Notes

Notes

 

Chapters

Chapters

170 1. "only about paintings" b0956 V/1962, ''Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 3/31/1876. 2. "It was a pleasure" BVG 70, 7/5/76.

Context:
BVG 70, 7/5/76: "I wish you had been there with me; it was a pleasure to see pictures again."
JLB 85, 7/3/1876 or 7/4/1876: "I rather wished that you could have been there too; it was a pleasure to see paintings again."

3. making side trips BVG 101, 6/12/1877: On one trip to the museum he found the room with Rembrandt's Syndics closed, so he returned again and again until it re-opened. When his tutor Mendes da Costa left town for a week, Vincent spent more time at the museum: "Mendes was out of town this week, staying for a few days with a Rev. [Johannes Elias] Schröder in Zwolle who had lessons from him at one time. Being less occupied because of this, I could carry out my plan to see the etchings by Rembrandt in the Trippenhuis." (JLB 131, 9/18/1877.) When Harry Gladwell visited in September, he went to the museum twice (JLB 130, 9/7/1877). He also urged his friend to join him on a day trip to Haarlem to see the Frans Hals museum. Apparently, the trip was canceled. According to Vincent, Gladwell did stop in Haarlem after leaving Amsterdam, but without Vincent. While in Amsterdam, Gladwell also visited the Van der Hoop museum alone (Vincent had been there with his brother the previous March [JLB 109, 3/23/1877]). Vincent did not mention seeing the city's other museum, the Fodor, with or without Gladwell, but he wrote at the time of Gladwell's stay of "drawings by R. in the Fodor," suggesting that he had been there at some point (JLB 131, 9/18/1877). He also looked for but could not find the Rembrandt House. Not until the next year (1878), right before leaving Amsterdam, did he find it. In May of that year, he wrote: "Hope to take a long walk today through a neighbourhood I haven't seen much of yet. I found the house in Breestraat where Rembrandt lived." (JLB 144, 5/19/1878.)

Context:
JLB 120, 6/12/1877: "Recently went to the Trippenhuis again to see whether those rooms, which were closed when we were there together, had been put back in order, but it will probably take another fortnight before one can go in again."

4. collecting prints BVG 95, 5/19/1877.

Context:
JLB 114, 5/19/1877: "The Jewish bookseller had many more beautiful things but I can't afford any more, and even though I'm hanging a few up, I'm not going to start collecting."

5. bookstalls BVG 103, 7/27/1877.

Context:
JLB 123, 7/27/1877: "Herewith a contribution for your collection, namely three lithographs after Bosboom and two by J. Weissenbruch, found them this morning at a Jewish bookseller's."

6. printsellers BVG 95, 5/19/1877: Most bookstores, even small ones, sold prints along with books and magazines.

Context:
JLB 114, 5/19/1877: "Herewith you receive something for your portfolio, namely a lithograph after J. Maris, beneath which one might write: a poor man in the kingdom of God, and a lithograph after Mollinger. Had you seen this one before? I hadn't. From a Jewish bookseller, who gets me the Latin and Greek books I need, I had the opportunity of choosing what I wanted from a large batch, and not at all expensive, 13 for 70 cents."

7. "I have the chance" BVG 95, 5/19/1877.

Context:
BVG 95, 5/19/1877: "At a Jewish bookseller's, where I buy all the Latin and Greek books I need, I had the chance of picking prints cheaply from a large batch, 13 pictures for 70 cents."
JLB 114, 5/19/1877: "From a Jewish bookseller, who gets me the Latin and Greek books I need, I had the opportunity of choosing what I wanted from a large batch, and not at all expensive, 13 for 70 cents."

8. "Latin and Greek themes" BVG 103, 7/27/1877. (Also see: Ch. 11, n. 11.)

Context:
BVG 103, 7/27/1877: "[I] keep right on collecting such prints, and books too. I am making a collection of Latin and Greek themes, also that of texts that report on history, etc."
JLB 123, 7/27/1877: "Do go on collecting such prints, and books too. I'm now collecting Latin and Greek themes and all kinds of writings on history and so on."

9. evangelists BVG 103, 7/27/1877.

Context:
JLB 123, 7/27/1877: "In Uncle Cor's shop I recently saw The Gospels by Bida [Alexandre Bida, 1823-1895; French artist], how beautiful it is, how wonderful it must be to be a Christian labourer like that, but it's impossible to put into words how beautiful it is, that's it again, there is much in that work that reminds one of Rembrandt."

10. vicars BVG 112, 10/30/1877.

Context:
JLB 133, 10/30/1877: "The scene reminds me of a painting by Jacquand [Claude Jacquand, 1803-1878; French artist], photographed in the cartes de visite, it's called 'The new vicar', I believe, it has the same sentiment, and also of The novice by G. Doré."

11. vestries BVG 115, 12/4/1877. See JLB 136, 12/3/1877-12/4/1877; n. 35 for discussion on the possible identity of the "drawing" Vincent is referring to by Johannes Bosboom.

Context:
JLB 136, 12/3/1877-12/4/1877: "Recently saw at Uncle's a large drawing by Bosboom, Sacristy, also two by Miss [Maria Philippina Bilders-]van Bosse that were very beautiful, especially the one of a farmstead."

12. baptisms BVG 106, 8/18/1877. Other examples of prints or paintings with religious subject matter that Vincent either bought or expressed interest in at this time: "[A] divine service, in Lapland or thereabouts, and also that one by Meyer von Bremen and pendant that are also hanging at home, mothers with children" (JLB 135, 11/24/1877-11/25/1877); "a new engraving after Erskine Nicol, 'Sabbath', an old woman going home in the rain" (Erskine Nicol, 1825-1904; English artist) (ibid.); "a lithograph after J[acob] Maris of a girl coming from the cemetery" (JLB 136, 12/3/1877-12/4/1877); "Ribot, The prayer, a number of children kneeling in a corner of a church at dusk, there's a large etching by him of the same thing" (Théodule Augustin Ribot, 1823-1891; French artist.) (JLB 138, 12/30/1877).

Context:
JLB 127, 8/18/1877: "Had another talk this morning with Mendes about M. Maris, and showed him that lithograph of those 3 children, and also A baptism, and he understood it very well." (Matthijs [Thijs] Maris, 1839-1917; Dutch artist.)

13. little boys BVG 95, 5/19/1877: Vincent identified the artist as Matthijs Maris.

Context:
JLB 114, 5/19/1877: "1 after Jamin (which is also hanging in your room), one after M. Maris, that little boy going to school, 5 after Bosboom -- Van der Maaten, Funeral in the cornfield -- Israëls, a poor man walking on a snowy road in winter, and Van Ostade, studio."

14. little girl JLB 136, 12/4/1877: Vincent does not name the image, but JLB identify it as the image named in Ch. 11, n. 13. JLB note that the figure in the background "seems more like a mourning woman than a 'monk' as Van Gogh supposed."

Context:
JLB 136, 12/3/1877-12/4/1877: "[I] sent to Cor for St Nicholas a lithograph after J[acob] Maris of a girl coming from the cemetery, which one sees in the background with the gravestones and the little church. A monk sits by one of the gravestones."

171 15. old men BVG 95, 5/19/1877: According to Vincent: "a poor man walking on a snowy road in winter." Vincent does not identify the artist. However, JLB have attributed this statement to a lithograph by Hendrik Adriaan Christiaan Dekker inspired by a piece by Jozef Israëls 'Winter, ook in 't leven (Winter, in life too) (JLB 114, 5/19/1877; n. 10).

Context:
JLB 114, 5/19/1877: "1 after Jamin (which is also hanging in your room), one after M. Maris, that little boy going to school, 5 after Bosboom -- Van der Maaten, Funeral in the cornfield -- Israëls, a poor man walking on a snowy road in winter, and Van Ostade, studio."

16. mothers fetching BVG 95, 5/19/1877: In this letter, Vincent describes the subject of this image by August Allebé. JLB have identified this print as a lithograph by Hendrik Dekker, after the panel Latter Days (The stove-setter) (The Winter of Life) (1863) by Allebé (JLB 114, 5/16/1877; n. 12). According to Krijt, many of the prints mentioned by Vincent were taken from the monthly Kunstkroniek (Chronicle of Art), published by the 'Maatschappij van Schone Kunsten' (Society of Fine Arts) (Krijt, pp. 24-26). JLB also provide that most of these prints are reproductions by lesser-known artists of more famous pieces (for example: Dekker's interpretation of Allebé's piece) (JLB 114, 5/16/1877; n. 12).

Context:
JLB 114, 5/19/1877: "Then there's Allebé, a little old woman who has collected water and coals on a winter morning with snow on the streets."

17. "manifold mistakes" b0968 V/1962, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 3/2/1878. 18. old woman dozing BVG 96, 5/21/1877-5/22/1877: The etching Vincent is referencing is Rembrandt's Sleeping Old Woman (c. 1635-1637) (JLB 115, 5/21/1877-5/22/1877; n. 23).

Context:
JLB 115, 5/21/1877-5/22/1877: "This morning in church I saw a little old woman, probably the foot-stove woman, who reminded me so much of that etching by Rembrandt, a woman who has been reading the Bible and has fallen asleep leaning her head on her hand."

19. a favorite woodcut BVG 101, 6/12/1877. The woodcut was Der Tod als Freund (Death as a Friend) (1851) (JLB 120, 6/12/1877; n 11). Vincent identified the artist as Alfred Rethel (1816-1859; German) and the image could possibly have been a harbinger of Herkomer's "Last Call."

Context:
JLB 120, 6/12/1877: "I always found that scene very moving, in London in those days one saw it in front of nearly all the print-shop windows."

20. seige of Leiden BVG 120, 3/3/1878: Vincent identified the painter as Charles Rochussen (1814-1894; Dutch). JLB have identified this piece as The Relief of Leiden (1853) (JLB 142, 3/3/1878; n. 12). Vincent even recalled the name of the collector, "Mr. de Vos." (Jacob de Vos Jacobszn.)

Context:
JLB 142, 3/3/1878: "Did you know that Rochussen once painted the siege of Leiden?"

21. imagined the illustrations BVG 105, 8/5/1877: Vincent wrote this after copying a passage on peasant life from Telemachus. The "Jacque" whom Vincent references is Charles Émile Jacque(s).

Context:
JLB 126, 8/5/1877: "It's especially nice if one imagines it illustrated by the etchings of Jacque."

22. historical figures BVG 115, 12/4/1877: The one Vincent mentioned was Anne of Brittany. "While working today I had lying before me a sheet from [Charles] Bargue's Cours de dessin ... Anne of Brittany" (JLB 136, 12/4/1877). We are assuming that this image was not attached to the wall because of Vincent's use of "today." Vincent said of this portrait, which he did hang in his room in London: "The expression on the face of that Anne of Brittany is noble and reminiscent of the sea and rugged coasts" (a wonderful anticipation of the symbolic portraits of Arles and Saint Rémy). It is not clear if Vincent was actually studying Anne's history or just her period in history, or if the "inspiration" the portrait provided was more generalized. "I'd like to know her story," he wrote (JLB 133, 10/30/1877). There is some suggestion that Vincent may have followed a similar procedure with the illustrations of the "life of Frederick the Great" by Adolph Menzel. Further evidence of the osmosis that went on continually between religion and art in Vincent's imagination can be found in this marvelous observation on the print of a portrait by [Jan] de Ruyter that hung in his uncle's bedroom. "I look at it so often, it has a stormy or thundery expression, something like the way I imagine Cromwell" (JLB 135, 11/24/1877-11/25/1877).

Context:
JLB 136, 12/3/1877-12/4/1877: "While working today I had lying before me a sheet from Bargue's Cours de dessin, 1st part, No. 39, Anne of Brittany."

23. Old Testament Legends BVG 94, 4/30/1877: Légendes de l'ancient testament by Jacques Collin de Plancy (1793-1837). De Plancy was a well-known " legendist."

Context:
JLB 113, 4/30/1877: 11-23

24. Legends of Artists BVG 94, 4/30/1877. Légendes des Artistes by Collin de Plancy, with woodcuts by Charles Rochussen (JLB 113, 4/30/1877; n. 17).

Context:
JLB 113, 4/30/1877: "Do you have De Plancy, Légendes des artistes, with woodcuts after Rochussen?"

25. subjects for paintings BVG 104, 8/3/1877.

Context:
JLB 125, 8/3/1877: "When next you write, tell me something about the exhibition that will have opened yesterday, how much the artists would be able to find here at the dockyard that's fit to be painted."

26. brought prints Mendes da Costa, in Stein, ed., p. 45. 27. "discuss his former" Mendes da Costa, in Stein, ed., p. 45. 28. Uncle Cor's gallery BVG 114, 11/25/1877: The clerk was Jan Willem Wierda and Vincent first mentions him in late November in a way that suggests they met him through Vincent's frequent visits to his uncle's bookstore. "That Wierda is indeed a faithful servant and, I believe, very clever" (JLB 135, 11/24/1877-11/25/1877). Vincent mentions him again, two months later, when the two run into each other outside the English Church. Vincent's account of this encounter suggests that they had not become friends in the interim, and this may, in fact, have been their only interaction, as Wierda is not mentioned again. "We went for a walk together and he asked me if I'd like to come and see his room, he lives in Weteringstraat [Number 26], about 10 minutes from Leidsestraat. I told him that for a long time I had wanted to see his room and where and how he lived, so I went along and after drinking coffee I stayed till around 3 o'clock and saw his books and heard a thing or two about his life." (JLB 140, 2/10/1878.) According to Groot and De Vries, Wierda was born in 1837 (which would have made him probably forty when Vincent met him) and worked in Uncle Cor's bookstore for twenty-two years, starting about 1862 (Groot and De Vries, pp. 87 and 124). In 1884, he moved to Leiden and opened his own bookstore with his boss's blessing (ibid., p. 88). He died in 1904.

Context:
JLB 135, 11/24/1877-11/25/1877: "That Wierda is indeed a faithful servant and, I believe, very clever, one really finds a lot of nice people in the bookselling business, C.M., Mr. [Pieter Kornelis] Braat, [Johannes Christiaan] Schröder here (Mendes gets his books from him, and I go there too sometimes), Wierda, one could also count Mr. Tersteeg among them, and that young man you met on your trip, among others, and you are one of them too, hang on to what you have, for you too are in the fight."

29. immerse himself BVG 113, 11/19/1877. In March of the following year, after his uncle had redecorated the store on the Keisergracht, Vincent again spoke lovingly and longingly of "those beautiful cupboards containing the whole Gazette des Beaux-Arts etc. in red volumes stand out better than before" (JLB 142, 3/3/1878).

Context:
JLB 134, 11/19/1877: "Spent two evenings at Uncle Cor's, once to look at old books (including volumes of L'Illustration in which I found many old acquaintances, that is really an interesting magazine) …"

30. "I found many" BVG 113, 11/19/1877.

Context:
BVG 113, 11/19/1877: "I spent two evenings at Uncle Cor's looking over old books, including volumes of L'Illustration, in which I found many old friends (what an interesting magazine it is!)."
JLB 134, 11/19/1877: "Spent two evenings at Uncle Cor's, once to look at old books (including volumes of L'Illustration in which I found many old acquaintances, that is really an interesting magazine …"

31. 10-Jun BVG 101, 6/12/1877. "Sunday morning" was June 10 (JLB, 120, 6/12/1877; n. 14).

Context:
JLB 120, 6/12/1877: "Heard the Rev. Laurillard on Sunday morning in the early sermon on 'Jesus went through the cornfields.'"

32. younger man At forty-seven, Laurillard was young by the standards of Vincent's father and uncle. 33. represented a new generation Kôdera, "Van Gogh and the Dutch Theological Culture of the Nineteenth Century," pp. 120, 121: According to Kôdera, Laurillard's affiliations were more sympathetic than formal: "He refused to be called a 'Modern Theologian,' but he undoubtedly shared the same problem as the Modern Theologians: 'How can we preach Chris¬tianity to modern people?'" 34. willing to engage Kôdera, "Christianity versus Nature: A Study of the Thematics in Van Gogh's Oeuvre," p. 39. (See also Silverman, p. 164.) 35. "Jesus walked" BVG 101, 6/12/1877: We have combined the translations from both BVG and JLB (JLB 120, 6/12/1877). JLB translate Vincent as saying, "He [Laurillard] made a deep impression on me – he also spoke in that sermon about the parable of the sower and about the man who cast seed into the ground, and he should sleep, and rise day and night, and the seed should spring and increase and grow up, he knoweth not how, he also spoke about the funeral in the cornfield by Van der Maaten." JLB cite the following biblical passages as the source of Vincent's "Jesus walked" quote: Matthew 12:1: "At that time Jesus went on the sabbath day through the corn; and his disciples were an hungred, and began to pluck the ears of corn and to eat"; Mark 2:23: "And it came to pass, that he went through the corn fields on the sabbath day; and his disciples began, as they went, to pluck the ears of corn"; and Luke 6:1: "And it came to pass on the second sabbath after the first, that he went through the corn fields; and his disciples plucked the ears of corn, and did eat, rubbing them in their hands."

Context:
BVG 101, 6/12/1877: "Sunday morning I heard the Reverend Mr. Laurillard at early morning service; he spoke about, 'Jesus walked in the newly sown field.'"
JLB 120, 6/12/1877: "Heard the Rev. Laurillard on Sunday morning in the early sermon on 'Jesus went through the cornfields'."

