's recruitment of this image to his Millet fantasy and The Potato Eaters defense is the French name he gives the painting when he sends it to Theo soon after finishing it in June: "Cimitière de Paysans" (The Peasant Cemetery) (ibid.). By choosing this name, Vincent mingles the ashes of his beloved peasants with those of his father in a way that certainly would have been abhorrent to Anna Carbentus, distasteful to Dorus, and perhaps provocative to Theo.

Context:
BVG 411, 6/1/1885-6/15/1885: "I have omitted some details -- I wanted to express how those ruins show that for ages the peasants have been laid to rest in the very fields which they dug up when alive -- I wanted to express what a simple thing death and burial is, just as simple as the falling of an autumn leaf -- just a bit of earth dug up -- a wooden cross."
JLB 507, 6/9/1885: "I've left out some details -- I wanted to say how this ruin shows that for centuries the peasants have been laid to rest there in the very fields that they grubbed up in life -- I wanted to say how perfectly simply death and burial happen, coolly as the falling of an autumn leaf -- no more than a bit of earth turned over -- a little wooden cross. The fields around -- where the grass of the churchyard ends, beyond the little wall, they make a last fine line against the horizon -- like the horizon of a sea."

186. his own fall from grace Tralbaut, p. 146: Tralbaut sees a self-portrait in this painting -- an interpretation that differs from but complements our own: "His fellow-men treated him much as the 'vandals' treated the church. He too felt he was being slowly destroyed. For this reason these pictures do not seem like ordinary landscapes; they are more like self-portraits that express the painter's own unhappiness." 187. "Those ruins tell me"BVG 411, 6/1/1885-6/15/1885. (See Ch. 25, n. 185.)

Context:
BVG 411, 6/1/1885-6/15/1885: "And now those ruins tell me how a faith and a religion mouldered away -- strongly founded though they were -- but how the life and the death of the peasants remain forever the same, budding and withering regularly, like the grass and the flowers growing there in that churchyard."
JLB 507, 6/9/1885: "And now this ruin says to me how a faith and religion mouldered away, although it was solidly founded -- how, though, the life and death of the peasants is and will always be the same, springing up and withering regularly like the grass and the flowers that grow there in that churchyard."

188. his brush told a deeperActually, before attempting an oil painting, Vincent tried three times to make a watercolor of the old tower. By his own account, the first two attempts ended in failure: "I also had a second large watercolour of the churchyard, which has so far been a failure. But still, I have a very good idea of what I want in it -- and perhaps I'll now get what I mean on the third sheet of paper. And if not, then not. I've just now sponged out the two failures, but I'm going to try it once more." (JLB 502, 5/22/1885.) The third effort, which does not survive, probably suffered the same fate as the first two. In addition, Vincent failed at his first attempt to paint the churchyard in oil: "The peasant cemetery has sunk in particularly badly, because it was very different on the canvas at first and I scraped the first thing off completely. It was a total failure at first -- then I gave it short shrift and started from the beginning, went and sat on another side and painted early in the morning instead of in the evening." (JLB 507, 6/9/1885.) (X-ray imaging of Old Church Tower at Nuenen ('The Peasants' Churchyard') [F 84 JH 772, May-June 1885, oil on canvas, 25.6 x 34.6 in., 65 x 88 cm., Amsterdam, Van Gogh Museum] has revealed traces of this earlier version. See JLB 507, n. 13.) Since the surviving image does not appear to be painted in the morning (although Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop might disagree [see Ch. 25, n. 190]), it may represent yet another version. All of these aborted efforts support the text's point that Vincent wrestled with this subject matter. 189. Despite the clichés Much is made in the literature of the similarities between Vincent's painting of the church tower at Nuenen and Millet's Church at Greville, one of the few Millet images that Vincent knew firsthand (see, e.g., Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop, p. 153, n. 8). Vincent's longtime interest in the motif probably was influenced by the Millet image, which he had mentioned many times over the previous years (JLB 35 [6/19/1875]; JLB 55 [10/11/1875]; JLB 137 [12/9/1877]; JLB 402 [11/2/1883]); he may even have directly borrowed some details from it (e.g., the circling birds). But the two images could not be more different in mood or effect. The Frenchman's view is bucolic and bloodless. For all Millet's protests of attachment to his native Normandy (and Sensier's related claims specifically for this image, which was illustrated in his biography of Millet [Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop, p. 153, n. 8]), the scene conveys nothing beyond postcard picturesqueness. Vincent's view, on the other hand, is ominously lighted and ominously deserted. The only real details, other than some flowers added in a later sitting, are the circling birds and the leaning crosses. Because of its size and stark isolation, the tower conveys an Ozymondian taunt -- far, far, far from Millet's study in nostalgic reassurance (ibid., p. 154). 190. lowering skies Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop, p. 154: Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop see the sky differently: "The base coat for the sky was probably dark grey, over which Van Gogh applied a robust blue. He enlivened this with touches of white and more blue, creating the effect of a hazy sky with thin clouds." They add, "The varnish has yellowed, leaving the sky bleaker than the artist intended" (ibid.). 463 191. The Old Church Tower at NuenenOld Church Tower at Nuenen ('The Peasants' Churchyard'), F 84 JH 772, May-June 1885, oil on canvas, 25.6 x 34.6 in., 65 x 88 cm., Van Gogh Museum, Amsterdam. When Vincent first sent this painting to Theo in June, he gave it a French name: "Cimitière de paysans" (JLB 507, 6/9/1885). This was almost certainly an advocatory title (in the cause of Millet and The Potato Eaters), and may have been intentionally provocative (see Ch. 25, n. 185). It may also have been Vincent's best effort at a saleable title.

Context:
JLB 507, 6/9/1885: "Today I sent off that little crate, containing 1 other painting, Peasant cemetery, besides what I already told you."

192. A huge Bible sat Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop, p. 218: The Bible, which is on loan to the Van Gogh Museum, is an 1882 reprint of a 1712 edition. 193. kept the pulpit Bible According to Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop, the church's "kanselbijbel" (i.e., chancel Bible, lecturn Bible) was a different edition than the one Vincent painted (Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop, p. 222, n. 6). In fact, the Nuenen Reformed Church still owns the Bible that Dorus van Gogh used in the service. Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop hypothesize that "[t]he book was probably a gift to the reverend, given to him on some special occasion" (ibid.). 194. kept the family Bible Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop, p. 218: Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop trace and rebut the persistent myth that the Bible Vincent depicted was the Van Gogh family Bible (ibid., p. 222, n. 6). 195. asked him to mail it BVG 430, 11/1/1885-11/15/1885. In fact, Vincent never sent the studies or the Bible, according to Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop (Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop, p. 222, n. 5). Custody of the Bible, along with the other contents of the studio, apparently fell to Vincent's mother after Vincent precipitously left Nuenen in November 1885.