36. "nature sermons" Kôdera, Christianity Versus Nature: A Study of van Gogh's Thematics, p. 232. 37. Christ not only in nature Kôdera, "Van Gogh and the Dutch Theological Culture of the Nineteenth Century," p. 120: Met Jezus in de naturr (With Jesus in Nature) was the name of one of Lauillard's books. Kôdera quotes this passage from it: "I am very glad to be with Jesus in nature ... I should have liked to walk with Him in the fields; I should have liked to bob up and down with Him on the lake; I should have liked to sit with Him on the mountain-top." 38. Both Dorus van Gogh Kools, p. 70. 39. Charles Spurgeon Kôdera, "Christianity versus Nature: A Study of the Thematics in Van Gogh's Oeuvre," p. 36: "[Spurgeon's] posthumously published collected sermons entitled Teaching of nature in the Kingdom of Grace contains chapters such as 'The ploughman overtaking the reaper', 'Healing beams', 'As small as mustard seed', 'Supposing Him to be the gardener', 'Harvest time "is it not wheat harvest to-day?"'" Kôdera quotes several pregnant images from an early Spurgeon sermon, including: "Flowers, what are they? They are but the thoughts of God solidified, God's beautiful thoughts put into shape." 40. "healing" sunbeams Kôdera, "Christianity versus Nature: A Study of the Thematics in Van Gogh's Oeuvre," p. 36. (See Ch. 11, n. 39.) 41. "divineness" Carlyle, p. 31: Renan set Christ in the fields of reality. Taine rejected the supernatural and embraced the visible and the verifiable. In Zundert, the Society for Prosperity subscribed to the ennobling, even sanctifying, benefits of simple labor. Dorus praised farmers as paragons of religious virtue: "You are the salt of the earth" (b2370 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 11/3/1875). 42. and others Silverman, p. 155: Silverman provides a thorough discussion of the "realist" and "modernist" movements in Dutch Reformed theology and the key participants. We doubt that Vincent was as knowledgeable about either the theories or the theorists as Silverman seems to presuppose. Other than his encounter with Laurillard (whose ideas were tangential to those of preachers like Allard Pierson, on whom Silverman relies extensively), the argument that Vincent knew about the so-called "religion of art" is based entirely on (1) the questionable deduction that because he was an aspiring theology student, he would have been aware of the serious theological topics in the air; and (2) deductions from his later comments on the subject, which are so vague as to be virtually untraceable, and, in any event, could have come from many intervening sources. On the other hand, there is persuasive inferential evidence that, even if Vincent understood the theories of Pierson, for example, he did not agree with them. According to Silverman, Pierson "disparag[ed] the representation of biblical stories or episodes in the life of Christ" (ibid., p. 159). This, of course, is completely antithetical to Vincent's profound appreciation of the depictions of Rembrandt and others of scenes from both Testaments -- an appreciation that did not abate during his stay in Amsterdam (the period of his putative exposure to the ideas of Pierson and others) and that he maintained steadfastly to the end of his life. 43. the only way Silverman, p. 156: "How, then, could an unknowable, indescribable, and invisible divinity be rendered accessible to a human spirit hungering for consolation and regeneration? The aesthetic faculties alone could approach and approximate the fullness of God." Silverman cites one preacher, Sytze Hoekstra, who regarded Nature as "the site and source of religious devotion." 44. God's truest intermediaries Kôdera, "Christianity versus Nature: A Study of the Thematics in Van Gogh's Oeuvre," p. 35: "In every generation," Laurillard wrote, "there have always been many who, whilst wandering outside, have 'heard the Lord God walking in the garden.'" These special people, he said, "were not only desirous of deciphering God's written hieroglyphics, but also had the gift of doing so." In his sermon that Sunday, Laurillard illustrated this sacred mission with an image that Vincent knew well from his childhood and was, at that moment, hanging in his attic study: Van der Maaten's Funeral Procession through the Cornfields (1862). According to Kôdera: "It was not unusual for preachers to refer to paintings in their sermons. Not only in the church, but also in books, lectures, articles and poems, they often addressed subjects such as art, music, literature and so on." (Kôdera, Vincent van Gogh, p. 15.) Interestingly, Dorus van Gogh used the same Van der Maaten image in a sermon he gave in August of the same year (1877) (b2551 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 8/16/1877). Dorus also recommended to Theo a book by Laurillard Uit de Cel (From the Cell): "We read it recently. It is movingly beautiful and full of short sayings showing insight into human nature, the kind one would want to remember and to apply to oneself and others." Later the same year, Vincent also inquired whether Theo was familiar with any of Laurillard's books: "Have you ever seen any of his books? 'Uit de cel' must be very beautiful …" (JLB 136, 12/3/1877-12/4/1877). Silverman expresses Laurillard's notion of the shared mission of preachers and artists this way: "Representation and human expressive consciousness emerged as the singular mediators of the immanent and transcendent orders" (Silverman, p. 156). 172 45. always served religion b0984 V/1962, "Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 7/8/1878: Dorus cautioned Theo on this very point before he left for the Universal Exposition in Paris in 1878: "you will also philosophize about the world with all its beauty and beauty of all kinds and its joys, but what matters for you has to be down here, isn't it, and that thought leads us above the worldly to Him who must inspire everything, also do and not do, and determines duty and calling." The Van Goghs had the same, limited view of nature -- and issued a similar warning to their sons about mistaking the agent for the principal, the creation for the creator. "Sweet child, you ask us if we think a man can live on nature alone, but pagans live on nature and without the Bible, and we know what becomes of them, don't we? ... If you are talking about nature only, then there is no mention of Jesus, and it's precisely Jesus who gives us the ability to enjoy nature thoroughly, since He says: the Creator of all that loveliness is Your Father." (b2729 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 10/28/1874.) "We know from experience that nature alone is not enough for mankind. ... You, my boy, also need faith and religion." (b2728 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 10/28/1874.) These two passages would appear to put Silverman's elegant scholarly generalizations about the Van Goghs' embrace of the unity of nature and art into context (Silverman, p. 150). 46. ubiquitous emblem books Kôdera, Vincent van Gogh: Christianity versus Nature, pp. 16, 17: "[T]he publication and the popularity of emblem books decreased during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, and for this reason emblem books have seldom been used for the interpretation of nineteenth-century paintings. However, the emblematic tradition was strongly represented in the clergymen's writings with which Van Gogh was familiar." Elsewhere, however, Kôdera identifies a "Victorian emblematic revival," with which "through his stay in England and through his reading Van Gogh was quite familiar" (ibid., p. 17). 47. prints that hung Kools, p. 112. Kôdera cites other examples not included in the text such as the "reward prints" given as prizes in Sunday School (Kôdera, in Masheck, ed., pp. 229, 231-232) and the picture-poetry books (Bijschriften-poezie) written by preachers like Jan Ten Kate, which used religious images like Scheffer's Christus Remunerator to enliven and elaborate inspirational texts (Kôdera, Vincent van Gogh: Christianity versus Nature, pp. 15-16). Laurillard also published such books. According to Kôdera, Ten Kate also published collections of religious prints, of which Vincent owned at least one: Ecce Homo, a head of Christ. On his copy, Vincent wrote in the margins: "Nothing shall separate us from the love of Christ nor things present nor things to come" (Kôdera, in Masheck, ed., p. 229; Romans 8:38-39). Kôdera's discussion of this subject, in its many manifestations, is definitive. That this tradition had already had an impact on Vincent's imagination can be seen in his report from a year earlier, in the little church on Turnham Green, when he assisted in a "magic lantern" show illustrating the life of Martin Luther and the Reformation using slides of images "in the manner of Holbein" (JLB 95, 10/23/1876-10/25/1876). In his Richmond sermon, Vincent himself had enlisted a painting by Boughton to inspire his listeners' faith (see Chapter 7). 48. "religion of beauty" Silverman, p. 157. 49. "He made a deep" BVG 101, 6/12/1877.

Context:
JLB 120, 6/12/1877: "He made a deep impression on me …"

50. returned again BVG 101a, 7/9/1877: Between Sunday, June 10, and Sunday, July 9 (five Sundays), Vincent heard Laurillard preach three times. He does not mention hearing him preach again until the following March (JLB 142, 3/3/1878). Vincent did not give any reason for such a long hiatus, if there was one. The only other Laurillard sermon about which Vincent gives details was one based on Jeremiah 8:7: "Yea, the stork in the heaven knoweth her appointed times; and the turtle and the crane and the swallow observe the time of their coming [but my people know not the judgment of the Lord]" (JLB 131, 9/18/1877). According to Vincent, Laurillard told a story of seeing "a flock of migratory birds and spoke about the phenomenon of birds migrating, and how man will also migrate once to a warmer land."

Context:
JLB 121, 7/9/1877: "I go to church a lot, I've heard the Rev. Laurillard three times, you would like him too, because he paints, as it were, and his work is at once lofty and noble art."

51. "It is as if" BVG 101a, 7/9/1877.

Context:
BVG 101a, 7/9/1877: "I often go to church; I have heard the Reverend Mr. Laurillard three times; you would like him too, for it is as if he paints, and his work is at the same time high and noble art."
JLB 121, 7/9/1877: "I go to church a lot, I've heard the Rev. Laurillard three times, you would like him too, because he paints, as it were, and his work is at once lofty and noble art."

52. Andersen BVG 101a, 7/9/1877. In this letter, Vincent quotes a portion of Hans Christian Andersen's short-story "Vertellingen van de maan" ("What the Moon Saw") from Prentenboek Zonder Prenten: Vertellingen van de Maan (JLB 121, 7/9/1877; n. 2):

Every evening came the moon and whispered in my ear,
Telling of the quiet night and what its eye
Had lit on from its watch-post in the sky.
It who knows centuries -- through ages did it roam,
Casting, high above the Flood and crest of foam,
On the floating ark a soft silver glow,
Just as it now lights my lonely window
Then, too, when the folk of Israel knelt down
To weep by the waters of Babylon
It illumined with sad twinkling down below
The unstrung harp, hanging on the willow.

Context:
JLB 121, 7/9/1877: He has the feeling of an artist in the true sense of the word, as someone like Andersen …"

53. Michelet BVG 110, 9/18/1877.

Context:
JLB 131, 9/18/1877: "He treated this subject in the spirit of Michelet or [Friedrich] Rückert, or as many have also painted it, including [Paul Alexandre] Protais, Souvenirs of the homeland."

54. "He has the feelings" BVG 101a, 7/9/1877.

Context:
BVG 101a, 7/9/1877: " He has the feelings of an artist in the true sense of the word, for instance, like [Hans Christian] Andersen, when he said …"
JLB 121, 7/9/1877: " He has the feeling of an artist in the true sense of the word, as someone like Andersen had when he says, for example …"

55. third BVG 86, 2/26/1877. In this letter, Vincent hints at secrets between the brothers. JLB have inferred that this refers to Theo's "infatuation" with a woman of a lower class (JLB 103, 2/26/1877). Less than three months later, Vincent adds "Your heart will need to trust itself and to pour forth – you'll be torn between the two – her and my father – and I think that our Father loves you more than she does – that his love is worth more …" (JLB 111, 4/15/1877). JLB takes this as evidence that Dorus was aware of Theo's latest affair and disapproved of it as he did the previous relationships (ibid.; n. 8). 56. no choice b2524 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 4/30/1877: It should be noted that Theo continued to have success in his work at Goupil. After he completed his annual sales trip in April, his father wrote: "We were happy that Uncle Cent wrote us to say that Mr. Tersteeg had written about you, and was very satisfied with you, and that the trip had been a success." 57. "These are new" b2534 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 5/31/1877, Anna added: "[I]t cannot be other than that your letter raises big objections." Regarding Theo's intention to leave The Hague and Holland, Anna advised: "Do not have too many illusions of lesser temptations in a new environment." This would suggest that Theo did not intend, or did not admit that he intended, to leave town with the woman. 58. "crazy" b2534 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 5/31/1877. (See Ch. 11, n. 58.) 59. "I beg you" b2534 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 5/31/1877: "I beg you not to take any rash steps, because it truly is not a small matter nowadays, where thousands of applicants long for a job. Just saying I want to change career would make a stranger say: 'Boy! Are you crazy!' You will not hear that from me! But I beg you to wait until we have talked. We are again sad. Vincent's [career] change will be for us, for years to come, a matter of considerable worry. Let us be wise and not destroy anything by doing it in haste." 60. shared with Vincent BVG 332, 10/12/1883: In addition to the inferential evidence cited in the text, a letter from five years later gives, we believe, an insight into the private exchange between brothers at this time about Theo's desire to become an artist. "I just received your letter. I read and re-read it with interest, and something that I've already thought about sometimes, without knowing what to do about it, is becoming clear to me. It's that you and I have in common a time of quietly drawing impossible windmills &c., where the drawings are in a singular rapport with the storm of thoughts and aspirations -- in vain, because no one who can shed light is concerned about them (only a painter would then be able to help one along the right path, and their thoughts are elsewhere). This is a great inner struggle, and it ends in discouragement or in throwing those thoughts overboard as impractical, and precisely when one is 20 or so, one is passionate to do that." (JLB 394, 10/12/1883, emphasis added.) We read this passage as follows: Vincent had received a letter from Theo in which the latter recalled that he had considered pursuing a career as an artist at "precisely when one is 20" -- i.e., around 1877-78 (Theo turned twenty on May 1, 1877). The reference to "only a painter" being able to "help one along the right path" sounds like Vincent excusing his failure to be sufficiently supportive of Theo's aspirations at the time (perhaps the thrust of Theo's letter), as well as his own failure to pursue an artistic career earlier. In the same letter, Vincent said that he, too, had considered becoming an artist when he was "about 20" (i.e., in England in 1873-74), an assertion that we do not find supportable or credible. 61. earlier that spring Probably on March 18, when Vincent and Theo went together, at Dorus's prompting, to see their Uncle Cor in Amsterdam. Theo's sales trip, following immediately on that visit, probably put off any further substantial dialogue until mid-April, when the subject of artists' lives makes a sudden appearance in Vincent's letters. 62. "life and work" BVG 94, 4/30/1877: We have slightly altered the translation.

Context:
BVG 94, 4/30/1877: "Knowledge of and love for the work and the life of such men as Jules Breton, Millet, Jacque, Rembrandt, Bosboom and so many others may become a source of new thoughts."
JLB 113, 4/30/1877: "Knowing and loving the work and life of such men as Jules Breton, Millet and Jacque, Rembrandt, Bosboom and so many others, can also be a source of ideas."

63. Legends of Artists See Ch. 11, n. 24. 64. visit Anton Mauve b2528 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", May 1877: This visit explains Vincent's sudden interest in Theo's developing relationship with Mauve at this time. "I'm also eager to hear whether you've been to see Mauve," he wrote at the end of May (JLB 116, 5/28/1877). And again in July: "If you should happen to visit Mauve and Jet one of these days, give them my warm regards and spend some pleasant hours together, and bid good-day to the dunes and the sea for me. And tell Mauve that the photograph of his drawing, the plough in the field, is hanging in my little room and constantly reminds me of him." (JLB 122, 7/15/1877.) This visit may also be the visit Vincent referred to fondly more than six months later: "Mauve is giving that art presentation at Arti [an arts society] this evening, should really like to be there, but it's likely I already saw many of the drawings that evening we visited him" (JLB 139, 1/9/1878-1/10/1878). This is almost certainly the visit Vincent mentioned six years later in The Hague: "Now as I write to you I think of that evening -- you may remember it even though it was years ago -- when you and I spent an evening together with Mauve when he still lived near the Barracks, and were given a photograph after a drawing by him, a plough" (JLB 357, 6/27/1883). 65. successful b0966 V/1962, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 2/2/1878. 66. seeing Mauve often b2521 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 4/18/1877: As of the previous winter, Theo was not a regular visitor at the Mauves. Informing Theo that the Mauves' daughter was sick, Anna suggested that Theo pass along his parents' best wishes to the Mauves "should you ever bump into them" (b2798 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 12/6/1876). When Dorus visited The Hague in February, he and Theo went to visit the Mauves (b2507 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 2/19/1877). By April, Theo was apparently seeing them with some frequency (b2521 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 4/18/1877 and b2524 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 4/30/1877). As the summer began and the weather improved, Theo spent a great deal of time with the Mauves, especially at the shore in Scheveningen (b2546 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 7/25/1877 and JLB 122, 7/15/1877). Theo apparently bragged to all his siblings about his increasingly close relationship with his cousins. "You have such a lovely home at the Mauves," Lies wrote in August. "I can imagine how wonderful it is for you to feel warmth and company, for I'm very much in need of that myself" (b2550 V/1982, "Gogh, Elisabeth van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 8/12/1877). By this time, he was apparently staying with the Mauves for extended periods (b2552 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 8/22/1877). At the end of the year, the possibility that the Mauves would leave The Hague sent a scare through the entire family. "What a pity that Mauve and Jet are leaving The Hague," Vincent's sister Anna wrote (b2576 V/1982, "Gogh, Anna van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 12/7/1877). "Are they moving soon? I hope for you that they will stay longer." (ibid.) By the beginning of the new year, however, the Mauves had decided to stay (b0960 V/1962, "Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 1/6/1878). 67. provided the final push There is surprisingly little talk of these momentous developments in the letters from this period. The unusual intensity of visits back and forth in May could explain why all of the references in the letters to Theo's thoughts about quitting Goupil (and about becoming an artist) are oblique and supplementary. The substance of these conversations must have been exchanged face to face. To this point, it should be noted that Theo may have accompanied Vincent on the train trip to Amsterdam on May 13. This is suggested in a passage from the first letter Vincent wrote after he and Theo parted (dated May 19). "Will you come again on a Sunday to my study, and shall we go again together to the little church at Scheveningen?" (JLB 114, 5/19/1877). One of these events took place in Amsterdam; the other in The Hague. It is possible that Vincent left The Hague before May 13 (the "Sunday" referred to in the letter) and that Theo then made a separate trip to Amsterdam to see him on that day. However, by grouping the two incidents together, Vincent clearly implies that they were part of the same occasion of togetherness. (See also Ch. 9, n. 388.) Either way, the two brothers had more time alone together in this one week period than they had had in years. 68. informed his parents Judging by the date of their response, Theo informed his parents in late May of his intention to quit Goupil (b2534 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 5/31/1877). He had scheduled a trip home in mid-May, soon after seeing Vincent in The Hague (JLB 114, 5/19/1877), perhaps to talk to them about his plans, but canceled that trip at the last minute (JLB 115, 5/21/1877-5/22/1877). Vincent probably played a catalytic role in bringing Theo to this plan of action. However, in the letter he sent Theo soon after leaving The Hague, Vincent wrote (mistakenly believing that Theo had gone home for Whitsuntide, May 20): "You no doubt had a good time at home too, so write soon and tell me how you spent the day" (JLB 114, 5/19/1877). While this comment could be read to suggest that Vincent was ignorant of any plans Theo had to tell his parents about leaving Goupil, Vincent could have meant it archly. When dealing with his brother (or brother surrogates like Van Rappard), Vincent often resorted to this sort of teasing tone. 173 69. "My past comes" BVG 101, 6/12/1877.

Context:
BVG 101, 6/12/1877: "But I repeat, brother, when I think of you, my heart goes out to you. I think it is a very fine plan -- my past comes to life again when I think of your future."
JLB 120, 6/12/1877: "But I repeat, brother, my heart spills over for you, I think the plan is very good -- my past comes completely alive again now that I'm thinking of your future."

70. "bound up in one" BVG 347, 12/18/1883.

Context:
BVG 347, 12/18/1883: "Something better than the days of the Rijswijk mill -- namely the same thing but for good and all -- two poor brother artists --bound up in one and the same feeling, for one and the same nature and art -- will it ever come to that?"
JLB 414, 12/16/1883: "Something better than the time of the Rijswijk mill -- namely the same once and for all -- two poor brothers, artists -- bound up in the same feeling for the same nature and art -- will it ever come to that?"

71. "feeling, thinking" BVG 347, 12/18/1883:

Context:
BVG 347, 12/18/1883: "And I see those same brothers in earlier years -- when you had just entered the art world, had just begun to read, etc., etc. -- near the Rijswijk mill, or, for example, on a winter outing to Chaam [a town near Zundert] across the snowy heath early one morning! Feeling, thinking and believing the same to such an extent -- that I ask myself, can those be the same two? The question is, what will the outcome be -- will they separate forever, or will they take the same path once and for all?"
JLB 414, 12/16/1883: "And I see those same two brothers in earlier years -- when you were just coming into the world of painting, just beginning to read &c. &c. -- by the mill in Rijswijk. Or, for example, on an outing to Chaam [a town near Zundert] in the winter, across the snow-covered heath, early in the morning! Feeling so much the same, thinking and believing so much the same -- that I ask myself -- are they the same people??? Question -- what will happen now? -- will they part company forever, or will they find the same path once and for all?" (Emphasis in original.)

72. "a resemblance" BVG 94, 4/30/1877. In a subsequent letter, he pointed out that "For the work of men like Pa and the Rev. Keller van Hoorn, Uncle Stricker and so many others, a lot of practice is necessary, just as it is for painting"; and he prayed for "something of the faith of old, which God pours into many a heart" – asking God to pour it into both his heart and Theo's heart, just as He had poured it into the hearts of "Pa [and] Rembrandt" (JLB 114, 5/19/1877). To support his pledges of persistence in his religious work, Vincent cited the testimony of a painter, Corot: "It took only forty years of work, thought and care" (ibid.). Vincent wrote the quotation in the original French: "Il n'a fallu pour cela que quarante ans de travail, de pensée et d'attention." The Corot quotation is preceded by this pledge: "It won't be easy, but taking it one step at a time and doing it well must surely produce results, this I fervently hope."

Context:
BVG 94, 4/30/1877: "What a resemblance there is between the work and life of Father and that of these men; I value Father's higher still."
JLB 113, 4/30/1877: "What a similarity there is between the work and life of Pa and that of such men; that of Pa I rate even higher."

73. "When I see" BVG 95, 5/19/1877: We have slightly altered the translation.

Context:
BVG 95, 5/19/1877: " When I see a painting by Ruysdael, Van Goyen, Bosboom, or so many others, I am reminded again and again of the words, "As sorrowful, yet always rejoicing" -- of wee-moed."
JLB 114, 5/19/1877: " Whenever I look at a painting by Ruisdael, Van Goyen, Bosboom and so many others, I always think of the words 'as sorrowful, yet always rejoicing'."