Context:
JLB 538, 11/3/1885-11/4/1885: "I'm enclosing the book by Charles Blanc in the crate with the studies -- also a Bible they gave me for you at home, of which I made a still life"

196. set the Bible on it Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop, p. 220: Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop believe, and we agree, that Vincent did not have any precedent for this arrangement of subject matter: "Some 17th-century Dutch vanitas still lifes include similarly large books, occasionally in combination with extinguished candles, but it seems unlikely that these were Van Gogh's source of inspiration. This type of still life was rare, and the museums he had visited did not contain any examples at the time." As Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop point out, the candlestick -- the least original element of the composition -- was added very late in the painting's creation (ibid.). 464 197. Zola's La joie de vivreThe question of whether Vincent chose this book for its yellow cover, for its title, for its story, or for some combination of these reasons, is a point of controversy in the literature. He undoubtedly had many similar paperbacks from the same series in his studio, and at least several of them were by Zola. Even if he had started only with the instinct to bring a bright highlight into the foreground to balance the big, dark Bible, he obviously used the actual book, La joie de vivre, as a model for the elaborate cover design. Vincent was not confident enough as a draftsman to have added those details without the model in front of him. We do not, however, agree with the reams of commentary that find meaning relevant to the painting in the story of La joie de vivre, Zola's dark, ironically-titled tale of unrequited love, faithless wandering, and Christ-like suffering and sacrifice. (See, e.g., Druick and Zegers, pp. 9, 37.) We think Vincent chose the title pointedly, but only in its larger and lighter sense -- the un-ironic, Octave Mouret sense -- the sense in which he had used the phrase only six months earlier: "fortune favours the bold, and be this as it may -- about fortune or 'la joie (?) de vivre', that is -- one must work and be bold if one really wants to live" (JLB 492, 4/9/1885). (For more on Vincent's use of this phrase, see Ch. 22, n. 59.) Not insignificantly for the painting, this is also the impious, unprincipled sense in which Vincent's father would have understood the title -- and disapproved of it. 198. Hals's bourgeois militiamanBVG 428, 10/15/1885-10/31/1885. (See Ch. 25, n. 109.) 

Context:
JLB 536, 10/20/1885: "Listen -- Frans Hals's flesh colours are also earthy, that's to say in the sense you know. At least often. There's also sometimes -- I almost dare say always -- a relationship of contrast between the tone of the clothes and the tone of the face."

199. the neat blocks of text It is interesting to compare Vincent's treatment of the biblical text in Still Life with Bible (F 117 JH 946, October 1885, oil on canvas, 25.6 x 30.7 in., 65 x 78 cm., Van Gogh Museum, Amsterdam) to an earlier, verbal image of the same subject from 1878: "The recent snow gave it the effect of letters written on white paper, like the pages of the gospel" (JLB 149, 12/26/1878). 200. "He is despised" Isaiah 53:3. 201. the entire landscape In the literature, the symbolism of Still Life with Bible (F 117 JH 946, October, 1885, oil on canvas, 25.6 x 30.7 in., 65 x 78 cm., Van Gogh Museum, Amsterdam) is usually inflated to philosophical dimensions -- what Druick and Zegers call "a battle of the books" (Druick and Zegers, p. 9). It is seen as Vincent's repudiation not just of his father, but of the Bible itself, and of religion in general, in favor of a modernist worldview represented by the Zola novel. In our opinion, this both overstates and misstates the case. For one thing, Vincent never really embraced modernism. He loved many of the modernist novels, but there is no evidence that he read them as anything other than deeply-involving (and often autobiographical) stories. He made no noticeable distinctions between the books of Harriet Beecher Stowe and Dickens on the one hand, and those of Zola on the other. He died an unreconstructed nostalgist who believed that the best in art, in architecture, in life, had passed him by, and only might return someday.

Just as Vincent never fully embraced modernism, he never completely repudiated Christianity. He wrestled with his own faith, or lack thereof, to the end of his life, repeatedly trying to reconstitute the sublime comfort that he had once derived from religion, while still rejecting his parents' judgmental piety. This appears to be roughly the view of Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop, although they parse the symbolism more finely than we would by arguing that the painting does represent a definitive repudiation of at least the Old Testament if not of Vincent's lifelong fascination (and identification) with the figure of Christ (see Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop, pp. 221-222). Other commentators have tried to impose on Vincent's chaotic emotional and psychological life a coherent system of religious beliefs, which we think is both hopeless and misguided (e.g., Greer, pp. 32-35). Vincent never could have separated his bitterness, anger, and guilt toward his father from his feelings about his father's religion -- a necessary predicate to formulating coherent beliefs.