74. a few days b2535 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 6/11/1877: Theo came to Etten on Sunday, June 3. Theo returned to work on June 4 and wrote his parents a letter, retracting his decision to leave art dealing and apologizing for the anxiety it had caused them, on June 8. He also wrote Vincent on June 7 (JLB 120, 6/12/1877). At the time of these letters, the idea of leaving The Hague and transferring to another Goupil office (a fall-back, face-saving alternative to quitting, apparently) was still alive. 75. not even waiting b2534 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 5/31/1877: Dorus intended to come to The Hague on Monday, June 4. 76. to Paris b2537 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 6/18/1877: Theo had told Vincent of this desire to leave The Hague, which was initially subsumed in the more momentous plan to leave Goupil. "In your last letter you write that you were thinking about moving elsewhere if possible, and you mention London and Paris" (JLB 118, 5/31/1877). 77. Uncle Cent b2535 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 6/11/1877: Cent's advice was conveyed through Dorus. In the initial alarm triggered by Theo's announcement, Dorus tried to see Cent immediately in Prinsenhage, but Cent was too sick to receive him (b2534 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 5/31/1877). The two finally spoke on June 8: "I had the opportunity to explain to him everything very well" (b2535 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 6/11/1877). They met again on June 16, when Cent came to Etten (b2537 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 6/18/1877). Dorus came away from these meetings with urgent advice for Theo: "He [Cent] thought there were rather too many than too few personnel abroad" (b2535 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 6/11/1877) and that "[t]he job that you [Theo] would have now in Paris will be inferior to the one you have at present and would be nothing more then that of youngest servant" (b2537 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 6/18/1877). 78. ambitious b2535 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 6/11/1877: Dorus reports these accolades in his own voice, but clearly intended Theo to understand them as coming from Uncle Cent. 79. "golden-tongued" b2535 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 6/11/1877. 80. "spoil his future" b2537 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 6/18/1877. 81. "concentrate on making" b2537 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 6/18/1877. 82. let the matter drop b2539 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 7/2/1877: "Uncle Cent told us about your good intentions to be patient and faithful and you were encouraged by Mr. Tersteeg who wrote him that you were busy doing your thing." 83. Laurillard's ideas He breathlessly shared the epiphanies of Laurillard's sermons (JLB 121, 7/9/1877) and elaborated the ties between artists and preachers in ever more attenuated parallels: "How much someone like Pa – who oft-times travels at night, carrying a lantern, to a sick or dying person … [has] a feeling for Rembrandt's etchings" (JLB 131, 9/18/1877). In this context, we are using Laurillard to represent the "modernist" ideas that informed his work and the work of others, which Vincent probably encountered while in Amsterdam, although there is no direct proof that he did. 84. continued to encourage BVG 104, 8/3/1877. After Theo visited Mauve's studio again that summer, Vincent inquired, " did you draw anything while you were there?" (JLB 125, 8/3/1877; emphasis in original). Five months later, Anna asked Theo a similar question: "Have you started drawing? How is the scrapbook going?" (b0963 V/1962, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 1/19/1878.)

Context:
JLB 125, 8/3/1877: "So you were at Mauve's and had a good time there, did you draw anything while you were there?" (emphasis in original).

85. "overflowing eyes" BVG 101a, 7/9/1877: Vincent quotes this phrase from Andersen's "What the Moon Saw." (See Ch. 11, n. 52 to read Vincent's entire excerpt from this story.) While Vincent may have paraphrased Andersen's tale, the sentiment is carried over in Andersen's original story: "When the Children of Israel sat weeping by the waters of Babylon, he glanced mournfully upon the willows where hung the silent harps (Andersen, p. 12).

Context:
BVG 101a, 7/9/1877: "And also, when Israel with overflowing eyes …"
JLB 121, 7/9/1877: "Then, too, when the folk of Israel knelt down to weep …"

86. "the Love" BVG 101a, 7/9/1877: Vincent concluded his selection from "What the Moon Saw" by combing themes from the tale with a biblical reference. The Bible passage invoked is Matthew 28:20: "Teaching them to observe all things whatsoever I have commanded you: and, lo, I am with you always, even unto the end of the world. Amen." (JLB 121, 7/9/1877; n. 3.)

Context:
BVG 101a, 7/9/1877: "The moon is still shining, and the sun and the evening star, which is a good thing -- and they also often speak of the Love of God, and make one think of the words: Lo, I am with you always, even unto the end of the world."
JLB 121, 7/9/1877: "The moon still shines now, and the sun and the evening star, which is fortunate, and they often speak of God's Love and call to mind the words, lo, I am with you always, even unto the end of the world."

87. "a deeper source" BVG R43, March, 1884.

Context:
BVG R43, March, 1884: "… that art is something which, although produced by human hands, is not created by these hands alone, but something which wells up from a deeper source in our souls; and that with regard to adroitness and technical skill in art I see something that reminds me of what in religion may be called self-righteousness."
JLB 439, 3/18/1884: "That art is something which, although produced by human hands, is not wrought by the hands alone but wells up from a deeper source in our soul, and that I find something in dexterity and technical knowledge about art that reminds me of what, in religion, they'd call self-righteousness."

88. "something of the spirit" BVG 111, 10/21/1877: Vincent applied this boldly religious description to a long list of books and paintings related to the French Revolution, including "'A Young Citizen of the Year V' by Jules Goupil. … 'The Girondins' and 'Last Victims of the Terror' and 'Marie Antoinette' by Delaroche ... together with books like those by Michelet, Carlyle, and also Dickens's A Tale of Two Cities."

Context:
BVG 111, 10/21/1877: "In all of them there is something of the spirit of the resurrection and the life -- that lives though it seems dead, for it is not dead, but sleepeth."
JLB 332, 3/21/1883: "In all of that combined there's something of the spirit which is that of the Resurrection and the Life, which shall live though it seems dead, for it is not dead, but it sleepeth" (emphasis in original).

89. "noble and beautiful" BVG 114, 11/25/1877.

Context:
BVG 114, 11/25/1877: "How noble and beautiful it is -- with a peculiar, weird beauty ...."
JLB 135, 11/24/1877-11/25/1877: "… how really good and beautiful it is with its own peculiar beauty ..."

174 90. "simplicity of heart" BVG 114, 11/25/1877.

BVG 114, 11/25/1877: "How noble and beautiful it is -- with a peculiar, weird beauty, the finest expression of which we find in that story of Elijah near the brook Kishon and with the widow -- it is written in simplicity of heart and simpleness of mind by one who was sorrowful yet always rejoicing."
JLB 135, 11/24/1877-11/25/1877: "… how really good and beautiful it is with its own peculiar beauty, the most beautiful expression of which is perhaps to be found in that story of Elijah by the brook Cherith and at the widow's -- it is written with singleness of heart and poverty of spirit, by one who was sorrowful, yet always rejoicing."

91. "It could be understood"

Context:
JLB 288, 11/26/1882-11/27/1882: "For my part I can't understand that not everyone sees and feels it -- after all, nature or God does it for everyone who has eyes and ears and a heart to perceive."

92. "it has an eloquence" BVG 108, 9/4/1877.

Context:
BVG 108, 9/4/1877: "Thomas a Kempis' book is peculiar; in it are words so profound and serious that one cannot read them without emotion, almost fear -- at least if one reads with a sincere desire for light and truth -- the language has an eloquence which wins the heart because it comes from the heart."
JLB 129, 9/4/1877: "It's a curious book, that one by Thomas a Kempis, there are words so deep and serious that one cannot read them without emotion and almost fear, at least if one reads them with a sincere desire for light and truth, that language is indeed the eloquence that wins hearts because it comes from the heart."

93. "bring light" BVG 110, 9/18/1877. (John 8:12.)

Context:
BVG 110, 9/18/1877: "I hope I forget neither that drawing nor what it seems to say to me: I'am the light of the world: he that followeth me shall not walk in darkness, but shall have the light of life.'"
JLB 131, 9/18/1877: "I hope not to forget that drawing, nor what it seemed to be saying to me: I am the light of the world: he that followeth Me shall not walk in darkness, but shall have the light of life …"

94. "For this is" BVG 123, 7/22/1878: We have reordered the translation.

Context:
BVG 123, 7/22/1878: "I often think of you, and am so glad that you are doing well and that you find things there which cheer you and feed your inner life. For this is what great art does, and the works of those who apply themselves heart, mind and soul -- as do many whom you know and perhaps meet personally, whose words and deeds are full of spirit and life."
JLB 145, 7/22/1878: "I think about you a lot and am so glad that things are going well for you and that you're finding things over there that stimulate you and are, as it were, good food for the true life. That too is high art, as are the works of those who work with their heart and with their mind and spirit, just as so many you know and will perhaps meet personally, whose words and works are spirit and life."

95. a passage of scripture Vincent sometimes combined action, words, and/or imagery to create "rituals" of it. "Had breakfast afterwards, a piece of dry bread and a glass of beer -- that is a remedy Dickens recommends to those on the verge of committing suicide as being very efficacious in ridding them of that intention, for a while at least. And even if one isn't exactly in such a mood, it's nevertheless good to do it now and then, and to think at the same time of, for example, Rembrandt's painting of the supper at Emmaus." (JLB 127, 8/18/1877.) Two months later (October 1877), Vincent reported two similar rituals, one involving bread, the other shoes: "When one eats a crust of black rye bread it's certainly good to think of the words 'Tunc justi fulgebunt ut sol in regnum Patris sui' (Then shall the righteous shine forth as the Sun in the Kingdom of their Father), or also when one very often has muddy boots or wet, dirty clothes" (JLB 133, 10/30/1877). (The Latin quote is from Matthew 13:43: "Then shall the righteous shine forth as the sun in the kingdom of their Father. Who hath ears to hear, let him hear.") Vincent recommended a similar ritual when he advised Theo to try reading Heinrich Heine while simultaneously looking at pictures of his parents and a print of Brion's Les Adieux (see Ch. 8, n. 427); although in that case, the image was intended to discourage the action, not enchant it with deeper meaning. 96. "the sun shining" BVG 101, 6/12/1877: We have altered the translation slightly.

Context:
BVG 101, 6/12/1877: "This week I visited the cemetery here outside the Muiderpoort; in front of it is a little wood where it is very beautiful, especially when the sun shines through the leaves in the evening."
JLB 120, 6/12/1877: "This week I went to the cemetery here, outside the Muiderpoort, there's a small wood in front of it where it's beautiful, especially in the evening when the sun shines through the leaves …"

97. more a feeling BVG 74, 8/26/1876: Vincent hints at this distinction when he describes the Boughton painting that he evoked in his first Richmond sermon.

Context:
JLB 89, 8/26/1876: "Actually, it's not a painting but an inspiration."

98. " Dat is het" BVG 116, 12/9/1877.

Context:
BVG 116, 12/9/1877: "Look at a man like Thomas a Kempis, who wrote his little book with a simplicity and sincerity unequalled by any other writer, either before or since; or, in another sphere, look at Millet's work or Jules Dupré's "The Large Oaks" -- that is it."
JLB 137, 12/9/1877: "Just look at a man like Thomas a Kempis, constrained by the love of Christ to write that little book, sincere and simple and true as few others were, either before or since. Or in another sphere, just take a look at the work of a Millet or that of a Stieler or The large oaks by Jules Dupré. They did it …"

99. from Mauve BVG 13, 1/1/1874: Although this letter is to Theo, Vincent identifies Mauve as saying "that's it." A month later, Vincent reiterated the attribution in a letter to Caroline Haanebeek: "Sometimes I start to believe that I'm gradually beginning to turn into a true cosmopolitan, meaning not a Dutchman, Englishman or Frenchman, but simply a man. ... We have not got there yet, though I am straining after it, and perhaps may grasp it. And as our ideal that which Mauve calls 'that's it.'" (JLB 18, 2/9/1874.) This passage suggests that Vincent already recognized a more embracing concept of "it." After more than three years of dormancy, this expression reappears in Vincent's letters immediately after his visit to see Mauve with his brother in May 1877. This strongly suggests that he was reminded of it again on that visit.

Context:
JLB 17, January 1874: "I saw from your letter that you have art in your blood, and that's a good thing, old chap. I'm glad you like Millet, Jacque, [Adolphe] Schreyer, Emile Charles Lambinet, Frans Hals &c., because -- as Mauve says -- 'that's it'.'"

100. only to art BVG 123, 7/22/1878: Vincent, of course, continued to find "it" in art and literature.

Context:
JLB 145, 7/22/1878: " It was a remarkable presence in art and will continue to have a similar effect on many and continue to make a deep impression on those with a feeling for high art, like a portrait by [Carel] Fabritius [1622-1654; Dutch artist] or some other rather mystical paintings from the school of Rembrandt" (emphasis in original).

101. "You will find" BVG 101, 6/12/1877; emphasis in original.

Context:
BVG 101, 6/12/1877: "I had to speak to the sexton about Uncle's seat in church, and I was in his house; next door there lived a cobbler, etc.; but you will find it everywhere, the world is full of it" (emphasis in original).
JLB 120, 6/12/1877: "...I had to see the sexton to ask about Uncle's place in the church and I was in his house, also living there is a shoemaker &c., but one finds it everywhere, the world is full of it, may our own heart be filled with it and become so more and more" (emphasis in original).

102. old houses BVG 101, 6/12/1877.

Context:
JLB 120, 6/12/1877: "It's a beautiful city, this, today I again saw a corner for Thijs Maris or [August] Allebé, namely houses behind the Oosterkerk, on a small inner courtyard, I had to see the sexton to ask about Uncle's place in the church and I was in his house, also living there is a shoemaker &c., but one finds it everywhere, the world is full of it, may our own heart be filled with it and become so more and more" (emphasis in original).

103. "This was it" Jansen, Luijten, and Bakker, pp. 110-111; emphasis in original. 104. "applied themselves" BVG 123, 7/22/1878.

Context:
BVG 123, 7/22/1878: "For this is what great art does, and the works of those who apply themselves heart, mind and soul -- as do many whom you know and perhaps meet personally, whose words and deeds are full of spirit and life."
JLB 145, 7/22/1878: "That too is high art, as are the works of those who work with their heart and with their mind and spirit, just as so many you know and will perhaps meet personally, whose words and works are spirit and life."

105. "something indescribably" BVG 104, 8/3/1877: A month later, Vincent seemed to step back from this surprisingly positive assessment of an uncle who had all but abandoned him. "In the life of Uncle Jan, of Uncle Cor, of Uncle Vincent, there is much, much good and purity, and yet something is missing" (JLB 129, 9/4/1877). Equally surprising, given their increasingly strained relations, is his continued high opinion of his father: "Father possesses what they lack, Pa has what they lack -- it is good to be a Christian, almost and also altogether, for that is life eternal ..." (ibid.).

Context:
BVG 104, 8/3/1877: "Whenever I see Uncle Vincent, I am struck anew by something indescribably charming and, I should say, something good and spiritual in him; I do not know what to call it."
JLB 125, 8/3/1877: "Every time I see Uncle Vincent I'm moved by something indescribably kind and, I might say, something good and spirited in him, I don't know what it is …"

106. "There are moments" BVG 108, 9/4/1877.

Context:
BVG 108, 9/4/1877: "It is true you can see this daily, but there are moments when the common everyday things make an extraordinary impression and have a deep significance and a different aspect."
JLB 129, 9/4/1877: "… now that is something one can see daily, but there are moments when ordinary daily things make an extraordinary impression and seem to have a deep meaning in another setting."

107. wizened sexton BVG 101, 6/12/1877: Vincent says of the sexton that he reminded Vincent of the woodcut "Der Tod als Freund" (Death as a Friend) by Alfred Rethel. "I always found that scene very moving, in London in those days one saw it in front of nearly all the print-shop windows" (JLB 120, 6/12/1877). The woodcut shows an ancient, bearded sexton sitting in a chair in the belfry of a church, his Bible in his lap, his keys still hanging from his belt, his eyes closed, a peaceful look on his face. The Grim Reaper is tolling the bell for him. Rethel went insane and died young.

Context:
JLB 120, 6/12/1877: "... I had to see the sexton to ask about Uncle's place in the church and I was in his house, also living there is a shoemaker &c., but one finds it everywhere, the world is full of it, may our own heart be filled with it and become so more and more" (emphasis in original).

108. Oosterkerk BVG 101, 6/12/1877. Vincent says that he went to see the sexton to speak with him "to ask about Uncle's place in the church ... " (JLB 120, 6/12/1877). Uncle Jan had an assigned (purchased) seat in the Oosterkerk, near the naval dockyards (Kruizinga, n.p.).

Context:
JLB 120, 6/12/1877: "It's a beautiful city, this, today I again saw a corner for Thijs Maris or Allebé, namely houses behind the Oosterkerk, on a small inner courtyard, I had to see the sexton to ask about Uncle's place in the church and I was in his house, also living there is a shoemaker &c., but one finds it everywhere, the world is full of it, may our own heart be filled with it and become so more and more" (emphasis in original).

109. "soul" BVG 117, 1/9/1878.

Context:
BVG 117, 1/9/1878: "Animals have it too, perhaps even more than men; but the soul, as it lives in the people painted by Israëls or Millet or [Édouard] Frère, that is what animals never have."
JLB 139, 1/9/1878-1/10/1878: "Animals have that too, perhaps more so than people, but animals don't have a soul like the one that animates the people painted by Israëls or Millet or Frère …"

110. "spirituality" BVG 117, 1/9/1878.

Context:
BVG 117, 1/9/1878: "I feel very little sympathy for the [beautiful] figure by Gérôme. I can find no sign of spirituality in it."
JLB 139, 1/9/1878-1/10/1878: "I feel very little sympathy for that statue after Gérôme, for I see not one sign of reason in it …"

111. "I would rather" BVG 117, 1/9/1878. Vincent reports to Theo this argument with his Uncle Cor: "I said I would much rather see an ugly woman by Israëls or Millet or a little old woman by E. Frère, for what does a beautiful body such as Phryné's really matter? Animals have that too, perhaps more so than people, but animals don't have a soul like the one that animates the people painted by Israëls or Millet or Frère, and hasn't life been given to us to become rich in our hearts, even if our appearance suffers from it? I feel very little sympathy for that statue after Gérôme, for I see not one sign of reason in it, and a couple of hands that bear the signs of work are more beautiful than such as are seen on that statue." (JLB 139, 1/9/1878-1/10/1878.) (We have combined elements from both translations.)

Context:
BVG 117, 1/9/1878: "I told him that I would rather see a homely woman by Israëls or Millet, or an old woman by Édouard Frère: for what's the use of a beautiful body such as Phryne's?"
JLB 139, 1/9/1878-1/10/1878: "I said I would much rather see an ugly woman by Israëls or Millet or a little old woman by E. Frère, for what does a beautiful body such as Phryné's really matter?"

112. voluptuous Gérôme nude BVG 117, 1/9/1878: The painting was Phryne before the Aereopagus [Judges] by Jean-Léon Gérôme. It depicts the trial of a fourth century BCE Athenian woman named Muesaretel; the reputed lover of the sculptor Praxiteles. Gérôme portrays Phryne (a common nickname for courtesans) mimicking Praxiteles's iconic Aphrodite sculptures before a large group of ogling men. JLB argue that Vincent did not see Gérôme's painting, but instead saw a sculpture by Jean Alexandre Joseph Falguière made after Gérôme's painting: "A photograph of the painting Phryné before the tribunal (no. 562), one of the pictures published by Goupil & Cie, appeared in L'Oeuvre de J.-L. Gérôme (Paris, n.d.), and was sold separately in the 'Musée Goupil' series. However, because Van Gogh mentions a 'statue' a few lines later, as well as 'that statue after Gérôme,' he is more likely referring to the scaled-down bronze reproduction of a marble which Falguière made after Gérôme's painting (Baltimore, Museum of Art). Ill. 131. A replica was put on the market by Goupil, and it is possible that Uncle Cor owned one." (JLB 139, 1/9/1878-1/10/1878; n. 14). JLB cite their translation of the text to support this idea that Vincent actually saw a sculpture instead of a painting or photograph of a painting: "I feel very little sympathy for that statue after Gérôme, for I see not one sign of reason in it, and a couple of hands that bear the signs of work are more beautiful than such as are seen on that statue." JLB translated the Dutch word "beeld" as statue, even though it can also mean image, picture, figure, representation, icon, etc.

Context:
JLB 139, 1/9/1878-1/10/1878: "C.M. asked me if I didn't find the Phryné by Gérôme beautiful, and I said I would much rather see an ugly woman by Israëls or Millet or a little old woman by E. Frère, for what does a beautiful body such as Phryné's really matter?"