465 202. broad and confrontational brush Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop, pp. 223-224: Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop cite in particular "the extraordinarily daring passage of the tablecloth at the right, so clearly inspired by Hals." 203. an extinguished candleAs early as 1877, when still a would-be pastoral student in Amsterdam, Vincent had used the symbol of the candle to represent faith persisting in the darkness of doubt and disbelief. In one of his "merged" images, Vincent recalled a Rembrandt drawing of Christ visiting Mary and Martha that he had seen at the British Museum and layered it onto the Christ-like figure of John Halifax from the novel John Halifax, Gentleman by Dinah Maria Craik. These images inspired this fused fragment of scripture: "the light of the gospel that is preached to the poor in My Father's Kingdom, that shines, like a candle placed on a candlestick, on all that are in the house" (JLB 131, 9/18/1877). Vincent was invoking the famous passage from the Sermon on the Mount: "Ye are the light of the world. A city that is built on a hill cannot be hid. Neither do men light a candle, and put it under a bushel, but on a candlestick; and it giveth light unto all that are in the house." (Matthew 5:14-15.) In October 1885, while visiting Amsterdam, Vincent had seen a painting called Alone in the World by Jozef Israëls that he described as "an old woman, hunched up like a bundle of rags, by a bedstead in which her husband's corpse is lying" (JLB 534, 10/10/1885). He also saw at the Fodor Museum a painting by Meissonier -- "a sketch of a deathbed" (ibid.). 204. "I painted it in one rush" BVG 429, 10/15/1885-10/31/1885: We have slightly altered the translation. Vincent presents this painting as a response to a description in a letter from Theo of Manet's painting The Dead Toreador. Because so much effort has gone into finding links between Vincent and Impressionist pioneers like Manet, much is made in the literature of this rare reference by Vincent. But Theo's comments were nothing more than the latest installment in the brothers' longstanding quarrel over Impressionism: in particular, its light palette, its all-over daylight, and its rejection of black (these are Vincent's characterizations). In his letter, Theo apparently pulled back somewhat from his position that the Impressionists scorned the use of black, citing the Manet painting which had been exhibited at a retrospective in 1884 (and which Theo might have seen at the owner's home [see Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop, p. 224, n. 19]). While it is true that this represented a kind of victory for Vincent's side of the argument ("I was very pleased with what you say about black," he wrote back [JLB 537, 10/28/1885]), we think it highly unlikely that Theo's concession had any significant effect on Still Life with Bible (F 117 JH 946, October 1885, oil on canvas, 25.6 x 30.7 in., 65 x 78 cm., Amsterdam, Van Gogh Museum). Almost all of Vincent's previous still lifes had been painted with dark backgrounds, for precisely the same reason: to highlight the colors of the objects in the foreground. We see Vincent's claim that the Bible was made "[i]n reply to your description of the study by Manet" (JLB 537, 10/28/1885), as probably an ex post facto effort to impress Theo with an image that Vincent obviously hoped would be saleable (thus the use of the French "isaie" ) (Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop, pp. 218-220).

Context:
BVG 429, 10/15/1885-10/31/1885: "In answer to your description of the study by Manet, I send you a still-life of an open -- so a broken white -- Bible bound in leather, against a black background, with a yellow-brown foreground, with a touch of citron yellow. I painted that in one rush, during a single day."
JLB 537, 10/28/1885: "In reply to your description of the study by Manet, I'm sending you a still life of an open, hence an off-white Bible, bound in leather, against a black background with a yellow-brown foreground, with an additional note of lemon yellow. I painted this in one go, in a single day."

205. "Zola creates" BVG 429, 10/15/1885-10/31/1885.

Context:
JLB 537, 10/28/1885: "Zola creates, but doesn't hold a mirror up to things, creates them amazingly, but creates, poetizes. That's why it's so good."

206. " ce qui ne passe" BVG 393, 1/24/1885. According to a letter from 1882, Vincent found this quote in an article or book about the French illustrator Paul Gavarni: "And Gavarni also said a fine thing: the point is to grasp what does not pass in what passes" (JLB 294, 12/13/1882-12/18/1882; emphasis in original).

Context:
JLB 480, 1/26/1885: "What does not pass in what passes, that exists."

207. "To think of one thing" BVG 429, 10/15/1885-10/31/1885.

Context:
BVG 429, 10/15/1885-10/31/1885: " Surely that is real painting, and the result is more beautiful than the exact imitation of the things themselves. To think of one thing and to let the surroundings belong to it and proceed from it."
JLB 537, 10/28/1885: " That is truly painting -- and the result is more beautiful than precise imitation of the things themselves. Thinking about one thing and letting the surroundings belong to it, derive from it."

208. "Romance and romanticism" BVG 429, 10/15/1885-10/31/1885.

Context:
JLB 537, 10/28/1885: "Romance and romanticism are our era, and one must have imagination, sentiment in painting."

209. "As I have been" BVG 434, 11/15/1885-11/20/1885.

Context:
BVG 434, 11/15/1885-11/20/1885: " As I have been working absolutely alone for years, I imagine that, though I want to and can learn from others, and even adopt some technical things, I shall always see with my own eyes, and render things originally."
JLB 542, 11/17/1885: " Because I've worked entirely alone for years, I imagine that although I will and although I can learn from others and even adopt technical things -- all the same I'll always see through my own eyes and tackle things originally."

210. "symbolist" BVG 425, 9/4/1885.

Context:
JLB 533, 10/4/1885: "As for Poussin -- he's a painter who thinks and makes one think about everything -- in whose paintings all reality is at the same time symbolic. In the work of Millet, of Lhermitte, all reality is also symbolic at the same time. They're something other than what people call realists."

211. "One can never study" BVG 429, 10/15/1885-10/31/1885.

Context:
BVG 429, 10/15/1885-10/31/1885: "Though I believe that the best pictures are more or less freely painted by heart, still I cannot divorce the principle that one can never study and toil too much from nature."
JLB 537, 10/28/1885: "Although I believe that the finest paintings are made relatively freely from the imagination, I can't break with the idea that one can't study nature, swot even, too much."

212. "For years and years" BVG 429, 10/15/1885-10/31/1885.

Context:
BVG 429, 10/15/1885-10/31/1885: "To study from nature, to wrestle with reality -- I don't want to do away with it, for years and years I myself have been so engaged, almost fruitlessly and with all kinds of sad results. I should not like to have missed that error."
JLB 537, 10/28/1885: "Making studies from nature, wrestling with reality -- I don't want to argue it away. I've tackled it that way myself for years and years, almost fruitlessly and with all sorts of sad results. I wouldn't want to have missed that -- error."

213. "the greatest, most powerful" BVG 429, 10/15/1885-10/31/1885. Vincent had said something similar as early as January 1885, long before his confirming visit to the Rijksmuseum in October: "what the great masters painted most movingly still has its foundation in life and in reality itself" (JLB 537, 10/28/1885).

Context:
JLB 537, 10/28/1885: "The greatest, most powerful imaginations have also made things directly from reality that leave one dumbfounded."