175 113. "It is also good" BVG 99, 5/31/1877: In the very same letter, Vincent steps back from professing a belief in the actual existence of angels. "And we, although we saw no Angel, although we are not the same as those men of old, should we not know that there is strengthening from Above?" (JLB 118, 5/31/1877). Whether this more modern metaphorical view of angels ever really contained Vincent's powerful and needful imagination is probably unknowable. There is no question, in our opinion, that as his life progressed and as his mental state deteriorated, the border between real and imagined, unpoliced by reason, became increasingly porous.

Context:
BVG 99, 5/31/1877: "And it is also good to believe that now, just as in olden days, an angel is not far from those who are sad -- strengthened unto God -- not only to those who are nearly angels themselves, but particularly to those who want the help of a higher power to be preserved from the evil, from the badness which we know is in the world and not far away from us -- not far from those who are broken-hearted and dejected in spirit."
JLB 118, 5/31/1877: " It is also good to believe that, just as in the olden days, now, too, an angel is not far from those who feel godly sorrow -- not only from those who are almost angels themselves, but especially those who need help from a higher power to keep them from evil, from the evil that we know is in the world and not far from us, not far from those who have a broken heart and a contrite spirit."

114. "countenance of an angel" JLB 87, 8/2/1876. On the Good Friday that he left for England in 1876, when his father preached of reconciliation ("what I am now, you will one day be"), Vincent thought "his countenance was like that of an angel" (JLB 87, 8/2/1876). In Isleworth, Vincent preached the story of the angel who came to Peter in Herod's prison and released him from his chains (JLB 99, 11/25/1876; Acts 12:5-17). In his sermon in Richmond, he placed an angel on the pilgrim's road who "makes one think of St. Paul's words ... sorrowful yet always rejoicing" (Van Gogh, Vincent, The Complete Letters of Vincent van Gogh, p. 91).

Context:
JLB 87, 8/2/1876: "And I heard Pa say it (when I was home in April, in his sermon), but he said it in a soft voice, though it had a keener edge than the other, and he followed it with (and his countenance was like that of an angel) 'the blessed above, they say "what you are now, I used to be: what I am now, you will one day be."'"

115. as he lay sleeping BVG 99, 5/31/1877: The story appears in 1 Kings 19:5. The angel appears several times to Elijah. Vincent quoted the same verse as part of a much longer transcription in a letter to H.G. Tersteeg on August 3, 1877. (See Jansen, Luijten, and Bakker, pp. 109-110.)

Context:
JLB 118, 5/31/1877: "I've carefully read the story of Elijah so often, and so often has it given me strength up to now."

116. "Fear not" BVG 99, 5/31/1877. Vincent is referencing Acts 27:23-25: "For there stood by me this night the angel of God, whose I am, and whom I serve, Saying, Fear not, Paul; thou must be brought before Caesar: and, lo, God hath given thee all them that sail with thee. Wherefore, sirs, be of good cheer: for I believe God, that it shall be even as it was told me" (JLB 118, 5/31/1877).

Context:
BVG 99, 5/31/1877: "And this story is not the only one; we read of the angel who, in Gethsemane, gave strength unto Him Whose soul was sorrowful even unto death; of the angel who awakened Peter from his sleep in prison; of the angel who appeared to Paul in the night, and said, 'Fear not.'"
JLB 118, 5/31/1877: "And that story does not stand alone, we read of the Angel who strengthened Him in Gethsemane, who was sorrowful, even unto death, of the Angel who woke Peter from his sleep in prison, of the Angel who appeared to Paul in the night and said ' Fear not.'"

117. visited Christ BVG 99, 5/31/1877: Luke 22:43.

Context:
JLB 118, 5/31/1877: "… we read of the Angel who strengthened Him in Gethsemane, who was sorrowful, even unto death, of the Angel who woke Peter from his sleep in prison, of the Angel who appeared to Paul in the night and said 'Fear not.'"

118. "gave strength" BVG 99, 5/31/1877: Matthew 26:38 and Mark 14:34.

Context:
BVG 99, 5/31/1877: "And this story is not the only one; we read of the angel who, in Gethsemane, gave strength unto Him Whose soul was sorrowful even unto death; ...'"
JLB 118, 5/31/1877: "And that story does not stand alone, we read of the Angel who strengthened Him in Gethsemane, who was sorrowful, even unto death, …"

119. The Angel Leaving the Family of Tobias BVG 97, 5/28/1877. JLB write that his print could have been any one of three works by Rembrandt, who made two etchings titled The Blind Tobit (1627 and 1641) and an engraving titled The Archangel Raphael Leaving Tobias (1641) (JLB 116, 5/28/1877; n. 9). Leo Jansen informed the authors that the family collection contained one of the two etchings, which could suggest that it was the one Vincent was referring to in this context. In the text, however, we assume it was The Archangel Raphael Leaving Tobias, the third and most dramatic of the three images, and the only engraving; Vincent specifically refers to the print as an engraving. Regardless which of the three prints Vincent purchased, he bought his print of "Tobias" purportedly in response to Theo's dilemma, the biblical legend on which it was based contained much food for Vincent's insatiable eye for autobiographical consolation. The angel Raphael not only restored slight to the blind Tobias, but also reunited him with his son. This is a variation on the Prodigal Son that shifts the burden of estrangement off the son's shoulders and lays it, Lear-like, on the father's disability. Vincent could easily have seen in it another program for reconciliation with his own father: that by some miraculous intervention, the scales of prejudice would be lifted from Dorus's eyes and he would see his son for what he was, and they would be reunited in God under the benign gaze of Rembrandt's Raphael, who, in a touching gesture, glances back over his shoulder as he flies away to appreciate the reconciliation he has wrought. This may be the kind of association that the angel Raphael continued to have in Vincent's mind right up until he painted his own portrait of the angel at the end of his life in 1889 in Saint Rémy (Half Figure of an Angel (after Rembrandt), F 624 JH1778, September, 1889, oil on canvas, 21.3 x 25.2 in., 54 x 64 cm., Location Unknown); see Ch. 37, n. 12 and n. 165).

Context:
JLB 116, 5/28/1877: "This morning bought from a Jew 'Tobias' after Rembrandt, a small engraving, for six cents."

120. "not far away" BVG 99, 5/31/1877.

Context:
BVG 99, 5/31/1877: "It is also good to believe that now, just as in olden days, an angel is not far from those who are sad -- strengthened unto God -- not only to those who are nearly angels themselves, but particularly to those who want the help of a higher power to be preserved from the evil, from the badness which we know is in the world and not far away from us -- not far from those who are broken-hearted and dejected in spirit."
JLB 118, 5/31/1877: "It is also good to believe that, just as in the olden days, now, too, an angel is not far from those who feel godly sorrow -- not only from those who are almost angels themselves, but especially those who need help from a higher power to keep them from evil, from the evil that we know is in the world and not far from us, not far from those who have a broken heart and a contrite spirit."

121. a radiant portrait Half Figure of an Angel (after Rembrandt), F 624 JH 1778, September, 1889, oil on canvas, 21.3 x 25.2 in., 54 x 64cm, location unknown. While it is true that at various points in his life, for various reasons, Vincent seemed to mock the naivété of those who believed in angels. But he did so only in order to make short-term argumentative points. For example, in 1885, he defended his peasant figures in paintings like The Potato Eaters, by citing Courbet's famous dicta (which he had seen in Paul Mantz's article "Le Salon II" in Le Temps [May 17, 1885]): "We remember the language so often used by this robust workman of paintings [i.e., Courbet], 'Angels, he cried, who has ever seen angels? ... one must restrict oneself to painting things which the eye can see and the hand can touch.'" Vincent's rhetorical strategy in espousing this position becomes immediately clear, however, when he adds to Courbet's list of unworthy painting subjects a virtual inventory of the pictures in that year's Salon: "I'd just like to add, for instance, 'justices in the harem, who has ever seen justices in the Harem?' [referring to a painting by Benjamin Constant], Bull fights, who has ever seen those? ... and so many other Moorish, Spanish things, Cardinals ... a reception at a cardinal's by some Spaniard or other ... and then all those history paintings, which are still always there, metres high by metres wide! What's the point of it all, and what do people want with it?" (JLB 515, 7/14/1885.) In the last years of his life, Vincent furiously excoriated his fellow "new" painters Bernard and Gauguin for incorporating explicitly religious imagery into their paintings, claiming it was a violation of modernist principles. But almost simultaneously, he himself was painting pictures of Biblical parables, Pieta's, Mater Dolorosa's, and, yes, angels. (833) 122. "Happy the one" BVG 113, 11/19/1877; emphasis added. Vincent quotes the opening lines of Book I, Chapter 3, of L'imitation de Jésus-Christ in French: "Heureux celui que la vérité instruit, non par des mots fugitifs, mais par elle même en se montrant telle qu'elle est" (JLB 134, 11/19/1877; n. 14). The emphasis in the text is added, but we believe the French supports the inference that the subject is "it" or "het" as Vincent had developed that notion.

Context:
JLB 134, 11/19/1877: "Happy the man who is instructed by Truth itself, not by signs and passing words, but as it is in itself, are good words."

123. copying out BVG 105, 8/5/1877. Vincent refers to the following passage from Fénélon's Telemachus as "a nice excerpt" (with an opening that must have reminded Vincent of the Eliot passage and his father's sermon [see end of Chapter 9]): " The earth is never ungrateful, she always nourishes with her fruits those who cultivate her with care and with love, she denies her goods only to those who fear giving her their hard labour. The more children the ploughmen have, the richer they are if the Lord does not impoverish them, because their children, from their most tender youth, begin to help them. The youngest take the sheep to the pastures, the others who are older already lead the large flocks, the eldest plough with their father. Meanwhile, the mother of the whole family prepares a simple meal for her husband and her beloved children, who will return weary from the day's work; she takes care of milking her cows and her ewes, and we see streams of milk flowing; she makes a big fire, around which all the innocent, peaceful family takes pleasure in singing, the whole evening long, while waiting for sweet sleep." (JLB 126, 8/5/1877; emphasis in original.)

Context:
JLB 126, 8/5/1877: "This is a nice excerpt from Télémaque. Mentor says, The earth is never ungrateful, she always nourishes with her fruits those who cultivate her with care and with love, she denies her goods only to those who fear giving her their hard labour." (Emphasis in original.)

124. His new vision BVG 115, 12/4/1877. Compare the complex portrait of twilight from the December letter (quoted in the text) to this description of a thunderstorm in June 1877, a half year earlier: "the poplars and elders and other shrubs were bent by the strong wind ... one heard thunder and saw lightning, the sky looked like a painting by Ruisdael" (JLB 120, 6/12/1877). 125. "Twilight is falling" BVG 115, 12/4/1877.

Context:
BVG 115, 12/4/1877: " Twilight is falling, and the view of the yard from my window is simply wonderful, with that little avenue of poplars -- their slender forms and thin branches stand out so delicately against the grey evening sky; and then the old arsenal building on the water -- quiet as "the waters of the old pool" mentioned in the Book of Isaiah -- down by the waterside the walls of that arsenal are quite green and weather-beaten. Farther down is the little garden and the fence around it with the rosebushes, and everywhere in the yard the black figures of the workmen, and also the little dog. Just now Uncle Jan with his long grey hair is probably making his rounds. In the distance the masts of the ships in the dock can be seen, in front the Atjh, quite black, and the grey and red monitors -- and just now here and there the lamps are being lit. At this moment the bell is ringing and the whole stream of workmen is pouring toward the gate; at the same time the lamplighter is coming to light the lamp in the yard behind the house."
JLB 136, 12/3/1877-12/4/1877: " It's already growing dark, and the view of the yard from the window beside me is indescribably beautiful, with that avenue of poplars whose slender forms and thin branches stand out so delicately against the grey evening sky, and then the old building with the arsenal in the water that is as still as 'the water of the old pool' that is spoken of in the book of Isaiah, the walls of that arsenal are completely green and weathered at the bottom at water level. Then, below, the little garden and the fence around it with rosebushes, and everywhere in the yard the little black figures of the workers, and also the little dog. Just now, too, the figure of Uncle Jan with his long grey hair, probably going to make the rounds. In the distance the masts of the ships in the dock, in front the Atjeh, completely black, and the grey and red gun-turrets, and here and there the street-lamps are just being lit. There goes the bell, and the whole stream of workers is coming towards the gate, and with them the lamplighter to light the street-lamp in the square behind the house."

176 126. "a few writings" BVG 115, 12/4/1877. "Have just had some writings bound that I wanted to preserve as well as possible, it was a nice feeling when I received them at home" (JLB 136, 12/3/1877-12/4/1877). Vincent does not specify what these writings were, but it is a reasonable guess that they were a combination of transcribed excerpts from favorite poems and books (Telemachus, for example), supplemented by some original material such as that quoted in the text. The phrase "some writings" suggests some authorship and the binding, certainly, suggests some pride of authorship.

Context:
BVG 115, 12/4/1877: "I had a few writings, which I wanted to keep in good condition, bound; it was a pleasant feeling to get them home."
JLB 136, 12/3/1877-12/4/1877: "Have just had some writings bound that I wanted to preserve as well as possible, it was a nice feeling when I received them at home …"

127. have them bound BVG 115, 12/4/1877.

Context:
JLB 136, 12/3/1877-12/4/1877: "Have just had some writings bound that I wanted to preserve as well as possible …"

128. "the finest" BVG 114, 11/25/1877. Vincent undertook a similar but more ambitious search for unity of word and image in his Richmond sermon, using a Boughton painting (see Chapter 8); and he heard Laurillard do the same with Van der Maaten's Funeral Procession through the Cornfield (see Ch. 11, n. 44). Vincent's own print of Procession was dark with writing in every margin. In another sermon, Vincent heard Laurillard compare life to the passage of birds that "migrate once to a warmer land," and immediately layered onto the preacher's image the works of Michelet and the works "many have also painted" (JLB 131, 9/18/1877). He names only one, however: Souvenirs de la patrie by Paul Alexandre Protais. Improbably, Protais primarily painted historical and military scenes. He was best known for The Guard of the Flag, an image of the American Civil War, from a series called " Souvenirs de la patrie" ("Memories of the Homeland"). Laurillard evokes images of figures "walking the road," along with the "migration" of both birds and man. Protais's engraving evokes similar emotions by depicting a solider who gazes into the distance, perhaps contemplating a distant home.

Context:
BVG 114, 11/25/1877: "How noble and beautiful it is -- with a peculiar, weird beauty, the finest expression of which we find in that story of Elijah near the brook Kishon and with the widow -- it is written in simplicity of heart and simpleness of mind by one who was sorrowful yet always rejoicing."
JLB 135, 11/24/1877-11/25/1877: "… how really good and beautiful it is with its own peculiar beauty, the most beautiful expression of which is perhaps to be found in that story of Elijah by the brook Cherith and at the widow's -- it is written with singleness of heart and poverty of spirit, by one who was sorrowful, yet alway rejoicing."

129. A dense thicket Kôdera, "Christianity versus Nature: A Study of the Thematics in Van Gogh's Oeuvre," pp. 116, 117: Kôdera details the marginal notes on Vincent's "Procession." The Funeral in the Cornfield (which Kôdera refers to as The Funeral Procession in the Cornfields) is the same image Vincent gave to Mendes da Costa (JLB 128, 8/27/1877). The original print that Vincent gave Mendes da Costa is now the property of Universiteitsbibliotheek in Amsterdam. Vincent added several biblical quotations to the print (in various languages including Latin) along with quotations from Longfellow (JLB 128, 8/27/1877; n. 38). 130. "deep significance" BVG 108, 9/4/1877.

Context:
BVG 108, 9/4/1877: "It is true you can see this daily, but there are moments when the common everyday things make an extraordinary impression and have a deep significance and a different aspect.;"
JLB 129, 9/4/1877: "… now that is something one can see daily, but there are moments when ordinary daily things make an extraordinary impression and seem to have a deep meaning in another setting.;"

131. "shining moon" BVG 110, 9/18/1877. Vincent quoted the last line in English ("When all sounds cease, God's voice is heard under the stars") from the poem "Under the Stars" by Craik (JLB 131, 9/18/1877; n. 18).

Context:
BVG 110, 9/18/1877: "Walked back over the big piles of sand near the East Railway -- you know where I mean -- and along the Buitenkant; the moon was shining, and everything was full of Matthijs Maris and Andersen. … And that deep silence, 'e'en the withered leaf rustles not, the stars alone do speak.'"
JLB 131, 9/18/1877: "Walked back over the big sand works by the Oosterspoor which you know, and along Buitenkant, the moon was shining and everything was full of M. Maris or Andersen. … And everything was so deathly still, 'the withered leaf does not rustle, the stars alone speak."

132. "God's voice is heard" BVG 110, 9/18/1877. This line comes from Craik's poem "Under the Stars", from the book Thirty Years, Being Poems New and Old which Vincent also mentions in JLB 119, 6/5/1877 and JLB 120, 6/12/1877.

The entire poem is as follows:

O Youth, rese-crowned, yet full of strife,
Craving half-comprehended joys,
Hearing the desperate fight of life
But as a far-off pleasant noise,
Come, e'er on thy bold path thous start,
While not a cloud thy future mars,
And still that wildly-beating heart
Under the stars.

O stormy prime, yet beautiful,
With fierce delight, ecstatic pain,
Spending and being spent: no lull,
No rest, no Counting loss of gain:
Pause, ere with early feet thou tread
The blood-stained filed of ended wars,
And bow the glories of thy head
Under the stars.

O heavy time of brows discrowned,
Of hanging hands and feeble knees,
With piteous pale ghosts haunted round,
And longings for impossible ease.
Ny, beat no more, poor wounded bird,
Against Fate's iron prison-bars,
When earth-sounds cease, God's voice is heal
Under the stars.

Soon, soon will come the supreme hour
When like a painted show life seems,
Or perfume of remembered flower,
Or dear dead faces seen in dreams.
Clasp hands beneath this silent night,
That heals all wounds and hides all scars:
God, Thou alone art Love – and Light --
Beyond the stars."

133. Dickens's "blessed twilight" BVG 110, 9/18/1877. Vincent took this phrase from Dickens's Dombey and Son: "Blessed twilight stealing on, and shading her so soothingly and gravely, as she falls asleep, like a hushed child, upon the bosom she has clung to" (JLB 131, 9/18/1877; n. 29).

Context:
BVG 110, 9/18/1877: "Twilight is falling, ' blessed twilight,' Dickens called it and indeed he was right."
JLB 131, 9/18/1877: "Twilight is already falling, 'blessed twilight' Dickens called it, and indeed he was right."

134. "twilight, when" BVG 110, 9/18/1877; Matthew 18:20. Vincent has simply grafted "Blessed twilight" onto the beginning of the scriptural passage: "Blessed twilight when two or three are gathered together in His name and He himself is in the midst of them" (JLB 131, 9/18/1877). Vincent also layered into this complex image a passage from a sermon by Jeremie Meyes: "Truly the light is sweet, and a pleasant thing it is for the eyes to behold the sun: but if a man live many years, and rejoice in them all; yet let him remember the days of darkness; for they shall be many" (ibid.). Vincent told Theo that this sermon was based on "Eccl. XI: 7-XII: 7."

Context:
BVG 110, 9/18/1877: "Blessed twilight, when two or three are gathered together in His name and He is in the midst of them, and blessed is the man who knows these things and follows them too."
JLB 131, 9/18/1877: "Blessed twilight when two or three are gathered together in His name and He himself is in the midst of them. And blessed is he who knows these things and also does them."

135. Recalling a drawing BVG 110, 9/18/1877: The drawing was Rembrandt's Christ with Mary and Martha, which Vincent saw in London at the British Museum's Department of Prints and Drawings. Because of Vincent's signature in the latter's visitors' book, we know that he saw the drawing on August 28, 1874, when he was an employee at the London branch of Goupil (Bailey, Young Vincent, p. 51; reproduction of the page from visitors' book).

Context:
JLB 131, 9/18/1877: "Rembrandt knew that, for out of the rich treasure of his heart he brought forth, among other things, that drawing in sepia, charcoal, ink &c. (which is in the British Museum) depicting the house in Bethany."