466 214. One of the few authoritiesVincent read Notes sur l'Angleterre (Notes on England) (1872) by Hippolyte Taine at least by June 1883 (JLB 356, 6/22/1883) and probably much earlier. In April 1877, he wrote enthusiastically but uninformatively: "I know little of Taine's life, I assume that he travelled a lot in France, Italy, England and also Holland, one could deduce as much from his writings" (JLB 112, 4/22/1877-4/23/1877). In October the same year, he wrote: "I rather envy your having read Carlyle (Thomas Carlyle, 1795-1881; English writer and philosopher), 'French Revolution', it's not unknown to me but didn't read all of it, I found parts of it in another book, namely by Taine" (JLB 133, 10/30/1877). In 1883, he wrote to Van Rappard with a somewhat ambivalent view of Taine, responding to Zola's critique in Mes haines (see Ch. 25, n. 215): "I'm glad, I just wanted to add, that he [Zola] scores a hit on Taine, who deserves it because he's sometimes irritating with his mathematical analysis. Still, through that he (Taine) arrives at curiously deep pronouncements. ... in this case Taine deserves our respect." (JLB 359, 7/3/1883.) 215. both Vincent and Zola readOne of the essays in Mes haines is "M. H. Taine, Artist," in which Zola expresses admiration for Taine ("one of the most powerful minds of our age" [Zola, p. 151]), but systematically dismantles his signature positivism, at least as it relates to the appreciation of individual works of art. This vigorous assault is obviously what Vincent is referring to when he writes Van Rappard in 1883, after reading Mes haines: "I'm glad, I just wanted to add, that he [Zola] scores a hit on Taine, who deserves it because he's sometimes irritating with his mathematical analysis" (JLB 359, 7/3/1883). Over the course of his life, Taine made increasingly ambitious claims for the three great conditioning "facts" of life that he identified: "la race" (inherited traits), "le milieu" (social, political, and geographical context), and "le moment" (historical opportunity). It was probably Taine's programmatic ("mathematical") application of these rules to artistic achievement, as hoisted eloquently by Zola, that alienated Vincent from his earlier fondness for Taine (JLB 356, 6/22/1883). Zola himself takes Taine to task for having allowed his advocacy of positivism to cloud his earlier, less rigid view of art -- the view so beautifully expressed in the passage from Notes sur l'Angleterre quoted in the text.

"In the beginning," Zola writes in Mes haines, "[Taine] had invented what he called the governing talent; today he has a tendency to do without it. He is carried away, despite himself, by the necessities of his thought, which progresses always through condensing, neglecting the individual more and more, trying to explain the artist solely in terms of external influences. As long as he concedes a bit of humanity to the poet and the painter, a bit of free will and personal flair, he will be unable to reduce him entirely to mathematical rules." (Zola, p. 147.)

This passage surely imprinted itself on Vincent's mind, because it is the prelude to Zola's famous formulation of the modernist credo: "For me, a work is a man; I want to discover a temperament in the work, a particular, unique accent. The more personal it is, the more I am attracted and held. ... I only beg M[onsieur] Taine to accord more importance to personality. As an original artist himself, he must understand that works are tenderly loved offspring for which one sacrifices flesh and blood, and the more they resemble their fathers, feature for feature, the more they move us; they are the cry of a heart and a body, they offer the spectacle of a rare creature nakedly showing all that is human in it. I love these works because I love reality, life. ... Thus it may be well agreed that the artist places himself in front of nature, that he copies and interprets it, that he is more or less realistic according to his vision; in a word, that his mission is to show us objects as he sees them, emphasizing certain details, creating anew. I will express my total thought in saying that a work of art is a corner of creation seen through a temperament." (ibid., pp. 147-150; emphasis added.)

216. "Less a style, indeed"Taine, translated by Edward Hyams, pp. 270-271. Reproduced by kind permission of Thames & Hudson Ltd., London. 217. At the end of NovemberIn a letter dated November 20, Vincent writes Theo definitively: "I'm leaving next Tuesday" (JLB 543, 11/20/1885). The next Tuesday would have been November 24. Hulsker believes this is the day Vincent actually traveled from Nuenen to Antwerp (Hulsker, p. 206). Tralbaut, however, raises the possibility that Vincent did not, in fact, leave until November 27, three days later than he planned (Tralbaut, p. 161). In April 1887, when Vincent applied to leave Paris and return to Antwerp, his application for a "Certificate of Change of Domicile" included a copy of the permit he received from the Nuenen city council to leave Nuenen. The latter is dated November 23, 1885 (on file at the Van Gogh Museum, b1507 V/1962). 218. believing he was a fatherSee Ch. 25, n. 217. 219. Vincent battled his accusersVincent's behavior toward those he accused of conspiring against him, both in Nuenen and later in Arles, echoes the line about Delacroix that Vincent applied in a different sphere: "When Delacroix paints -- it's like the lion devouring his piece of flesh" (JLB 535, 10/13/1885; emphasis in original). In a loose but apt parallel to his painting style, Vincent often lost his temper and lashed out, but he also often planned his outbursts in advance. In the same letter in which he cites Delacroix's carnivorousness, Vincent lays (metaphorical) plans to counterattack anyone who criticizes his work for poor technique: "Rest assured that if I ever have to do with those gentlemen or come across one of them, I'll play the innocent -- but -- à la Vireloque -- followed by a cutting remark" (ibid.). 220. a supply of condoms b3038 V/1982, "Kerssemakers, Anton" to "Plasschaert, A.", 8/27/1912. In his formal reminiscences, Kerssemakers slides over this unflattering insight into Vincent's paranoia and vengefulness: "According to the village gossip one of the models that he used for his paintings of peasant heads was his mistress. He had even been reprimanded for it by one of the lay preachers, and he likewise attributed to this same person's influence the fact that he was refused the lease of his studio. Then, as he told me himself, he had taken a curious revenge but, too lacking in propriety to be recounted here, we shall cover this with the cloak of charity" (Kerssemakers, "Reminiscences of Vincent van Gogh," in Stein, ed., p. 54; emphasis added).

Unwilling to let a good story lie untold, however, Kerssemakers lifted the cloak of charity in a subsequent letter to Albert Plasschaert in 1912: "In my memoirs," he wrote, "I spoke of a strange revenge, which he took on that clergyman in Nuenen. I didn't think that it was suitable for the general public to read. But I will tell you, counting on your discretion. At one time he visited me on his trip from Antwerp and said: 'I have brought something from my trip to please that poor fellow in Nuenen [i.e., the priest].' Of course I was very curious what that could be and then he showed me a few condoms (gants d'amour). 'I will distribute them among the country lads in Nuenen. We'll see what kind of effect it will have.'" (b3038 V/1982, "Kerssemakers, Anton" to "Plasschaert, A.", 8/27/1912.) Kerssemakers adds: "You can tell that the missionary spirit was long gone" (ibid).

221. "country lads"b3038 V/1982, "Kerssemakers, Anton" to "Plasschaert, A.", 8/27/1912. (See Ch. 25, n. 220.) 222. clerical intrigue BVG 433, 11/10/1885-11/20/1885.

Context:
BVG 433, 11/10/1885-11/20/1885: "But then it does not make an absolute impression on people, and by renting another room and taking no notice of it for a few months, the intrigue will lose most of its virulence."
JLB 541, 11/14/1885: "But anyway, it doesn't make an absolute impression on people, and by renting another room and letting things lie for a few months, the intrigue will lose a great deal of its force" (emphasis in original).

223. "I am greatly handicapped" BVG 432, 11/12/1885-11/15/1885.

Context:
BVG 432, 11/12/1885-11/15/1885: "This month I had to pay my rent, and at the same time I gave notice that I shall leave my studio toward May. Its drawback is, as you know, that I am greatly handicapped by the neighbours, and I notice that people are still afraid of the priest, though perhaps he wouldn't meddle any further."
JLB 540, 11/11/1885: "I had to pay my rent this month, and at the same time gave notice on my studio come May. The drawback to which is that because of the neighbours, as you know, I really lack privacy, and I observe that the people are still afraid of the priest -- although perhaps he wouldn't meddle in things any more.

224. often lingering nearby A substantial share of the surviving paintings and drawings that Vincent made in the last six weeks of his stay in Nuenen drew their subjects from the parsonage and its immediate environs: The Parsonage at Nuenen (F 182 JH 948) and a related drawing Vicarage at Nuenen (F 1343a JH 951); The Parsonage at Nuenen at Dusk, Seen from the Back (F 183 JH 952); The Parsonage Garden with Figures (F 124 JH 955) and a related watercolor The Parsonage Garden at Nuenen with Pond and Figures (F 1244 JH 954); and Autumn Landscape with Four Trees (F 44 JH 962).  225. never invited inside to share BVG 449, 2/3/1886: In February the following year, Vincent recalls that, from the time he moved into the Kerkstraat studio in May 1885, "it's perhaps been a matter of 6 or 7 times, so far, that I've had my midday meal" (JLB 558, 2/4/1886). Given the deterioration in his relationship with the parsonage after the Gordina scandal broke in the summer, given the bitterness of his leave-taking in November, and given the availability of cheap hot meals in Antwerp (he reported having three such meals in the first two weeks of his stay there [JLB 548, 12/17/1885]), we conclude that none of the "6 or 7" hot meals Vincent mentions occurred in the last month of his stay in Nuenen. 226. "death will come unexpectedly" BVG 432, 11/12/1885-11/15/1885: We have slightly altered the translation. In one of the most unusual passages in all the letters -- both for its strange substance and for its psychological transparency -- Vincent obsesses over his mother's imminent demise. He introduces the argument to Theo in a careful, circuitous way that suggests he was not unaware of its strangeness. Referring to his mother's plan to move back to the Breda area the following spring (1886), Vincent writes: "would it surprise you very much if before that time -- something were to happen to Ma? This thought sometimes occurs to me when I go there. It seems to me that there's been a change recently. 'Getting old' is such a singular thing, and there are certainly a lot of instances where the wife doesn't survive the husband very long." (JLB 540, 11/11/1885; emphasis in original.)

He then proceeds to an elaborate "diagnosis" of their mother's fatal "illness," which he combines with a broad analysis of her personality -- a strong indication that his prophecies of death spring from a much deeper well. "The change I've observed is that every so often Ma is much more lucid in her thinking, whereas in the last few months she has had long periods when it seemed to be rather clouded -- which is really not to be wondered at. There's been something harried about her for a while -- as a result -- I can well imagine -- of the emptiness and feeling alone. Well -- it struck me -- that she's become very calm and very composed -- and something resolute has taken the place of fretting. There's nothing more to see." (ibid., emphasis in original.)

Vincent's relentlessly poetic imagination appears to be insisting that his mother should die of grief soon after the death of her long-time spouse. It defies his magazine-illustration conventions that his mother has stopped being the grieving ("fretting") widow and has turned "very calm," "composed," and "resolute" -- the latter, perhaps, a reference to her unforgiving attitude toward Vincent. He explains her unsettling clarity by imagining that it masks a resignation in the face of imminent death: "If the lucidity and calm last, for my part I expect a crisis after the trip, in other words before long -- and a death without much struggle. But -- it sometimes happens that the mind becomes rather clouded, then it drags on, and in that case there could still be much suffering and worry to struggle through. Think about this, whether I might be wrong in suggesting these two possibilities, either quickly without suffering, or the other." (ibid.)

In its elaborateness and insistence -- despite the complete lack of foundation or encouragement -- this delusion matches Vincent's other "castles in the air" delusions. And he not only pursues it through several more letters to Theo, but he discusses it with his sister Wil (JLB 540, 11/11/1885), and proposes taking it to his mother's doctor -- although he prepares himself to dismiss the good doctor's opinion: "I'm willing to go to [Arnold Louis Karel Hubert] Van de Loo if need be, only you know that doctors sometimes don't tell you everything, particularly in doubtful cases" (JLB 541, 11/14/1885). He imagines that Van der Loo's silence on the issue means that the case is hopeless: "I mean, he would already have given a warning if a danger that could be averted were threatening. But if he doesn't say anything it's a sign that, if there were something, he can't do anything about it and nothing should be done about it." (ibid.) Slipping into the role of "doctor" himself, Vincent pronounces the grim diagnosis that he suspects Van der Loo is hiding: "I think it will just have to take its course. Now in such cases, you'll agree with me, worrying and being overanxious is intolerable for the patient if she notices it. And with old people there's often no way of predicting it, precisely because in so many cases their hearts aren't normal, because of fatty degeneration, say." (ibid., emphasis in original.)

Vincent then goes into the strangest part of this very strange analysis. He finds the root of his mother's problem in the nature of her psyche: "there's definitely a substratum of deep thoughts in Ma (for her inner life, her life of the mind is fairly complicated and has levels or layers) that she neither wants to nor could express" (ibid.). Thus, her sudden lucidity is even more harmful because "there's much more chance of staying alive if the mind is no longer all too clear, than in periods of lucidity" (ibid.).

The most intriguing aspect of this progression is the insight it may give into Vincent's psyche and his way of dealing with his own problems. It suggests that he felt he had to avoid thinking too clearly about those problems, about his life, lest the clarity kill him. The belief that lucidity brings clearer recognition of problems that can accelerate illness and death would also be an encouragement to substance abuse. Vincent tries to lend his grand theories the imprimatur of real medicine by offering to take his mother for a "really thorough examination" (ibid.). When Van der Loo reports that "there's nothing wrong with her ... she can live for another 10 years or so ... if she dies before that time, then she would have to have contracted some disease or other" (JLB 542, 11/17/1885), Vincent takes the news in stride -- perhaps because, by this time (mid-November), he has accepted the inevitability of leaving Nuenen. In fact, Anna Carbentus van Gogh did not die until 1907, outliving her eldest son by seventeen years. Inevitably, Vincent's effort to rush his mother into her grave has attracted the attention of commentators with a psychological bent. (See Lubin, pp. 80-81, 119-120; and Nagera, pp. 97-98.)