136. reimagined the night sky Like many of Rembrandt's drawings, Christ with Mary and Martha is set in a room filled with dark shadows and indistinct interior features. The large, bright window in the center, however, leaves no doubt that it is midday -- or at least uncompromised daylight (the distant trees are clearly visible and the light is so bright that the lead mullions of the window almost disappear in the glare). The "twilight" scene that Vincent describes is of his own invention. Even the figure of Christ does not really correspond to Vincent's description of "noble and impressive, stand[ing] out serious and dark against the window." In the drawing, Christ is seated, Buddha-like, with only his head and shoulders silhouetted against the window. His outline, defined by the quivering pen lines of his long hair, give the figure an indistinct, tentative, almost incorporeal air -- appropriate to the eve of his crucifixion -- not the "noble, serious and dark" one of Vincent's vision. As with his "recollection" of Boughton's painting in Vincent's Richmond sermon (see Chapter 8), however, it is probably wrongheaded to suggest that he was engaged in any serious attempt to remember the specifics of the original. 137. "the figure of our Lord" BVG 110, 9/18/1877. See Ch. 11, n. 136. We have used the word "radiates" to replace the awkward phrase "shedding itself" to describe the effect of the beneficial twilight coming through the window.

Context:
BVG 110, 9/18/1877: "In that room twilight has fallen, the figure of our Lord, noble and impressive, stands out serious and dark against the window through which the evening twilight is shedding itself."
JLB 131, 9/18/1877: "In that room twilight dominates, the figure of the Lord, noble and impressive, stands out gravely against the window through which the evening twilight falls."

138. "I hope never" BVG 110, 9/18/1877; John 8:12.

Context:
JLB 131, 9/18/1877: "I hope not to forget that drawing, nor what it seemed to be saying to me: I am the light of the world: he that followeth Me shall not walk in darkness, but shall have the light of life."

139. "Such things" BVG 110, 9/18/1877: This concluding sentence is preceded by an intervening example drawn from a far less exalted source, Craik's John Halifax, Gentleman. The image of Christ in the Rembrandt drawing leads Vincent to a similar image of the book's eponymous hero. "[H]e was a Christian, in front of a window with white curtains in a room in Rose Cottage, I think, on an evening like so many that are described with so much feeling in that book" (JLB 131, 9/18/1877). That is followed by a closing torrent of scripture, ending with a verse that must have had special significance for Vincent because of the unusually vivid personification of God as "Father." "If a man love Me, My Father will honour him and We will come unto him, and make our abode with him, We will come in to him, and will sup with him" (ibid.). This is based on John 14:23, except for the very revealing last clause, which is Vincent's own wishful, wistful invention.

Context:
BVG 110, 9/18/1877: " Such things twilight tells to those who have ears to hear and a heart to understand and to believe in God -- blessed twilight!"
JLB 131, 9/18/1877: " The twilight says such things to those who have ears with which to hear and a heart with which to understand and to have faith in God -- blessed twilight."

140. Portraits In addition to the examples in the text: "He said he was a Christian, in front of a window with while curtains in a room in Rose Cottage" (JLB 131, 9/18/1877); "among other things an old portrait of Dickens" (JLB 134, 11/19/1877); "When I saw Uncle Jan standing in Dam Square that evening, his figure reminded me of that of Landseer's Highlander" (JLB 135, 11/24/1877-11/25/1877); "Tomorrow Pa will marry Marijn van Aertsen, he's a stalwart man, and Brion would probably have painted him well" (ibid.). 141. "stormy, thundery expression" BVG 114, 11/25/1877.

Context:
BVG 114, 11/25/1877: "I look at it so often; it has a stormy or thundery expression, a look such as I think Cromwell must have had."
JLB 135, 11/24/1877-11/25/1877: "… I look at it so often, it has a stormy or thundery expression, something like the way I imagine Cromwell."

142. old engraving BVG 114, 11/25/1877: Vincent does not name the artist of this "old aquatint" portrait of the famous seventeenth-century Dutch admiral, Michiel Adriaenszde Ruyter. JLB offer also that there is no known aquatint of the admiral (JLB 135, 11/24/1877-11/25/1877; n. 42). They continue to speculate that perhaps Vincent confused the aquatint technique with a known mezzotint portrait of De Ruyter by Abraham Blooteling, whose piece was created after a lost painting by Jan Lievens (1607-1674; Dutch artist). The portrait of the admiral, simply titled Admiral Michiel Adriaensz de Ruyter, has been characterized by Vincent as "having a stormy or thundery expression" (ibid.).

Context:
JLB 135, 11/24/1877-11/25/1877: "That portrait of De Ruyter, an old aquatint hanging here in Uncle's room, that's also really beautiful, I look at it so often, it has a stormy or thundery expression, something like the way I imagine Cromwell."

143. Anne of Brittany BVG 115, 12/4/1877. The portrait was a page from Charles Bargue's Cours de Dessin, part 1, No. 39 (JLB 136, 12/3/1877-12/4/1/877; n. 22). It was a drawing based on the portrait of Anne of Brittany atop her joint tomb with King Louis XII by Giovanni Giusti (1485-1549; Italian artist) which still resides today in the Cathedral of Saint-Denis in Paris (Glueck, p. 1). This image may have reappeared in Vincent's imagination because Theo's mistress was from Brittany. There is some evidence that once Theo decided to bend to his parents' wishes, the femme d'affair returned to Brittany and gave birth to a child of which Theo was the father (see Ch. 9, n. 190). This would explain the strange obsession the two brothers shared throughout 1877 with this otherwise distant coastal province in Northern France (e.g., "It's a good plan of yours to write those names etc. on the map of Brittany," Vincent wrote Theo in December. "Bring it along at Christmas, you know that I did that on the one I drew, then we can compare them" [JLB 137, 12/9/1877]. Why would Theo be writing the names of Brittany towns on a map?) The most suggestive evidence is Vincent's copying the page from Michelet's L'amour ("Je vois d'ici une dame"), which was always a coded sexual-amorous reference for the brothers, on the back of a map of Brittany. This composite image further reminds Vincent of a passage from the story of Elijah in which the prophet meets a widow near the brook Kishon -- perhaps a veiled reference to Theo's estranged mistress (JLB 135, 11/24/1877-11/25/1877).

Context:
JLB 136, 12/3/1877-12/4/1877: "While working today I had lying before me a sheet from Bargue's Cours de dessin, 1st part, No. 39, Anne of Brittany."

144. "of the sea and rocky" BVG 115, 12/4/1877. "While working today I had lying before me a sheet from Bargue's Cours de dessin, ... What I found beautiful and good in the beginning I still find to be so. The expression on the face of that Anne of Brittany is noble and reminiscent of the sea and rugged coasts. I'd like to know her story. She's truly a beautiful woman." (JLB 136, 12/3/1877-12/4/1877.) In the next letter, Vincent returned to the subject with yet another layer of meaning: "I had been looking for a long time at the expression on the face of that beautiful woman Anne of Brittany, the expression which explains why she also recalls the words 'one of Sorrows and acquainted with grief [and] sorrowful yet always rejoicing'" (JLB 137, 12/9/1877). Vincent also had a deeper, more subtle association with this portrait. "[Y]es, man is depraved by nature and at best a thief, but in the battle of life he can become a being of higher worth; a being of higher worth, those words sprang to mind when I had been looking for a long time at the expression on the face of that beautiful woman Anne of Brittany" (ibid.). The source of these negative associations is unclear. Although the object of much perfidy and misuse in her brief life, Anne's history was not significantly more sympathetic than that of other female royals of the era. It is curious that Vincent had these deep associations even though he admitted that he knew little about her ("I'd like to know her story" [JLB 136, 12/3/1877-12/4/1877]). Note how these visual and emotional conflations of imagery (and projections) anticipate by more than a decade the great "symbolic" portraits of Vincent's last years.

Context:
BVG 115, 12/4/1877: "The expression on Anne of Brittany's face is noble, and reminds one of the sea and rocky coasts."
JLB 136, 12/3/1877-12/4/1877: "The expression on the face of that Anne of Brittany is noble and reminiscent of the sea and rugged coasts."

145. hung on his wall BVG 111, 10/21/1877: Vincent eventually gave this print to Harry Gladwell, although he appears to be somewhat unsure on this issue. He is certain that he no longer owns it.

Context:
JLB 132, 10/21/1877: "That etching by Jules Goupil hung for a very long time in my room in London in the days when I was very wrapped up in Michelet and other French writers, I believe Harry Gladwell has that etching now."

146. "He is astonished" BVG 123, 7/22/1878.

Context:
JLB 145, 7/22/1878: "He is almost surprised to find himself still alive after so many disasters."

147. "splendid" BVG 112, 10/30/1877.

Context:
BVG 112, 10/30/1877: "Yes, boy, that etching after Jules Goupil is splendid, and with all that is linked to it, it makes a good and beautiful whole, which is a good thing to treasure in one's heart."
JLB 133, 10/30/1877: "Yes, old boy, that etching after Jules Goupil is beautiful and forms, with all that's associated with it, a fine and good whole that is a thing to keep in one's heart."

148. Michelet, Carlyle, Dickens See Ch. 11, n. 149. 149. "a good and beautiful whole" BVG 112, 10/30/1877. So strong was Vincent's belief in the power of it, that on the eve of his third review, he proposed giving a copy of this image to his father, along with some other prints "of the Revolution" (JLB 134, 11/19/1877). In a letter the previous month, Vincent appears to have specified which additional prints he had in mind, or at least suggested some possibilities: "The Girondists and Last victims of the terror and . Antoinette by [Paul] Delaroche, ... [and] other paintings by [Jules] Goupil, and then [Albert] Anker" (JLB 132, 10/21/1877). Why this collection of images? Because "with many books, such as those by Michelet and Carlyle and also Dickens," he said, "what a beautiful whole they form" (ibid.).

Context:
BVG 112, 10/30/1877: "Yes, boy, that etching after Jules Goupil is splendid, and with all that is linked to it, it makes a good and beautiful whole, which is a good thing to treasure in one's heart."
JLB 133, 10/30/1877: "Yes, old boy, that etching after Jules Goupil is beautiful and forms, with all that's associated with it, a fine and good whole that is a thing to keep in one's heart."

150. art magazines BVG 113, 11/19/1877: Vincent mentions volumes of the art periodical L'Illustration.

Context:
JLB 134, 11/19/1877: "Spent two evenings at Uncle Cor's, once to look at old books (including volumes of L'Illustration …"

177 151. A Cup of Coffee BVG 113, 11/19/1877. The artist was François Joseph Aimé de Lemud. A painter and engraver, De Lemud also illustrated books by popular writers (Pierre-Jean de Béranger and Hugo are two that Vincent might have seen. De Lemud was clearly one of Vincent's favorite portraitists at this time. Later, he commented about the Bargue drawing of Anne of Brittany, a favorite portrait, that "De Lemud would surely have drawn her figure well" (JLB 136, 12/3/1877-12/4/1877).

Context:
JLB 134, 11/19/1877: "Spent two evenings at Uncle Cor's, once to look at old books (including volumes of L'Illustration among other things an old portrait of Dickens and a woodcut by De Lemud, 'The cup of coffee', a young man with rather severe and sharp features and a serious expression who looks exactly as though he were thinking about that passage from The imitation, On the monastic life, or as though he were contemplating some difficult but good work or plan, as only a soul in need can."

152. A young man BVG 113, 11/19/1877. We have combined portions of the translations in both BVG and JLB.

Context:
BVG 113, 11/19/1877: "I spent two evenings at Uncle Cor's looking over old books, including volumes of L'Illustration, among others, there was an old portrait of Dickens and a woodcut by DeLemud, "Cup of Coffee" -- a young man with rather severe, sharp features and a serious expression who looks just as if he were pondering over a fragment from l'imitation de la vie monastique or planning some difficult but good work, as only une âme en peine can do."
JLB 134, 11/19/1877: "Spent two evenings at Uncle Cor's, once to look at old books (including volumes of L'Illustration among other things an old portrait of Dickens and a woodcut by De Lemud, 'The cup of coffee', a young man with rather severe and sharp features and a serious expression who looks exactly as though he were thinking about that passage from The imitation, On the monastic life, or as though he were contemplating some difficult but good work or plan, as only a soul in need can."

153. Imitation [of Christ] JLB 134, 11/19/1877: In his description, Vincent has the young man pondering a work called "The imitation, On the monastic life." JLB have identified this as "the title of Book I, Chapter 17 in L'imitation de Jésus-Christ, the French translation of de imitation Christi by Thomas a Kempis (JLB 134, 11/19/1877; n. 2).

Context:
JLB 134, 11/19/1877: "Spent two evenings at Uncle Cor's, once to look at old books (including volumes of L'Illustration among other things an old portrait of Dickens and a woodcut by De Lemud, 'The cup of coffee', a young man with rather severe and sharp features and a serious expression who looks exactly as though he were thinking about that passage from The imitation, On the monastic life, or as though he were contemplating some difficult but good work or plan, as only a soul in need can."

154. "Such work" BVG 113, 11/19/1877.

Context:
JLB 134, 11/19/1877: "Such work isn't always the worst, but what one does in sorrow, as it were, lives on."

155. and others BVG 71, 7/8/1876. In addition to the albums of drawings for Betsy Tersteeg (JLB 24, 7/7/1874) and the drawings he gave to the Loyers, in 1876 (from Isleworth) Vincent sent a drawing to the Bible teacher in The Hague (Johannes Hillen) who had instructed him in 1873 (JLB 86, 7/8/1876). This suggests that gifts of drawings were not rare; nor were they reserved only for family members and close friends.

Context:
JLB 86, 7/8/1876: "Now I have a request to make of you. Back then in The Hague I went to a catechist, Hillen, who was living in Bagijnestraat at the time. He took great pains over me and, although I didn't show it, what he said made an impression on me, and I have a mind to write a word or two to him, perhaps it would give him pleasure."

156. "Last week" BVG 97, 5/28/1877. We have also made use of the translation of this passage from Vincent's letter in Van Heugten: "He had recently been reading Genesis 23, about the burial of Sarah, Abraham's wife, who was laid to rest 'in the field that Abraham had bought in order to bury her there, in the cave of Machpelah; and I spontaneously made a little drawing of how I imagined the place looked. It is nothing very special, but I enclose it all the same.'" (Van Heugten, p. 64.)

Context:
BVG 97, 5/28/1877: " Last week, I got as far as Genesis 23, where Abraham buries Sarah in the cave of Machpelah, the plot he had bought, and without really thinking about it I drew a little sketch of how I imagined the place; it is not worth much, but I enclose it herewith."
JLB 116, 5/28/1877: " Last week I got as far as Gen. XXIII, the burial of Sarah in the field that Abraham bought to bury her there in the cave of Machpelah, and I couldn't help making a little drawing of how I imagined that place to be, it's nothing very special but I'm enclosing it anyway."

157. cave of Machpelah BVG 97, 5/28/1877: The verse Vincent is referring to is Genesis 23:19: "And after this, Abraham buried Sarah his wife in the cave of the field of Machpelah before Mamre: the same is Hebron in the land of Canaan." This was not an obscure reference. The cave of Machpelah was the most important burial place in the Old Testament. Abraham was buried there after his wife (Genesis 25:9); his son Issac and his wife Rebekah were buried there (Genesis 49:31). Joseph brought the body of his father, Jacob, there to be buried (Genesis 50:13). Vincent found scant description of the site in the Bible on which to base his little drawing: "And the field of Ephron which was in Machpelah, which was before Mamre, the field, and the cave which was therein, and all the trees that were in the field, that were in all the borders round about" (Genesis 23:17).

Context:
JLB 116, 5/28/1877: "Last week I got as far as Gen. XXIII, the burial of Sarah in the field that Abraham bought to bury her there in the cave of Machpelah, and I couldn't help making a little drawing of how I imagined that place to be, it's nothing very special but I'm enclosing it anyway."

158. fine pen Van Heugten, p. 64: According to Van Heugten, "The ink is now quite a light brown, but was probably darker originally." 159. dark cave opening Van Heugten, p. 64: For most of its existence, this drawing was thought to be of a bridge, and it was long catalogued under the title "Landscape with Bridge." 178 160. "What I draw" BVG 101, 6/12/1877. The translation is problematic at this crucial juncture, making neither good sense nor good English: "I see clearly sometimes that what I draw, I know in those moments that I can talk with enthusiasm. I have formed a voice for this which is not too late." JLB have clarified Vincent's muddled language considerably, and we have combined elements from both translations.

Context:
BVG 101, 6/12/1877: "I see clearly sometimes that what I draw, I know in those moments that I can talk with enthusiasm. I have formed a voice for this which is not too late."
JLB 120, 6/12/1877: "… sometimes I see it all so clearly in my mind's eye, and I believe that at such moments I should be able to talk about it passionately, may it later be granted me to do so."

161. "I did [a drawing]" BVG 101, 6/12/1877 and JLB 120, 6/12/1877. We have used the JLB translation of the Dutch word "stormlucht" – "stormy" – rather than the clearly incorrect BVG translation, "orange".

Context:
BVG 101, 6/12/1877: " I did one this morning representing Elijah in the desert under an orange sky, with some hawthorns in the foreground."
JLB 120, 6/12/1877: " …I made this morning of Elijah in the desert with stormy skies and a couple of thorn-bushes in the foreground …"

162. "Elijah in the desert" 1 Kings 19:4-18. 163. science fictions b2575 V/1982, "Gogh, Elisabeth van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 12/7/1877: This very year, 1877, Vincent gave to his sister Lies a copy "The History of the Moon." This specific book, if indeed this is the correct title, has not been identified. There was a book published in 1863 by Sir John Herschel, but it cannot be said for certain this is the book Lies is referring to. 164. map of eternity BVG 506, 7/9/1888: He wrote this from Arles.

Context:
JLB 638, 7/10/1888 or 7/10/1888: "[T]he sight of the stars always makes me dream in as simple a way as the black spots on the map, representing towns and villages, make me dream. Why, I say to myself, should the spots of light in the firmament be less accessible to us than the black spots on the map of France." (Emphasis in original.)

165. produced maps BVG 113, 11/19/1877. According to Vincent, his studies required him to know the geographies of Greece, Asia Minor, and Italy (a process that presumably required him to make maps). Additionally, on his own, he studied the geographies of "the northern countries," which he defined broadly to include England and Scotland as well as the Scandinavian countries ("those around the North Sea and the English Channel") (JLB 134, 11/19/1877). Note that this unusual definition allowed him to study the northern coast of France, including Brittany, which he had other reasons to be interested in at the time (see Ch. 11, n. 143).

Context:
JLB 134, 11/19/1877: "The preparatory studies (i.e. those preceding the actual theological study and practice in preaching and speaking) more or less comes down to the history, languages and geography of Greece, Asia Minor (which can be taken to include Palestine) and Italy. So I have to study these just as diligently as a dog gnaws a bone, and similarly I should like to know the languages, history and geography of the northern countries, i.e. those around the North Sea and the English Channel."

166. "penny" maps BVG 112, 10/30/1877. A little over a month later, when his parents sent him money for a pair of gloves, he kept his old gloves and used the money to buy "another map by [Adolf] Stieler, namely Scotland alone" (JLB 137, 12/9/1877).

Context:
BVG 112, 10/30/1877: "Today I was at [J.M.] Schalekamp's and at [Carel Leonhard] Brinkman's in the Hartestraat (that shop of Schalekamp's is very interesting), and I bought a few Teacher's Society maps--there are about a hundred of them at a penny apiece, including the Netherlands in every different historical period."
JLB 133, 10/30/1877: "I also cling to the church and to the bookshops, if I can think of an errand to do there I do it. Today, for instance, I was at Schalekamp's and at C.L. Brinkman's in Hartestraat (that shop of Schalekamp's is an interesting sight) and bought a couple of maps from the Teachers' Society, of which there are around 100 at a stuiver apiece, including the Netherlands in every possible historical period."

167. special trips BVG 114, 11/25/1877.

Context:
JLB 135, 11/24/1877-11/25/1877: "Good that you'll be going to see those maps by Stieler and Spruner-Menke at the library; they too are beautiful, with the same beauty, it is good to think often of Scotland." (Karl von Spruner von Merz and Theodor Menke.)