Context:
BVG 432, 11/12/1885-11/15/1885: "I do not think it impossible that to her too death may come unexpectedly and softly, just as it came to Father, and for a similar reason."
JLB 540, 11/11/1885: "I don't consider it impossible -- that death could also come to her unexpectedly and gently, much as with Pa and for similar reason."

467 227. "there are many cases"BVG 432, 11/12/1885-11/15/1885. (See Ch. 25, n. 226.)

Context:
BVG 432, 11/12/1885-11/15/1885: "'Aging' is such a strange thing, and it is absolutely certain that there are many cases of a wife's not outliving her husband by long."
JLB 540, 11/11/1885: "'Getting old' is such a singular thing, and there are certainly a lot of instances where the wife doesn't survive the husband very long."

228. refused to renew his leaseKerssemakers, "Reminiscences of Vincent van Gogh," in Stein, ed., pp. 54-55: Vincent's eviction is not only mentioned in Kerssemakers's reminiscences ("he was refused the lease of his studio"), but also appears in Stokvis's account, apparently based on his interview with Johannes Schafrat's widow, Adriana Schafrat-Van Eerd: "the dissension that arose between the priest and the painter ... induced the former to cancel Vincent's tenancy of the rooms in the sexton's house, and thus brought about his departure from Nuenen" (Stokvis, p. 33). Stokvis's account appears to exculpate Schafrat and place the responsibility for Vincent's eviction directly on the priest, presumably Andreas Pauwels (see Ch. 25, n. 71). 229. "In this studio" BVG 433, 11/10/1885-11/20/1885: If the letters are correctly dated and ordered in this period, then Vincent must have been either hopelessly confused or delusionally ambivalent about his departure from the Nuenen studio. In this letter, dated c. Nov. 10-20, he writes, "I've had trouble getting models and am going to move in any case," and vows to "rent another room ... for a few months" (JLB 541, 11/14/1885).

Context:
JLB 541, 11/14/1885: "... it's to be expected that there would never be an end to it in this studio right next door to the priest and the sacristan. So I'm changing that."

230. rent another room nearbyBVG 433, 11/10/1885-11/20/1885. Only a few days previously, Vincent told Theo that he had paid his rent on the Kerkstraat studio and "gave notice on my studio come May" (JLB 540, 11/11/1885). It is highly likely that both of these statements were untrue: Vincent later admits that he left Nuenen owing rent (JLB 556, 1/29/1886), and other accounts have Schafrat evicting him (see Ch. 25, n. 228).

Context:
JLB 541, 11/14/1885: "... by renting another room and letting things lie for a few months, the intrigue will lose a great deal of its force."

231. He thought of returning BVG 433, 11/10/1885-11/20/1885. The old obsessions of Drenthe also reappear at this time: "You mustn't think I'm being impractical if I decidedly go on trying to encourage you either to draw or to paint. I know you won't fail. I know if you put your mind to it, the result wouldn't be petty." (JLB 539, 11/7/1885.)

Context:
JLB 541, 11/14/1885: "I've also thought of Drenthe, though, but as more difficult to bring about."

232. only for a few months BVG 433, 11/10/1885-11/20/1885. This estimate does not change prior to Vincent's departure, on the eve of which he writes: "If I go away for a few months now, that might help" (JLB 543, 11/20/1885).

Context:
JLB 541, 11/14/1885: "Wouldn't it be best if I could spend the next couple of months, December and January, there?"

233. "I know the country" BVG 433, 11/10/1885-11/20/1885.

Context:
JLB 541, 11/14/1885: "I know the area and the folk too well and love them too much to believe I'm going for good."

234. plans to make connections BVG 433, 11/10/1885-11/20/1885: No doubt to justify the expense of travel and setting up a new studio in the city, Vincent boldly re-commits himself to earning something from his work. As his departure approaches, however, he backs off these heady promises, using this tentative, conditional language only a few days later: "As regards my work, I'll have to act according to circumstances, I mean, if I could perhaps make the acquaintance of an art buyer and persuade him to show some of my things" (JLB 542, 11/17/1885). He also holds out the prospect of earning money by "giv[ing] lessons in painting," but this is partly just to parry a recent letter from Theo in which he resurrects the call for Vincent to get a job "on the side" (ibid.). Vincent's real ambitions for Antwerp -- or, at least, the ones uppermost in his mind -- are more likely found in passages like this: "it's not absolutely impossible I might find an opportunity somewhere to paint from the nude. ... There must be people there who use nude models and with whom one could split the cost. I need it for many things." (JLB 541, 11/14/1885.) And this: "nothing could be surer than that I'll try to learn more things. And if I can -- particularly the nude figure. I imagine, though, that in order to get models, as many as I want and good." (JLB 542, 11/17/1885, emphasis in original.) 

Context:
JLB 541, 11/14/1885: "Well roughly, my plan is to go to Antwerp -- I can't possibly calculate the ins and outs beforehand. I've come by the addresses of 6 art dealers, so I'd want to take something with me and further, as to the work, I plan to paint a few views of the city as soon as I get there -- reasonably large -- -- and show them straightaway too."

235. promises to learn BVG 434, 11/15/1885-11/20/1885: "I'm glad that I went to see the museum in Amsterdam once more before this, because I've seen from the work since that what I saw there has been useful to me. ... For it's sometimes damned hard to be entirely away from paintings and the world of painters and not to see anything by other people. Since then I've had quite a yearning to get back into it, at least for a while." (JLB 542, 11/17/1885.) The most important part of that sentence comes at the very end, as Vincent underscores that he is only going to Antwerp "for a while," and will return to Nuenen soon enough. Even with the prospect of a speedy return, he did not leave happily. On the eve of his departure, he could summon no more enthusiasm than this: "Well -- it can't do any harm to know Antwerp a little, though it'll probably be the same as everything and everywhere, that's to say disillusioning, but yet with its own subtle distinctions" (JLB 544, 11/26/1885). 236. he left destituteIt is difficult to explain why Vincent, after at least two months in which he could not find models willing to take his money, did not have sufficient funds to go to Antwerp. This is especially true since Theo had retreated from his threat, delivered at the brothers' meeting in August, to reduce Vincent's subsidy from 150 to 100 francs per month (JLB 533, 10/4/1885). Vincent, as always, insists that supplies are his primary expense: "Painting a lot is expensive -- I feel really hard up, and as for the end of the month, it's miserable" (JLB 535, 10/13/1885). But this was never the case before, when models always had first priority in his budget. (Contemplating his return to Nuenen from Antwerp, Vincent writes, "in Brabant I'd wear myself out again taking models, the same old story would start all over again" [JLB 561, 2/11/1886].) Moreover, the winter weather and the paucity of surviving works argue against a sudden upsurge in expenditures on supplies, as does the fact that Vincent left Nuenen owing money on color bills (JLB 556, 1/29/1886).

No, the circumstances point toward other, unrevealed drains on his limited resources. We see two possible explanations for the persistent shortages. The first is the traveling he did that fall: both the reported trip to Amsterdam and the unreported trip to Antwerp. He complains immediately after returning from the second trip (Amsterdam): "As regards the end of this month -- old chap, I'm literally cleaned out -- what's to be done? Couldn't you send an extra twenty francs or something?" (JLB 534, 10/10/1885.) "Be aware that it's awfully tough for me at the end of the month. All the same, I'm glad I went there [to Amsterdam], even if it's at a moment when I can afford the expenditure less than ever." (JLB 535, 10/13/1885.)

The second possible explanation is less flattering. When he was cut off from contact with Gordina, Vincent may have turned more to prostitutes, as he did when he first arrived in Nuenen (see Ch. 22, n. 19). The evidence for this form of expenditure is, of course, circumstantial: his increasing interest in drawing from the nude (see Ch. 25, n. 66) -- one of the factors that drove him to Antwerp ("it's not absolutely impossible I might find an opportunity somewhere to paint from the nude" [JLB 541, 11/14/1885]); his sudden and exaggerated interest in paintings of women (JLB 539, 11/7/1885; (JLB 543, 11/20/1885) and in painting portraits of women ("the bourgeois folk, and certainly no less the tarts, no matter who they are, always value portraits " [JLB 541, 11/14/1885; emphasis in original]) -- an obsession that will explode in Antwerp (see Chapter 25); his new concerns about potency ("the thing that really makes one happy, being young and staying so for a long time" [ibid.]). These two explanations could be related. Vincent's return from Antwerp with a supply of condoms (see Ch. 25, n. 220) may shed indirect light on his activities there.

237. and in debt BVG 454, 2/15/1886-2/17/1886. Vincent doesn't reveal his Nuenen indebtedness (as opposed to his old debts in The Hague) until three months later, in Antwerp, when he resists Theo's suggestion that he return to Nuenen to help their mother move: "If I go to Brabant ... I'd also be obliged to pay for some paint ... Now I thought that because of the force majeure of circumstances I was free to declare myself unable to meet these obligations at present. In other words not to pay my rent there but to say, put my furniture in your attic, keep it as security, I'll pay you when I come to collect it, then at the same time I don't have to rent new storage." (JLB 556, 1/29/1886; emphasis in original.) Apparently, Vincent's creditors did not agree with this assessment or this arrangement. In March the following year (1887), they brought an action to auction his possessions in order to pay his debts. Theo wrote his mother suggesting a solution that would salvage at least Vincent's work and his collection of prints: "As you wanted I have spoken with Vincent about his belongings that are still in Nuenen. He says you can dispose of his furniture as you please but he is really attached to his wood engravings which are of no value to anybody in Nuenen and which he collected laboriously. There are also some studies of himself he would prefer to keep. If it were possible to pay off his remaining debts with the proceeds of his furniture with enough left to build a crate for the prints and studies and pay for shipment to Breda, that would be a good arrangement." (b0909 V/1962, "Gogh, Theo van" to "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van", 3/22/1887.) 238. he stole out of town Stokvis, p. 29. 239. the last month's rentBVG 454, 2/15/1886-2/17/1886. (See Ch. 25, n. 237.)

Context:
JLB 556, 1/29/1886: "If I go to Brabant I'll have the expenses of my journey, I'll also have to pay for my room there (which I gave notice on) and take somewhere else to store my things, which will be not less than 50 francs rent and another 50 francs in advance for a new store and removals. I'd also be obliged to pay for some paint -- and of course I'd begin to paint again there too. Now I thought that because of the force majeure of circumstances I was free to declare myself unable to meet these obligations at present. In other words not to pay my rent there but to say, put my furniture in your attic, keep it as security, I'll pay you when I come to collect it, then at the same time I don't have to rent new storage."

240. his collection of prints b0909 V/1962, "Gogh, Theo van" to "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van", 3/22/1887: That Vincent left his treasured portfolios of prints behind in Nuenen is not revealed until March the next year (1887), when Theo receives word from his mother that all of Vincent's abandoned possessions in Nuenen are about to be sold to pay his outstanding debts. 241. all his paintings and drawings Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop, pp. 12-13: Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop enumerate the paintings and drawings that Vincent either took or sent to Antwerp: Still Life with Bible (F 117 JH 946); Avenue of Poplars (F 45 JH 959); an image Vincent describes as a "large mill on the heath in the evening" (JLB 542, 11/17/1885), which has been lost; and "a few paintings" (ibid.) and "3 studies" (JLB 545, 11/28/1885), which have not been identified. 242. left to the equal merciesOn his mother's negligent custody of the art Vincent left behind in the Kerkstraat studio, see Ch. 25, n. 66. 243. an ugly scene BVG 450, 2/1/1886-2/15/1886. When, in February 1886, Theo suggests that Vincent return to Nuenen to help their mother move (to Breda), and wait for Theo's lease in Paris to end, Vincent replies acidly: "if I encountered opposition and scenes like I got before I left, I would be wasting my time there and so, even if it were only just for those few months, I'd make a change anyhow" (JLB 559, 2/6/1886).

Context:
JLB 559, 2/6/1886: "Further, since you say you'll have to pay rent until the end of June -- well then, perhaps it would be best after all if I were to return to Nuenen, starting in March, only -- if I encountered opposition and scenes like I got before I left, I would be wasting my time there and so, even if it were only just for those few months, I'd make a change anyhow, since I want to have some new things from the country ready to bring to Paris with me."