168. Meyjes BVG 115, 12/4/1877.

Context:
JLB 136, 12/3/1877-12/4/1877: "At the Rev. Meijjes's I also heard them talking about Stieler's atlas. His son, who's at the institute in Den Helder, has the complete atlas and wrote in his last letter, among other things, that he had copied the map of the world."

169. Mendes BVG 115, 12/4/1877.

Context:
JLB 136, 12/3/1877-12/4/1877: "To do it I went to Mendes earlier than usual on several mornings, and there compared my map with those of Britannia, Caledonia and Ierne in Spruner-Menke's Atlas antiquus."

170. Spruner and Stieler BVG 113, 11/19/1877. Vincent reports that the names he used in creating his maps came "from a map in the Atlas Antiquus of Spruner-Menke that Mendes da Costa has, because it's one to be used for history" (JLB 134, 11/19/1877). A few weeks later, he reports admiringly (enviously?) of the Reverend Jeremie Meyes's son, an engineering student at the Naval Institute, who "has the complete atlas and wrote in his last letter, among other things, that he had copied the map of the world" (JLB 136, 12/3/1877-12/4/1877).

Context:
JLB 134, 11/19/1877: "(I put in the names from a map in the Atlas Antiquus of Spruner-Menke that Mendes has, because it's one to be used for history.) Come on, do your best to take a look at that atlas sometime, likewise the one by Stieler in particular. Because it is artistry. (Spruner-Menke, Atlas Antiquus.)" (Emphasis in original.)

171. "The work of real artists" BVG 113, 11/19/1877. Referring to his map of England, Vincent wrote that it "finally has something of what I wanted it to have, at least Mendes da Costa sees it in it, namely that it was not drawn without feeling and love" (JLB 134, 11/19/1877). (See Ch. 11, n. 165.) Vincent's high school art teacher, Huysmans, had introduced him to the notion that maps could be "art" (Silverman, p. 457). (See Chapter 3.)

Context:
BVG 113, 11/19/1877: "Do try your best to get a look at that atlas, and also at the one by Stieler especially, for it is the work of real artists."
JLB 134, 11/19/1877: "Come on, do your best to take a look at that atlas sometime, likewise the one by Stieler in particular. Because it is artistry." (Emphasis in original.)

172. never really been recognized Alpers, pp. 124, 126. 173. simultaneous mandates Alpers, pp. 122-124: "Mapmakers or publishers were referred to as 'world describers' and their maps or atlases as the world described. Though the term was never, as far as I know, applied to a painting, there is good reason to do so. The aim of Dutch painters was to capture on a surface a great range of knowledge and information about the world." 174. a map so precise Alpers, pp. 120-122: Alpers refers to Vermeer's map as "a summa of the mapping art of the day." 175. countries he studied BVG 113, 11/19/1877.

Context:
JLB 134, 11/19/1877: "The preparatory studies (i.e. those preceding the actual theological study and practice in preaching and speaking) more or less comes down to the history, languages and geography of Greece, Asia Minor (which can be taken to include Palestine) and Italy. So I have to study these just as diligently as a dog gnaws a bone, and similarly I should like to know the languages, history and geography of the northern countries, i.e. those around the North Sea and the English Channel."

176. "thus making" BVG 112, 10/30/1877.

Context:
BVG 112, 10/30/1877: "I am busy making an excerpt from [John Lothro] Motley, including "The Conquest of Den Briel," and the siege of Haarlem, Alkmaar and Leyden; I also drew a map of it, thus making a whole of the two." JLB 133, 10/30/1877: "Am busy making an extract from Motley, including capture of Den Briel and siege of Haarlem, Alkmaar and Leiden, have drawn a map to go with it, so as to complete it."

177. a page of Michelet BVG 114, 11/25/1877. See Ch. 11, n. 143.

Context:
JLB 135, 11/24/1877-11/25/1877: "Thanks for your excellent letter, thanks also for that passage from Michelet, which I've written on the back of the map of Normandy and Brittany, how really good and beautiful it is with its own peculiar beauty, the most beautiful expression of which is perhaps to be found in that story of Elijah by the brook Cherith and at the widow's -- it is written with singleness of heart and poverty of spirit, by one who was sorrowful, yet alway rejoicing."

178. "a list of everything" BVG 116a, 12/30/1877.

Context:
BVG 116a, 12/30/1877: "Today I made a list of everything I can remember concerning the French Revolution, to write on the back of the little map of France."
JLB 138, 12/30/1877: "Made a list today of everything I could remember about the French Revolution, so as to write it on the back of the map of France …"

179. map of Paul's route BVG 105, 8/5/1877.

Context:
JLB 126, 8/5/1877: "Made a summary last week, for a change, of the journeys of Paul, and drew a small map to accompany it, that is good to have. Uncle Stricker recently gave me a book on the geography of Palestine (German, by [Karl Georg von] Raumer), of which he had two copies."

179 180. copying it again BVG 115, 12/4/1877.

Context:
JLB 136, 12/3/1877-12/4/1877: " Hang them up in your room for a while, promise me you'll do it, I've copied them both quite carefully, as you know, and the one of England twice in fact, on the one that turned out best I wrote the division of the country and the names in Latin, and changed the surrounding countries to what they were in Roman times, such as Lake Flevo instead of Zuiderzee" (emphasis in original).

181. "finally has the quality" BVG 113, 11/19/1877. (See Ch. 11, n. 72.)

Context:
BVG 113, 11/19/1877: "At last I succeeded in making a map of Asia Minor, Greece and Italy, rather a large one (on which the travels of Paul are also indicated) and one of England which finally has the quality I wanted -- Mendes, for one, sees it -- namely that it has been made with feeling and love."
JLB 134, 11/19/1877: "Have finally succeeded in making a map of Asia Minor, Greece and Italy, fairly large (which now includes Paul's travels as well), and also one of England which finally has something of what I wanted it to have, at least Mendes sees it in it, namely that it was not drawn without feeling and love."

182. Borrowing a book BVG 105, 8/5/1877.

Context:
JLB 126, 8/5/1877: "Uncle Stricker recently gave me a book on the geography of Palestine (German, by Raumer), of which he had two copies."

183. the Holy Land Stokvis, p. 22: Stokvis, who discovered the map in 1926 when it was shown to him by an old minister in Etten in whose consistory the map had hung for years, gives the full title written at the top as "Palestine The Holy Land." In addition, there is an inscription in capital letters: "The land of Zabulon, and the land of Nephthalim, by the way of the sea, beyond Jordan, Galilee of the Gentiles; the people which sat in darkness saw great light; and to them which sat in the region and shadow of death light is sprung up [Matthew 4:15-16]." Above the word "Gentiles" is written, in the same hand, "Heathens." (See also Van Geertruy, p. 52.) The references to "the people who sat in darkness" and "heathens" may indicate that Stokvis's map is one of the five "large maps of Palestine" that Vincent made early in his stay in the Borinage and which his father bought from him (b2448 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 12/15/1878). 184. three by five feet Stokvis, p. 22 185. "made with loving" BVG 112, 10/30/1877. The quotation actually refers to making and owning a map of England, but it is reasonable to assume that Vincent made his map of Palestine with the same "loving devotion."

Context:
BVG 112, 10/30/1877: "The soul of man is singularly strange, and I think it is excellent to have one -- like a map of England, made with loving devotion -- and to have in it as much as possible of the love which is holy in all things and believes in all things and hopes all things and suffers all things, and never perishes."
JLB 133, 10/30/1877: "A person's soul is a singularly strange thing, and it is good, I think, to have one like a map of England made with love and to have in it as much as possible of that love which is holy and beareth all things and believeth all things and hopeth all things and endureth all things and never faileth."

186. to give him BVG 119, 2/18/1878. Vincent referred to the map as "that map of the Holy Land that I'd made for Pa's birthday" (JLB 141, 2/18/1878-2/19/1878). Dorus's birthday was February 11. We are assuming that, especially given the size of the map, Vincent did not mail it, but planned to give it to him during his visit, which fell immediately prior to his birthday. This map should not be confused with the one of Paul's travels which Vincent gave to his parents for Christmas.

Context:
JLB 141, 2/18/1878-2/19/1878: "Had taken along the sketch of that map of the Holy Land that I'd made for Pa's birthday (with red chalk on heavy brown paper) and I gave it to him, because I thought that little room a nice place for it, and I'm glad it's hanging on the wall there."

187. tortured retelling "Tortured" because Vincent wrings all the difficulty, shame, and pain out of the account that he gives to Theo. In Vincent's telling, even his crying "like a child" after his father's departure is transformed into a sentimental act rather than the agony of self-reproach that it clearly was (JLB 140, 2/10/1878; see Chapter 10). 188. never mentioned Two weeks after his father's visit, Vincent refers cryptically to "that map of the Holy Land that I'd made for Pa's birthday" -- a phrase that does not give any clue about when or if the gift was presented (JLB 141, 2/18/1878-2/19/1878). We are assuming that because this map ended up in Etten, that Vincent did effect the transfer and probably during the February visit. However, the fact that Vincent did not mention it in his letter reporting the visit to Theo suggests that it was not received as the great conciliatory gesture which Vincent clearly intended it to be (JLB 140, 2/10/1878). 189. Ten days later BVG 119, 2/18/1878: The first day of Sunday School class was Sunday, February 17. In a letter dated the next day, Vincent refers to these events taking place "last Sunday" (JLB 141, 2/18/1878-2/19/1878). However, his previous letter was written at the end of the day on Sunday, February 10, so the "last" must refer to the day before (JLB 140, 2/10/1878). 190. red crayon BVG 119, 2/18/1878.

Context:
JLB 141, 2/18/1878-2/19/1878: "Had taken along the sketch of that map of the Holy Land that I'd made for Pa's birthday (with red chalk on heavy brown paper) and I gave it to him, because I thought that little room a nice place for it, and I'm glad it's hanging on the wall there."

191. Jewish Quarter Bailey, p. 112 and Groot and De Vries, n.p.: At the site of 91 Barndesteeg, on the Oudezijds Achterburgwal, one block west of the Nieuw Markt. The chapel has since been demolished. 192. "I thought that" BVG 119, 2/18/1878.

Context:
BVG 119, 2/18/1878: "I had brought with me a sketch of the map of the Holy Land which I made for Father's birthday, in red crayon and on strong brown paper, and I gave it to him; I thought that little room would be a nice place for it, and I am glad it hangs on the wall there now."
JLB 141, 2/18/1878-2/19/1878: "Had taken along the sketch of that map of the Holy Land that I'd made for Pa's birthday (with red chalk on heavy brown paper) and I gave it to him, because I thought that little room a nice place for it, and I'm glad it's hanging on the wall there."

193. "It is only" BVG 121, 4/3/1878: The "light" in this passage is usually interpreted as a reference to Vincent's teaching work at the Zion's Chapel: the modest beginning of what he saw as a lifetime committed to bringing the "light" of the Gospels to the poor and downtrodden. Since Vincent's artistic ambitions emanated from the same source as his religious aspirations, we feel justified in using this lovely image to refer to the early artistic effort hanging on the wall in the Sunday School classroom. Even if Vincent was not conscious of this additional layer of meaning, we believe he would not have disputed it.

Context:
BVG 121, 4/3/1878: " It is only a very small light, the one in the little Sunday-school room in Barndesteeg, but let me keep it burning."
JLB 143, 4/3/1878: " It's only a very small light, the one in the room of the Sunday school in Barndesteeg, let me keep it burning …"

194. "It is very" BVG 119, 2/18/1878.

Context:
BVG 119, 2/18/1878: "I want to do such things now and then, for it certainly is very doubtful that I shall ever succeed, I mean, shall ever pass all the examinations."
JLB 141, 2/18/1878-2/19/1878: "I feel the need to do something like that now and then, for it's most certainly in doubt whether I'll pass, i.e. all of the requirements …"

195. "I must" BVG 119, 2/18/1878.

Context:
BVG 119, 2/18/1878: "So I must push on, for standing still or going back is out of the question: it would make things even more difficult and cause confusion -- and the end would mean the necessity of beginning all over again."
JLB 141, 2/18/1878-2/19/1878: " Onwards, then, because standing still or going downhill are things I'd rather not think about. If one did that, one would make things even more difficult and become confused, and actually end up having to start all over from the beginning."

196. "There is no" BVG 119, 2/18/1878. Driven in equal measure by desperation to prove his worth and terror of another failure, Vincent was trapped in a self-punishing spiral that even he faintly recognized: "standing still or going downhill are things I'd rather not think about. If one did that, one would make things even more difficult and become confused, and actually end up having to start all over from the beginning." (JLB 141, 2/18/1878-2/19/1878.)

Context:
JLB 141, 2/18/1878-2/19/1878: "…there's nothing for it but to get back to work again, for it has been clearly shown that I must do it, no matter what the cost" (emphasis in original).

197. 17-Feb BVG 119, 2/18/1878. (For dating, see Ch. 11, n. 189.) 198. "from the vicinity of Lyon" According to JBL, the visiting preacher that Sunday (February 17) was a Monsieur Dussauze, the minister at Sens, a community not near Lyons, as Vincent has it, but about 60 miles southeast of Paris (JLB 141, 2/19/1878; n. 13). He was a representative of the Société Évangélique de France. 180 199. already the most militant Inwood, pp. 680-681: After the Revolution of 1848, the city had been in the forefront of the "Christian Socialism" movement; in 1869, female workers in the city's silk industry went on strike -- an unprecedented audacity; and of course the city had enjoyed a short-lived Commune in 1870 when workers' debts were canceled and pawnshops emptied. 200. "stories from the lives" BVG 119, 2/18/1878.

Context:
BVG 119, 2/18/1878: "His sermon was mainly stories from the lives of the working people in the factories, and though he was not particularly eloquent and one could even hear that he spoke with some difficulty and effort, his words were still effective because they came from the heart -- only such are powerful enough to touch other hearts."
JLB 141, 2/18/1878-2/19/1878: "His sermon consisted mainly of stories from the lives of factory workers there, and although he wasn't especially eloquent as far as ease of expression goes, and though one even noticed how difficult it was for him and a little awkward, as it were, his words were moving nonetheless, because they came from the heart, and that alone has the power to make an impression on other hearts."

201. "One could hear" BVG 119, 2/18/1878. JLB suggest that the preacher was a Monsieur Dussauze: "On Sunday, 17 February at 10 a.m., Monsieur Dussauze, minister at Sens and a representative of the Société Évangélique de France, preached the sermon in the Eglise Wallonne, in the place of the Rev. Gagnebin. Van Gogh says that this minister came 'from the vicinity of Lyon', but Sens is less than 100 km southeast of Paris. This Mission Évangélique is recorded in the sermon rota. See Godsdienstoefeningen 1742-1886." (JLB 141 2/18/1878, n. 13.)

Context:
BVG 119, 2/18/1878: "His sermon was mainly stories from the lives of the working people in the factories, and though he was not particularly eloquent and one could even hear that he spoke with some difficulty and effort, his words were still effective because they came from the heart -- only such are powerful enough to touch other hearts."
JLB 141, 2/18/1878-2/19/1878: "His sermon consisted mainly of stories from the lives of factory workers there, and although he wasn't especially eloquent as far as ease of expression goes, and though one even noticed how difficult it was for him and a little awkward, as it were, his words were moving nonetheless, because they came from the heart, and that alone has the power to make an impression on other hearts."

202. "a real Christian" BVG 94, 4/30/1877.

Context:
BVG 94, 4/30/1877: "I hope and believe I will not repent my choosing to try to become a real Christian and a Christian worker."
JLB 113, 4/30/1877: "It is, I believe and trust, a choice not to be repented of, which I've made in an attempt to become a Christian and a Christian labourer."

203. "good works" BVG 120, 3/3/1878. Vincent began to repeat the word "work" with mantric frequency. As here, he transformed paintings and books from objects into "works" -- acts of generosity, acts of spirituality, acts of love -- no different than the evangelical works of the Lyons preacher among the poor. "[T]hat which is done with love is well done," he argued. "If one is moved by some book or other, ... it's because it's written from the heart in simplicity and with poverty of spirit" (JLB 143, 4/3/1878, emphasis added).

Context:
BVG 120, 3/3/1878: "Speaking of good works, would you like to have a Flemish Imitation of Christ?"
JLB 142, 3/3/1878: "Speaking of a good work, would you care to have a Flemish Imitation of Christ?"

204. "Better to say" BVG 121, 4/3/1878.

Context:
BVG 121, 4/3/1878: " Better to say but a few words, but filled with meaning, than to say many that are but idle sounds and as easy to utter as they are useless."
JLB 143, 4/3/1878: " If one were to say but few words, though ones with meaning, one would do better than to say many that were only empty sounds, and just as easy to utter as they were of little use."

205. "Mendes" Mendes da Costa, in Stein, ed., p. 44. 206. "natural wisdom" JLB 143, 4/3/18787: "… it is good to be very knowledgeable about the things that are hidden from the wise and prudent of the world but that are revealed as though by nature to the poor and simple, to women and babes. For what can one learn that is better than that which God has put by nature into every human soul, that which in the depths of every soul lives and loves, hopes and believes, unless one should wilfully destroy it?" Also, for the first time on record, Vincent disparaged the sermons that had been his staple for almost a year. "In the country one would probably have been able to hear a lark," he observed caustically, "but that's difficult in the city, unless one notices the sounds of the lark's song in the voice of some old minister whose words come from a heart tuned like a lark's" (JLB 142, 3/3/1878). This comment could be read another way. Vincent may be acknowledging the possibility that good messages (the lark's voice) can be heard occasionally in the sermons he is listening to. However, the gist of the comment is still that most of these sermons do not rise to that standard. 207. "Laborers, your life" BVG 121, 4/3/1878. Vincent quoted much of this from Emile Souvestre's Les Derniers Bretons: "O laboureurs! vous menez une vie dure dans le monde ... O laboureurs! vous souffrez dans la vie; laboureurs, vous êtes bien heureux! ... frères la vie est triste." (Souvestre, p. 277.) (Emile Souvestre [1806-1854; French writer])

Context:
BVG 121, 4/3/1878: "Those who merit the words: "Laboureurs, votre vie est triste, laboureurs, vous souffrez dans la vie, laboureurs, vous êtes bien-heureaux," [Labourers, your life is bleak, labourers, your life is full of suffering, labourers, you are blessed.] It is they who bear the marks of "toute une vie de lutte et de travail soutenu sans flêchir jamais." [a whole life of struggle and labour borne unflinchingly] It is right to try to become like that. "
JLB 143, 4/3/1878: "For who are they, those in whom one most clearly notices something higher? -- it is those to whom the words 'workers, your life is sad, workers, you suffer in life, workers, you are blessed' are applicable, it is those who show the signs of 'bearing a whole life of strife and work without giving way'. It is good to try and become thus."

208. "the simple people" BVG 72, 8/2/1876. Vincent purports to quote this phrase from the Bible: "those words of Paul moved me" (JLB 87, 8/2/1876). The biblical passage Vincent references is 2 Corinthians 7:6: "Nevertheless God, that comforteth those that are cast down." Neither of these passages denominates a general category of "simple" people, however. Six years later, the term recurs in a context similar to the one under discussion, without the biblical sourcing: "[Millet] sympathized with the simple folk better and deeper" (JLB 442, 3/24/1884).

Context:
BVG 72, 8/2/1876: "I was touched by this sentence of Paul: 'God comforts the simple people.'"
JLB 87, 8/2/1876: "…I've also been reading in Acts about Paul, how he stood on the seashore, and they fell on his neck, and kissed him, and those words of Paul moved me, 'God comforteth the simple.'"

209. "rough, uncivilized" Kools, p. 68. 210. "Idyllic ploughmen" Eliot, pp. ix, x. 181 211. "picturesque" BVG 102, 7/15/1877. Even the reference to "workers' houses" appears to refer to the picturesqueness of the houses, not to the lives of the people inside them (JLB 122, 7/15/1877).

Context:
BVG 102, 7/15/1877: "It is full of windmills and sawmills, workmen's cottages with little gardens, also old houses, everything; it is very populous, and the quarter is cut up by many small canals and waterways full of boats and all kinds of picturesque bridges, etc."
JLB 122, 7/15/1877: "There are a great many mills, saw-mills, workers' houses with little gardens, old houses too, of all kinds, and very populous, and the area is criss-crossed by all kinds of small canals and waterways full of barges, and all kinds of picturesque bridges and so on."