244. "I am not going to write" BVG 440, 12/15/1885: We have slightly altered the translation.

Context:
BVG 440, 12/15/1885: "As I have received a letter from Mother asking me to write her and informing me that she has asked you to give her my address, will you let them know that I am not going to write, which for that matter I told them quite simply when I went away. You will understand that things like what happened in March are decisive. Then I left the house, from which may be inferred as a matter of course that they got what they wanted; for the rest, I think of them extremely, extremely little, and I do not desire them to think of me, as far as that goes."
JLB 548, 12/17/1885: "As I've received a letter from Ma, who asks me to write and said she'd asked you for my address, will you let them know that I won't write, which for that matter I already made quite plain when I left? You'll understand when something happens as it did in March, it's one of those things that is decisive. I left the house then &c. It follows automatically that, since they got their way, I hardly think about them at all, hardly at all; for that matter don't want them to think about me either."

245. "He wrote that Tersteeg" BVG 434, 11/15/1885-11/20/1885.

Context:
JLB 542, 11/17/1885: "He wrote that Tersteeg and Wisselingh had seen them and thought them 'not suitable for them.'"

246. a new surge of courageBVG 431, 11/8/1885-11/12/1885. After hanging one of his pictures (Autumn Landscape with Four Trees [F 44 JH 962, November 1885, oil on canvas, 25.2 x 35 in., 64 x 89 cm., Otterlo, Kröller-Müller Museum]) in Kerssemakers's "elegant drawing room," Vincent experienced a rare rush of confidence: "I had such a tingle of good spirits when I saw that it worked, that it created a mood as it hung there because of the soft, melancholy peace of that colour combination" (JLB 539, 11/7/1885). Vincent joyously reports Kerssemakers's positive comment: "the thing's damned good" (ibid.). (But see Ch. 25, n. 124.)

Context:
JLB 539, 11/7/1885: "Although the man has money, although he really liked it -- I had such a tingle of good spirits when I saw that it worked, that it created a mood as it hung there because of the soft, melancholy peace of that colour combination -- that I COULD not sell. But because it had affected him, I gave it to him, and he accepted it just as I meant it, without many words, that's to say little other than -- 'the thing's damned good.'" (Emphasis in original.)

247. "My power has ripened" BVG 435, 11/18/1885-11/22/1885: We have slightly altered the translation. As always, Vincent conflates his art and himself in this description of how his artistic "power" -- and his personal "power" -- have changed since The Hague (JLB 543, 11/20/1885). One can hear the same new confidence in passages like this: "At the same time, to bring this off [i.e., like Chardin] one has to be able to do a little magic, which costs one dear to learn, and Michelangelo's gloomy, sarcastic words -- my manner is destined to make great fools -- is also true of those who dare take risks in regard to colour -- there, too, it can't be imitated by the cowards and the dependent" (JLB 539, 11/7/1885, emphasis in original). Another indication of Vincent's new confidence is that he takes forty stretchers with him to Antwerp (JLB 542, 11/17/1885).

Context:
BVG 435, 11/18/1885-11/22/1885: "And meanwhile my power has somewhat ripened, so that I feel more independent of the common intrigues, which enables me to pitch certain fellows out."
JLB 543, 11/20/1885: "And in the meantime my powers have matured somewhat, so that I feel more independent of the usual intrigues to chuck someone out."

248. "begin all over again" BVG 440, 12/15/1885: This comes as part of what appears to be a rare admission of error, only weeks after arriving in Antwerp. It is, necessarily perhaps, hypothetical and opaque. Vincent does not connect it directly to any of his own previous behavior: "One can be mistaken. And it's a relief when one realizes that one has been mistaken -- even if one then has to start from the beginning again." (JLB 548, 12/17/1885.)

Context:
BVG 440, 12/15/1885: "And sometimes it is quite refreshing to perceive one has been mistaken, though then one has to begin all over again from the very beginning."
JLB 548, 12/17/1885: "And it's a relief when one realizes that one has been mistaken -- even if one then has to start from the beginning again."

249. "One doesn't become" BVG 431, 11/8/1885-11/12/1885.

Context:
JLB 539, 11/7/1885: "But one isn't a painter in a year, nor is that necessary. Only there's already a good thing running through it, and hope is alive instead of one feeling powerless in front of a wall."

250. he vowed to take up BVG 431, 11/8/1885-11/12/1885. As far as is known, Vincent did not follow through on this interest, although he did begin to make more use of colored chalk in his drawings from Antwerp: Two Women in a Balcony Box (F 1350v JH 967); Dance-Hall (F 1350a JH 968); Couple Dancing (F 1350b JH 969); The Grote Markt (F 1352 JH 975); View of Het Steen (F 1350r JH 976); View of Het Steen (F 1351 JH 977); Portrait of a Woman (F 1357 JH 981); and Standing Female Nude Seen from the Front (F 1696 JH 1011) (Van Heugten, p. 16). 

Context:
JLB 539, 11/7/1885: "Pastel is a process I'd really like to know. I'll do it later, too. If one can paint a head, one must be able to learn it in a few hours."

468 251. Latour BVG 431, 11/8/1885-11/12/1885: Maurice Quentin de Latour. Vincent draws an equivalence between Latour and Franz Hals (JLB 539, 11/7/1885).

Context:
JLB 539, 11/7/1885: "At the moment, when I read about that outstanding devil, that famous La Tour -- how real it is, by Jove -- and -- how well (apart from his terrible avarice) that fellow tackled life and -- painting."

252. "express life with pastel" BVG 431, 11/8/1885-11/12/1885.

Context:
BVG 431, 11/8/1885-11/12/1885: "How great is the similarity between the ideas of Latour, for instance, and Frans Hals, when they express life with pastel which one could almost blow off."
JLB 539, 11/7/1885: "Well, what a similarity there is between the ideas of La Tour &c. and Frans Hals, when they express life in pastel that one could blow away."

253. "I don't know what" BVG 431, 11/8/1885-11/12/1885: We have slightly altered the translation, changing the last word of the passage from "attention" to "being." We believe that Vincent means for his two nouns to be comprehensive -- reflecting his Zola-like belief that the commitment required from the artist is total.

Context:
JLB 539, 11/7/1885: "I don't know what I'll do or how things will go for me, but I hope I won't forget these lessons I've been taking recently: in one go, quickly but with absolutely total exertion of everything one may have in the way of spirit and attention."