212. homesteading mandate Eliot, p. ix: A review of George Eliot's works in an 1861 Saturday Review remarked on the superiority of her view of the rural poor over the more conventional one -- shared by Vincent's parents -- which the reviewer described this way: "There the poor are always looked at from the point of view of the rich. They are so many subjects for experimenting on, for reclaiming, improving, being anxious about, and relieving. They have no existence apart from the presence of a curate and a district visitor. They live in order to take tracts and broth." 213. rustic realism Eliot, p. ix: It should be noted, however, that Vincent's new view of the rural poor continued to partake of these other, earlier notions. 214. "It is right" BVG 121, 4/3/1878; emphasis added.

Context:
JLB 143, 4/3/1878: " It is good to try and become thus."

215. blaze of new imagery Images mentioned in his letters at this time that support the argument but are not cited in the text: Le laboureur (The Laborer), a poem by painter-poet Jules Breton (JLB 139, 1/9/1878-1/10/1878); The Plough in the Field, by Anton Mauve, which Vincent reported was hanging in his room (JLB 102, 2/7/1877-2/8/1877); a Millet print of "a man pushing a wheelbarrow of dung into a garden" which JLB identify as Peasant Bringing in Dung (1855-1856) (JLB 142, 3/3/1878; n. 17); and A Farm Courtyard (JLB 141, 2/18/1878-2/19/1878). It is not clear if the latter is the same image Vincent refers to in an earlier letter: "Recently saw at Uncles ... two [drawings] by Miss van Bosse that were very beautiful, especially the one of a farmstead." (JLB 136, 12/3/1877-12/4/1877). (The reference is probably to Maria Philipina Bilder-Van Bosse.) A paragraph that Vincent transcribed from Fénélon's Télémaque reads like a narrative of all of these images: "The earth is never ungrateful, she always nourishes with her fruits those who cultivate her with care and with love, she denies her goods only to those who fear giving her their hard labour" (JLB 126, 8/5/1877). 216. Dressmakers BVG 122, 5/1/1878: Les couturiers (The Seamstress) by Édouard Frère (1818-1886; French artist).

Context:
JLB 144, 5/19/1878: "If one roams the streets there, whether in the morning or evening, or walks in the direction of Montmartre, one is struck by many workshops and many rooms that recall 'a cooper' or The seamstresses or other paintings by E. Frère, and it does one good sometimes to see such things, which are simple, as one occasionally sees a good many people who for various reasons have strayed a long way from everything that is natural, thereby throwing away their true and inner lives …"

217. coopers BVG 112, 10/30/1877: Vincent refers to a work called Un tonnelier by Édouard Frère. But according to JLB, "'A cooper' by Édouard Frère has not been traced (JLB 37, 7/6/1875; n. 21). Because Van Gogh specifies in letter 133 that a 'workman' occurs in it, he will not have been referring to The cooper's family (engraved by George C. Finden), in which only the interior of a cooper's workshop with three children is to be seen (Bordeaux, Musée Goupil).

Context:
JLB 144, 5/19/1878: "If one roams the streets there, whether in the morning or evening, or walks in the direction of Montmartre, one is struck by many workshops and many rooms that recall 'a cooper' or The seamstresses or other paintings by E. Frère, and it does one good sometimes to see such things, which are simple, as one occasionally sees a good many people who for various reasons have strayed a long way from everything that is natural, thereby throwing away their true and inner lives …"

218. woodcutters

BVG 119, 2/18/1878. JLB have identified this print as The Woodcutter by George Léon Alfred Perrichon after Jean-François Millet (JLB 141, 2/18/1878-2/19/1878; n. 7).

Context:
JLB 141, 2/18/1878-2/19/1878: "Yesterday evening at C.M.'s I saw a whole year of that magazine L'Art, of which you have the issue with the woodcuts after Corot. What especially struck me were woodcuts after drawings by Millet, including The leaf-fall (shepherd guarding his flock), The flock of crows, donkeys in a marsh (misty effect), The woodcutters, Housekeeper sweeping her house, Farmyard (nocturnal effect) &c., also an etching after Corot, The dune, and after Breton, The feast of Saint John and others, by [Théophile-Narcisse] Chauvel, among others, and also one after Millet, The beans."

219. diggers BVG 120, 3/3/1878. The Two Diggers (Two Men Turing over the Soil) (1855-1856) by Millet (JLB 142, 3/3/1878; n. 18).

Context:
JLB 142, 3/3/1878: "And don't forget that he also made the etching 'The diggers', if you ever run into it you won't easily forget it."

220. their "Holy Ground" BVG 29, 6/29/1875: Ever since his religious awakening in England, images of peasants, sentimentalized and romanticized, had moved Vincent to paroxysms of piety. The walls of his room on Kennington Road featured prints of farm laborers and workmen alongside those of Christ and religious ceremonies. In June 1875, soon after he was transferred to Paris, he had visited an exhibition of works by Millet related to an auction of the artist's drawings at the Hôtel Drouot. Millet had died only a few months earlier (on January 20, 1875). "When I entered the room," Vincent wrote, "I felt something akin to: Put off thy shoes from off thy feet, for the place whereon thou standest is holy ground" (JLB 129, 9/4/1877). The sermons of Laurillard and the Lyons clergyman reawakened that old reverence, elevating Millet to a devotional status second only to the godlike Rembrandt. He compared Millet even to Kempis in his "sincere and simple" (JLB 137, 12/9/1877). Vincent draws another artist, the French Barbizon painter Jules Dupré, into the same encomium. "Just look at a man like Thomas a Kempis, constrained by the love of Christ to write that little book, sincere and simple and true as few others were, either before or since. Or in another sphere, just take a look at the work of a Millet or that of a[n Adolf] Stieler or The large oaks by Jules Dupré." (ibid.)

Not mentioned in the text is the influence that Theo's association with Anton Mauve may have had on the resurgence of Vincent's interest in peasant imagery at this time. Mauve, like Millet, painted nostalgic scenes of peasant life, some of which Vincent no doubt saw when he visited Mauve's studio with Theo on his way to Amsterdam in early May 1877. In July, Vincent wrote his brother: "tell Mauve that the photograph of his drawing, the plough in the field, is hanging in my little room and constantly reminds me of him" (JLB 122, 7/15/1877). The following January, Vincent mentioned Mauve again in a similar context: "If you visit Mauve, remember to ask for that piece by Jules Breton, The labourer, and send it when you get it" (JLB 139, 1/9/1878-1/10/1878).

Context:
BVG 29, 6/29/1875: "When I entered the hall of the Hôtel Drouot, where they were exhibited, I felt like saying, "Take off your shoes, for the place where you are standing is Holy Ground."
JLB 36, 6/29/1875: "When I entered the room in Hôtel Drouot where they were exhibited, I felt something akin to: Put off thy shoes from off thy feet, for the place whereon thou standest is holy ground."

221. "soul" BVG 117, 1/9/1878. As already noted, Vincent opposes his concept of "soul" to the more conventional concept of "beauty" in art: "I would much rather see an ugly woman by Israëls or Millet or a little old woman by E. Frère, for what does a beautiful body such as Phryné's really matter? Animals have that too, perhaps more so than people, but animals don't have a soul like the one that animates the people painted by Israëls or Millet or Frère." (JLB 139, 1/9/1878-1/10/1878.) See Ch. 11, n. 79, and Ch. 11, n. 80.

Context:
BVG 117, 1/9/1878: "Animals have it too, perhaps even more than men; but the soul, as it lives in the people painted by Israëls or Millet or Frère, that is what animals never have."
JLB 139, 1/9/1878-1/10/1878: "Animals have that too, perhaps more so than people, but animals don't have a soul like the one that animates the people painted by Israëls or Millet or Frère …"

222. "richer in spirit" BVG 117, 1/9/1878. (See Ch. 11, n. 221.)

Context:
BVG 117, 1/9/1878: "Is not life given us to become richer in spirit, even though the outward appearance may suffer?"
JLB 139, 1/9/1878-1/10/1878: "… hasn't life been given to us to become rich in our hearts, even if our appearance suffers from it?"

223. " Dat is het" BVG 116, 12/9/1877. (See Ch. 11, n. 220.) Bonger appears to have added the phrase "Dat is het" here for artistic effect (a decision we are honoring). The original Dutch does not include the phrase: "Of op ander gebied, zie het werk van een Millet maar eens of dat van een Stieler of Les grands Chênes van Jules Dupré." JLB accurately omit the phrase in their translation: "Or in another sphere, just take a look at the work of a Millet or that of a Stieler or The large oaks by Jules Dupré." Bonger translated the passage: "or, in another sphere, look at Millet's work or Jules Dupré's "The Large Oaks" -- that is it," which curiously also eliminates the reference to Stieler.

Context:
BVG 116, 12/9/1877: "Look at a man like Thomas a Kempis, who wrote his little book with a simplicity and sincerity unequalled by any other writer, either before or since; or, in another sphere, look at Millet's work or Jules Dupré's "The Large Oaks" -- that is it."
JLB 137, 12/9/1877: "Just look at a man like Thomas a Kempis, constrained by the love of Christ to write that little book, sincere and simple and true as few others were, either before or since. Or in another sphere, just take a look at the work of a Millet or that of a Stieler or The large oaks by Jules Dupré. They did it …"

224. "cheer and feeding" BVG 123, 7/22/1878: We have slightly altered the translation.

Context:
BVG 123, 7/22/1878: "I often think of you, and am so glad that you are doing well and that you find things there which cheer you and feed your inner life. For this is what great art does, and the works of those who apply themselves heart, mind and soul -- as do many whom you know and perhaps meet personally, whose words and deeds are full of spirit and life."
JLB 145, 7/22/1878: "I think about you a lot and am so glad that things are going well for you and that you're finding things over there that stimulate you and are, as it were, good food for the true life. That too is high art, as are the works of those who work with their heart and with their mind and spirit, just as so many you know and will perhaps meet personally, whose words and works are spirit and life."

225. apply himself BVG 123, 7/22/1878.

Context:
JLB 145, 7/22/1878: "That too is high art, as are the works of those who work with their heart and with their mind and spirit, just as so many you know and will perhaps meet personally, whose words and works are spirit and life."

226. "It must be good" BVG 120, 3/3/1878: Vincent wrote this in response to the recent deaths of both Charles-François Daubigny and Gustave Brion (Brion on November 5, 1877; Daubigny on February 19, 1876). Note how he pointedly uses the word "work" in his new, inclusive sense: it could apply to any life's effort, not just an artist's " oeuvre."

Context:
JLB 142, 3/3/1878: "… it must be truly good, when one dies, to be conscious of having done a thing or two in truth, knowing that as a result one will continue to live in the memory of at least a few, and having left a good example to those who follow."

227. "like Robinson Crusoe" BVG 121, 4/3/1878.

Context:
BVG 121, 4/3/1878: "Even in the politest circles and the best surroundings and circumstances one should retain something of the original character of a Robinson Crusoe or of primitive man, for otherwise one cannot be rooted in oneself …"
JLB 143, 4/3/1878: "Even in the most cultured circles and the best surroundings and circumstances, one should retain something of the original nature of a Robinson Crusoe or a savage, for otherwise one hath not root in himself …"

228. he sought out BVG 119, 2/18/1878. Vincent pursued Gagnebin with a campaign of visits and gifts, including a map "even better than on the ones I made for Pa" (JLB 141, 2/18/1878-2/19/1878).

Context:
JLB 141, 2/18/1878-2/19/1878: "Was just at the Rev. Gagnebin's, but was told he was too busy to receive me (and yet he'd stipulated this hour and this day)."

229. Swiss Gagnebin Gagnebin was born in Neuchatel, Switzlerland, in 1816. He was sixty-one at the time Vincent met him ("Family Genealogy"). 230. "Forget yourself" BVG 120, 3/3/1878. Vincent reports that on one of his visits to Gagnebin's house, he and the minister "talked to him until about 11 o'clock [in the evening]. He said, among other things, that at certain times in his life he had benefited from forgetting himself altogether and throwing himself into work without a second thought; that he had done a lot then and had later found himself stronger and more advanced in what he intended to do and clear in his mind." (JLB 142, 3/3/1878.) One possible interpretation of the words Vincent reports is that Gagnebin was encouraging him to stick with his studies. However, given Vincent's epiphanic excitement after hearing the Lyons preacher in Gagnebin's church, it is not credible either that Gagnebin (whom Dorus considered a radical) would have discouraged Vincent with such conservative advice, or that Vincent would have reported his advice (in effect, discouragements) to Theo in such enthusiastic tones. By this point, Vincent had set aside his scholar-pastor ambitions.

Context:
BVG 120, 3/3/1878: "He told me, amongst other things, 'That at certain times in his life it did him good to forget himself completely and to throw himself into his work without reservation, that he then achieved a great deal and later felt strengthened and further along the road on which he had set out, and enlightened in spirit. For all that, no one knows even how much effort his sermons cost him.'"
JLB 142, 3/3/1878: "He said, among other things, that at certain times in his life he had benefited from forgetting himself altogether and throwing himself into work without a second thought; that he had done a lot then and had later found himself stronger and more advanced in what he intended to do and clear in his mind. That nevertheless, even now, nobody had any idea how much effort his sermons cost him."

231. Considered a "radical" b0968 V/1962, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 3/2/1878. (See Ch. 11, n. 262.) 232. William Macfarlane Macfarlane was minister at the English Church from 1872 to 1881. According to Groot and De Vries, he was born in 1838, so he was probably thirty-nine when Vincent met him (Groot and De Vries, p. 65). Vincent apparently paid an unsolicited call on Macfarlane. That at least is the implication when Vincent writes: "Had met him [Adler] at Mr. Macfarlane's, the minister of that little English church in the Beginhof, where I had ventured to pay a visit" (JLB 141, 2/18/1878-2/19/1878; emphasis added). Vincent goes on to report that Macfarlane "received me kindly and I hope to repeat my visit someday," but there is no further mention of Macfarlane in the letters. 233. August Charles Adler In some sources the name is rendered "August Carel Adler" or "August Carl Adler," but since Vincent reports that he was English, we have used the English spelling of his name (JLB 141, 2/18/1878-2/19/1878). Also, that is the spelling used by JLB who note in addition that Adler preached "Nederduitsch" (in Dutch) (ibid.; n. 14). Adler comes across in the sources as an energetic and dedicated evangelist. Prior to coming to Amsterdam, he had "worked in the Danubian principality and at Frankfurt [Germany]", thus no doubt spoke German as well as Dutch and English (Howard, p. 346). 182 234. recently come Howard, p. 346. Adler arrived in 1873, one year before the retirement of C.W.H. Pauli, who had opened the Society's Amsterdam mission in 1844 after its predecessor had been closed by the authorities in 1835 (ibid., p. 221). 235. the British Society The British Society for the Propagation of the Gospel Among the Jews was founded in 1842 ("British Society for the Propagation of the Gospel Among the Jews Missionary Societies"). This organization is the oldest interdenominational group in the world whose mission is the evangelization of Jewish people ("British Society for the Propagation of the Gospel Among the Jews: Annual report"). They worked with the Church of Scotland's Mission to the Jews and are known today as Christian Witness to Israel (ibid.). 236. impoverished Jewish population Mak, pp. 191-192. 237. "the fight with" Howard, p. 221. 238. violent resistance Howard, p. 221. One source relates the story of a "young catechumen" about to be baptized being "forcibly prevented by his abduction by the Jews on the way to church" (ibid., p. 283). 239. Jewish Quarter JLB 141, 2/18/1878-2/19/1878; n. 14: The Zionskapel was at 19 Barndesteeg and it was built in 1846 by the Protestant Church of England to "promote Christianity among Jews." 240. 17-Feb BVG 119, 2/18/1878.

Context:
JLB 141, 2/18/1878-2/19/1878: "Afterwards, at 1 o'clock, I had to be at a Sunday school given by an English minister, Adler, in Barndesteeg, he has a small but very respectable old church there."

241. Zionskapel Roetemeijer, n.p. Vincent refers to this church as "a small but very respectable old church" (JLB 141, 2/18/1878-2/19/1878). Elsewhere, it is reported as a "commodious building capable of seating upward of three hundred and fifty persons" (Howard, p. 221). The Zion's Chapel was torn down in 1915. 242. is not known Vincent's attitude toward Jews seems to have partaken equally of Dutch tolerance and Dutch judgementalism. Like his mother, he had unwavering confidence in the validity of stereotypes and his view of Jews was informed by pervasive images of Jews as untrustworthy merchants with whom one was willing to do business, but always warily. Both he and Theo had Jewish friends later, in Paris, who, because they were artists, were largely immune from the prejudice of negative stereotypes, although a comment in an 1890 letter from Theo to Vincent about one of those friend's parents suggests that the power of these stereotypes remained undiminished to the end, at least for one brother. "[Meyer] De Haan is very hard up too. His family don't understand at all why he doesn't remain with them, and as they're terrible Jews they're probably thinking that they can force to come back by cutting off his allowance." (JLB 852, 2/9/1890.) 243. frequent evangelizing trips Howard, p. 282: Because the Society believed that bona fide clergymen, especially ex-Jews, were more likely to win the trust of the local community (as opposed to the many lay "conversionists"), missionaries like Adler played an active role in their churches' proselytizing campaigns, and it may have been while canvassing the area on such a mission that Vincent finally found the Rembrandt house that he and Theo had searched for in vain. "I found the house in Breestraat where Rembrandt lived," he wrote in May 1878 (JLB 144, 5/19/1878). "We talked about it, you know, when you were here"(ibid.). 244. colporteurs Howard, p. 541. 245. read Romola BVG 120, 3/3/1878: Vincent talked about Eliot with both Macfarlane and Adler. He does not say specifically that either one recommended Romola. However, the book makes its first appearance in Vincent's consciousness (or at least his letters) at this time. He also spent far more time with Adler, because of the Sunday School, than with Macfarlane, with whom he only reported one visit.

Context:
JLB 142, 3/3/1878: "Do make sure somehow to get hold of and read the books by Eliot, you won't be sorry, Adam Bede, Silas Marner, Felix Holt, Romola (Savonarola's story), Scenes of clerical life. You know we gave the 3 underlined ones to Pa on his birthday last year."

246. admired BVG 121, 4/3/1878: That is the clear implication of this reference to Adler. Adler spoke English, German (see Ch. 11, n. 233), and Dutch -- and spoke the latter well, according to Vincent: "Although he's a foreigner he nevertheless preaches in Dutch (though the English service), and also gives confirmation classes in Dutch, but very charmingly and capably" (JLB 141, 2/18/1878-2/19/1878). The version of the liturgy used at the Zion's Chapel was the one prepared by the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge (SPCK) for the Dutch members of the Anglican Church of South Africa (Howard, p. 221).

Context:
JLB 143, 4/3/1878: "It's only a very small light, the one in the room of the Sunday school in Barndesteeg, let me keep it burning; in any event, if I don't do it, I don't think that Adler is the kind of man who would let it go out."

247. "small light" BVG 121, 4/3/1878.

Context:
BVG 121, 4/3/1878: "It is only a very small light, the one in the little Sunday-school room in Barndesteeg, but let me keep it burning."
JLB 143, 4/3/1878: "It's only a very small light, the one in the room of the Sunday school in Barndesteeg, let me keep it burning …"

248. "Adler is not" BVG 121, 4/3/1878: We have slightly altered the translation.

Context:
BVG 121, 4/3/1878: "Even if I should not, however, I do not think that Adler is the man to let it go out."
JLB 143, 4/3/1878: "… in any event, if I don't do it, I don't think that Adler is the kind of man who would let it go out."

249. distant relatives BVG 120, 3/3/1878: On February 24, Vincent called on Daniël Joost Vrijdag and his large family who lived "in Houttuinen." According to Groot and De Vries, Vrijdag was a collateral descendant of Vincent's great grandfather Hendrik Vrijdag (Groot and De Vries, p. 99). Hendrik's daughter, Elizabeth, married Dorus's father, Vincent. Daniël Joost Vrijdag, with his wife Clara Vrijdag-Cramer and eight children (Vincent reports seven), was registered in the General directory of the city of Amsterdam for the years 1877-1878.

Context:
JLB 142, 3/3/1878: "Was last Sunday evening at cousin Vrijdag's in Houttuinen, there are still 7 children at home, it was a pleasant little circle, most of them are still very young."

250. Roman Catholic churches BVG 120, 3/3/1878.

Context:
JLB 142, 3/3/1878: "Then to a Sunday school in Barndesteeg, and then walked around the outer canals, visiting three Roman Catholic churches along the way."

251. "A Catechist!" b0968 V/1962, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 3/2/1878: The exclamation point is Dorus's. (See Hulsker: "The idea that Vincent, ... might choose to work as a simple 'catechist' [the father put an exclamation mark behind the awful word] ..." Hulsker, "1878, a Descisive Year in the Lives of Theo and Vincent," p. 20.) 252. "strange, contradictory letter" b0969 V/1962, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 3/2/1878: By "contradictory," Anna probably was referring to Vincent's continued insistence on pursuing religious work but his resistance to studying in order to prepare himself to do religious work. The structured, status-obsessed Anna could not conceive of simply doing religious work on a "freelance" basis. 253. complaining about his studies b0968 V/1962, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 3/2/1878: Dorus characterizes Vincent's attitude toward his studies this way: "It seems that the scope of the study is bigger than he thought." Hulsker translates this as "his studies are disappointing to him" (Hulsker, Vincent and Theo, p. 60). We think Dorus was probably putting a good face on the situation for Theo's sake, and that Hulsker is probably putting a good face on the situation for Vincent's sake. 254. probably mentioning b0968 V/1962, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 3/2/1878: In his letter of March 2, Dorus mentions "the proposal to make a change. For instance Catechist!" The only communication directly between Vincent and his parents was the letter he wrote sometime in mid-February in response to a letter Dorus sent soon after his departure from Amsterdam (b0969 V/1962, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 3/2/1878). Unless the "proposal" mentioned by Dorus came through Stricker, which seems unlikely, it must have been contained in some form in the mid-February letter from Vincent. Our reading appears to differ from Hulsker: "His parents had been informed -- not by Vincent himself, but by one of his uncles or by Mendes da Costa --that Vincent now wished for 'a position with the church but without study'" (Hulsker, Vincent and Theo, p. 60). (Note that in the letter from Anna that Hulsker cites to support some intercession by Stricker or Mendes da Costa, Anna writes, "He probably doesn't want anything else but a position with the church but without study" [emphasis added]. This supports our conclusion that the parents had not had clarifying specific new information from Stricker or anybody else about Vincent's intended course of action; they merely feared the worst.) However, we agree that there must have been some additional communication between Dorus and Stricker during Vincent's silence in the last two weeks of February, which probably brought the dreaded "proposal" of Vincent's into sharper and more threatening focus. 255. "catechist" b0968 V/1962, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 3/2/1878: It is interesting to note that when Dorus uses the word despairingly in his March 2 letter to Theo, he uses it only as an example ("For instance Catechist!"). This suggests the tentative, abstract nature of Vincent's message to his parents in the February letter -- a reflection, no doubt, of his grave reluctance to definitively declare his studies a failure. 256. "concerned about" b0969 V/1962, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 3/2/1878: Jan's letter no doubt also detailed his odd study habits and waning enthusiasm. 257. added his voice As Vincent's guardian and religious guide, Stricker must have known of his devotion to Adler and Zion's Chapel. 258. chorus of worry b0969 V/1962, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 3/2/1878: Vincent himself, perhaps anticipating his parents' reaction, had written nothing more, not even responding to their worried inquiries -- an even more worrying sign. "As you know, he writes so faithfully and now we haven't had a letter in two weeks," Anna wrote in March. "We wrote at the usual time, in the usual manner, true to our ability but not discouraged, but didn't hear a word." 259. "It is a torment" b0968 V/1962, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 3/2/1878: A similar sentiment in the same letter: "We feel pain and misery." 260. compared it b0969 V/1962, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 3/2/1878: "Yesterday I heard Pa say to Dries Oostrijk [Oostrijck], whose wife died the day before yesterday and doesn't know how he will endure it, 'There shall be light, the Lord will see to it.' Shouldn't we tell ourselves that too? Is that not the best thing to do?" 261. "He wants a job" b0969 V/1962, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 3/2/1878. 183 262. "ultra-orthodox" b0968 V/1962, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 3/2/1878: "Now he [Vincent] has made connections with English and French ministers in Amsterdam, belonging to ultra-orthodox groups and as a result thereof the number of mistakes in his work is higher again than before." 263. Adler, Gagnebin, and Macfarlane Hulsker, "1878, a Descisive Year in the Lives of Theo and Vincent," p. 20: After citing Vincent's involvement with Adler and the Zion's Chapel, Hulsker adds "the vicar of the little English church in the Begijnhof (Beguinage) the Reverend [William] Macfarlane and with the French Reverend [Ferdinand Henri] Gagnebin. These are clearly the 'connections' which Reverend van Gogh did not like." 264. "an even higher" b0968 V/1962, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 3/2/1878. (See Ch. 11, n. 262.) 265. "There is such" b0968 V/1962, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 3/2/1878: For Dorus, this was the most damning of all criticisms against his son. Anna could barely bring herself to express the usual hope in divine stewardship, bewailing her son's "eccentric and starry-eyed notions" (b0980 V/1962, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 6/7/1878). 266. "We did all" b0968 V/1962, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 3/2/1878: "It is like a torture of the soul for us and still we believe in outcomes that God can make happen. He even creates light from the darkness! But there is such a close connection between human errors and sad results. That even happens under God's guidance! And it no wonder that we feel pain and misery, when we discovered that he literally knows no joy of living. But if he always just hopes with hanging head, while we did all we could to give him an honorable purpose! It is as if he chooses on purpose what leads to difficulties." Note how Vincent's parents not only castigate him in this passage, they also exculpate themselves from the shame they, too, saw coming. In this way, it probably reflects the general family conversation that was taking place off the record. 267. failure to write b0972 V/1962, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 3/31/1878: "He writes so little for him. ... We had thought that we would receive a letter on his birthday but still nothing yesterday and today." Two days later, they had still not heard from Vincent (b0972 V/1962, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 3/31/1878). 268. the last straw One cycle of the conflict between Vincent and his parents is omitted from the text. By mid-March, having no doubt heard from Theo of the turmoil in Etten, Vincent wrote a letter that put his parents "somewhat at ease again" (b0970 V/1962, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 3/16/1878). So steeped in remorse and self-reproach was this letter ("he feels very unhappy about himself"), that his parents backed away from his earlier, harsher tone (b0973 V/1962, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 4/1/1878). While encouraging their son to "be courageous" and "not deviate" they also tried to assuage his guilt about the money spent on his education (b0970 V/1962, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 3/16/1878). "Do not get caught up in what you have cost us," Dorus told him (b0970 V/1962, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 3/16/1878), while at the same time he complained to Theo: "[We] give him the opportunity to continue his studies, though we almost do not know how we can manage it" (b0973 V/1962, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 4/1/1878). 269. stern letter b0974 V/1962, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 4/12/1878, See Ch. 11, n. 272. 270. Dorus demanded b0974 V/1962, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 4/12/1878: "I told him sternly to disconnect himself from it [the Sunday School class at Zion's Chapel]." The exact date of this mandate is unclear. By April 12, Dorus had replied to Vincent's lengthy appeal of his father's original instruction to "disconnect." 271. long plaintive reply b0974 V/1962, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 4/12/1878: "I received an extensive letter from Vincent. He wanted so much to stay with that Sunday school." 272. "the danger that" b0974 V/1962, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 4/12/1878: "I did again advise him sternly to disconnect himself from it, with an eye on all the work resulting from his studies and the danger that he would give his heart to the lesser thing and that the main thing would be neglected because of it." 273. "Enfin, we just sit" b0968 V/1962, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 3/2/1878. 274. traveled to Amsterdam Theo visited Vincent twice around this time, once on or near Vincent's birthday on March 30, and then again sometime in mid-April, probably between April 12 and April 19. On April 12, Theo had just left Etten (b0974 V/1962, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 4/12/1878). On April 19, Dorus wrote Theo: "We heard from Vincent that you have been with him twice" (b0975 V/1962, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 4/19/1878). After the apparent debacle of the first visit, the second visit may have been designed to ameliorate their disagreement. If so, it had no effect on Vincent's behavior toward his father and little apparent effect on his new attitude toward his brother. Unless there are missing letters, Vincent seems to have continued punishing Theo with a slowdown in correspondence. After the two letters (JLB 143, 4/3/1878 and JLB 144, 5/19/1878), Vincent wrote a letter in July (JLB 145, 7/22/1878), then two brief notes in August (JLB 146, 8/5/1878 and JLB 147, 8/15/1878). All of the last three were enclosed in letters from Dorus to Theo, which speaks to their lack of real intimacy. The next letter was not written until mid-November (JLB 148, 11/13/1878-11/15/1878 or 11/16/1878). Nor does it appear that letters have been lost. During the period between Theo's departure and Vincent's return to Etten in early July, Dorus complained of not receiving letters from Vincent, either (b0976 V/1962, "Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 5/8/1878). Moreover, the silence was apparently mutual. On May 17, Dorus wrote Theo: "Yesterday a letter from Vincent he is busy and would like a letter from you" (b0979 V/1962, "Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 5/17/1878). 275. protestations of fraternal devotion Although Vincent continued to protest his brotherly devotion, he never fully forgave Theo for abandoning that vision. His wounded pride often found cover in the homiletic advice he offered, as when he pointedly warned Theo to "beware of ... life without belief in the things that are higher than those in this life" (JLB 122, 7/15/1877). Later that summer, when Theo sent his brother money so he could come to The Hague to see an exhibition, Vincent returned it, explaining, "I'd rather spend my Sunday here going to church several times, and writing and studying some more …" (JLB 126, 8/5/1877).

Vincent offers two other explanations for refusing Theo's invitation, neither one of which could have been very persuasive to Theo: (1) "If I go to The Hague, then I have to go to Baarn as well, and not just once – in any case, it's better I don't" (ibid.). Presumably, Vincent is referring to an invitation from his Uncle Jan, with whom he had already been to Baarn once in May -- a trip that he reported greatly enjoying (JLB 115, 5/21/1877-5/22/1877). (2) "I should have asked for travelling money from Uncle Stricker …" (JLB 126, 8/5/1877). Given that Theo sent him money (and that the trip was encouraged by their father), this could not have been much of a real impediment. Even Dorus saw more to Vincent's refusal than dedication to his studies. "Perhaps there is a more personal reason," he wrote, hinting at the gulf that had opened up between the brothers since Theo's return to Goupil. "Perhaps he might be a bit embarrassed to show his face around The Hague" (b2551 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 8/16/1877). A week later, Dorus challenged again Vincent's stated reasons for refusing Theo's invitation. "Dear Theo, I am so sorry to hear that your good intentions for Vincent were not accepted by him. Going to Baarn is not the same as coming to you, but perhaps he is reluctant because he is not somewhat further along, but he should say so openly, for that I could understand." (b2552 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 8/22/1877.)

But as Vincent's studies wore on and loneliness took hold, old fraternal longings overruled any grievances. "Have a good Sunday," he wrote in July (JLB 122, 7/15/1877). "[H]ow I'd like to visit your little room. ... I can imagine you sitting there, and I also know what you'll discuss." (ibid.) Two weeks later: "How are you, boy? Every day I think of you so very often." (JLB 123, 7/27/1877.) A month later Vincent mentioned that he "often thought of what you were doing" (JLB 128, 8/27/1877). Not long after rejecting Theo's invitation to The Hague, Vincent began to beg for a visit from him: "Old boy, I long for you so, do come soon ..." (ibid.). Vincent foresaw Theo's annual business trip for Goupil and lobbied early and often to be included in it. "Will you be making the trip in the autumn and so come to Amsterdam then as well? I sincerely hope so, write as soon as you hear anything about it. And we must arrange for you to come and stay here, there is room enough in the house and you only have to let Uncle know, we must make the most of the time and opportunity to be together." (ibid.)

In mid-September, he re-iterated the invitation as the sales trip approached: "The time is approaching when you'll go travelling for the Messrs G&Cie, and I'm already looking forward to seeing and talking to you again. What I wanted to ask you is this. Wouldn't you be able to arrange it so that we could be together for a while, quietly and calmly, I was thinking of at least one whole day." (JLB 131, 9/18/1877.)

When Theo finally did visit, he visited twice that October (b2561 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 10/6/1877). The first time was early in his sales trip. On October 6, Dorus wrote Theo, "How did Vincent look? It must have done him good to see you." (ibid.) This visit had to take place after October 2, because on that day, Dorus wrote Theo, "Vincent is also eagerly looking forward to your arrival and would like to know about it in advance" (b2558 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 10/2/1877). So the available window is quite narrow, October 3-5. Theo visited Amsterdam a second time, apparently, around the weekend of October 13-14, because Vincent wrote on October 21, "Coming back home, I sat up working for a long time. That was a week ago already, the days fly by." (JLB 132, 10/21/1877.) It is possible that Theo informed his father that he intended to visit Vincent early in the trip but was unable to do so until later. It seems odd that there would be no clear indication in the letters of two visits so close together. In any event, when Theo came to Amsterdam, he came not specifically to see Vincent (despite having made the far more arduous trip to Etten in the meantime), but as part of his fall sales tour for Goupil (b2557 V/1982, ''Gogh, Elisabeth van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 9/23/1877; see Ch. 11, n. 820). He did not give the advance notice Vincent had asked for. "Vincent is also eagerly looking forward to your arrival and would like to know about it in advance," Dorus wrote Theo, "so that he can do some work in advance in order to have some time to be together with you" (b2558 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 10/2/1877).

Despite this clear request, at least one of Theo's visits (if there were two) came as a complete surprise. "[I]t was a wonderful surprise when you came here that evening," Vincent wrote afterwards about the visit that took place around October 14 (JLB 132, 10/21/1877). (There is no mention of the earlier pre-October 6 visit in Vincent's surviving letters.) Nor did the brothers spend the long Sunday together that Vincent had envisioned: "Wouldn't you be able to arrange it so that we could be together for a while, quietly and calmly, I was thinking of at least one whole day" (JLB 131, 9/18/1877). In the same letter, Vincent even floated the fantasy of a multi-day visit presumably on Goupil business. After viewing the Rembrandt etchings at the Trippenhuis, he ruminated: "[Why] won't Theo and I be able to see them together sometime? Think about whether you couldn't go off on your own for a day or even longer for such things. … If you think it's a good idea, speak to Mr. Tersteeg about it, and write a few words in advance and tell me when you're coming, then I'll study ahead and be free and at your disposal when you come." (JLB 131, 9/18/1877.) In the same vein, he suggested that they could see together "the exhibition that will open one of these days" (ibid.). According to Luijten, the exhibition referred to was " Levende Meesters," which opened in Amsterdam on September 20, 1877, in the hall of the former Koninklijke Akadctnie van Beeldende Kunsten (Luijten, p. 95). Instead of this fraternal weekend idyll, Theo came late on a work night and left the next morning.

According to a letter from Dorus, Theo was in Gelderland on the weekend of October 6-7 (the first weekend of his trip), and was expected in Etten on the next weekend, October 13-14 (b2561 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 10/6/1877). On the weekend after that, October 21, Vincent wrote Theo about the "wonderful surprise" of his recent visit (JLB 132, 10/21/1877). Thus (if letter JLB 132, 10/21/1877 is correctly dated), Theo probably visited Vincent during the evening of Sunday, October 14.

We know Theo did not visit Vincent on the weekend at the beginning of his trip (September 29-30) because Dorus wrote Theo on October 2, "Vincent is also eagerly looking forward to your arrival and would like to know about it in advance" (b2558 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 10/2/1877). We also know that even during his short visit, Theo took time to visit other relatives -- or that this, at least, was his intention. Regarding Theo's upcoming trip to Amsterdam, Dorus wrote on October 2, "How happy Vincent will be when he sees you. Then you will be going to Aunt Mina's. Kee and Vos would really like to see you." (b2559 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 10/2/1877.) "Aunt Mina" refers to Anna Carbentus's eldest sister, Willemina, who was married to Reverend Stricker. After this October encounter, the brothers did not see each other again until Christmastime, when Vincent once again entertained visions of an elaborate fraternal reunion (JLB 137, 12/9/1877). He had proposed an elaborate itinerary for his trip home for the holidays, involving two days in The Hague (December 20 and 21), staying at the Rooses (Willem and Dientje); then, on December 22, a trip to Dordrecht while Theo worked. When Theo got off work, he would take the train to Dordrecht and they would meet up there for the final leg into Breda/Etten (JLB 136, 12/3/1877-12/4/1877). Theo responded with a simpler plan: that Vincent just stop in The Hague on his way to Etten (JLB 137, 12/9/1877). It doesn't appear that either plan materialized. Theo delayed committing to any itinerary until the last minute and then quashed the plans altogether.

By now, Vincent could no longer suppress his pique. He discusses returning a print that his brother gave him for Christmas, claiming, "it belongs in your collection" (JLB 138, 12/30/1877). And although Vincent agreed to stop in The Hague on his way back to Amsterdam, he added snippily, "but don't count on it" (ibid.). When he did stop, he cut his visit short by taking an early train home (JLB 139, 1/9/1877-1/10/1878). Despite these breaches, Vincent struggled to maintain the aura of perfect brotherhood for as long as he could through the power of words and images. He used the relationship between their father and Uncle Jan to cloak an apology: "[E]ven if that holy fire smoulders now and then because of worries and daily things, sometimes it [i.e., their relationship] flares up, bright and dazzling and glorious" (JLB 132, 10/21/1877). As Christmas approached, Vincent's letters swelled with appreciations of authors (Michelet [ibid.]), poets (Breton [ibid.]), and artists (Scheffer [ibid.]) that the brothers had both loved. He asked Theo to send him a copy of the famous passage from Michelet's L'amour that Vincent had sent Theo years before -- a real talisman of their brotherhood -- and an excerpt from Jules Breton, probably the poem "Illusions," which Vincent sent to Theo in 1873 (JLB 61, 12/10/1875; see Chapter 7).

The request for the Michelet and Breton fragments seems to fit a pattern at this time of the brothers exchanging tokens of their bond. For Christmas that year, Theo gave Vincent a print. JLB say that it is not clear which print Vincent is referring to when he calls is "Trekweg at Rijswijk" (JLB 139, 1/9/1878-1/10/1878; n. 10). JLB offer three possibilities: View of The Trekvliet, View near the Geestbrug, and Molen Langs de Trekvaart (Mill by the Trekvaart). The last of the three was the same print, and perhaps the same copy of the print, that Vincent gave to Theo in 1873 (JLB 11, 7/20/1873; n. 16). And of the three images would have represented the two brothers' talismanic walk along the road to Rijswijk. As for the Scheffer, the images Vincent mentions are prints after Christus Consolator and Christus Remunerator (JLB 139, 1/9/1878-1/10/1878; n. 12). Perhaps a better example of an image recalled by Vincent to reaffirm their brotherhood is Jules Goupil's Young Citizen of the Year V, which suddenly, inexplicably bursts into Vincent's imagination at this time (JLB 132, 10/21/1877). More than any other single image, this portrait of a young revolutionary -- who Vincent thought resembled both his brother and himself -- reaffirmed their identity. The "caption" that Vincent attaches to the image of reincarnation is clearly an attempt to minimize the rift that had opened between them: "[I]t is not dead, but sleepeth" (JLB 137, 12/9/1877). "[I]t does one good," he wrote at Christmastime in 1877, "to feel that a brother of his also walks and lives on earth …" (ibid.). But even Vincent's powerful imagination could not reconcile two such different lives.

While Vincent spent his winter days in cheerless study and his nights in a heatless shed, Theo learned to play quadrille, a popular card game ("I have fallen in love with it," he confessed), and socialized with other eligible society bachelors (b0948 V/1962, ''Gogh, Theo van'' to ''Gogh, Elisabeth van'', 1/29/1878). In a rare letter from Theo, he talks about his partners at quadrille, one of whom was known to his sister Lies. "I play with Berend Brugsma, who seems to be so notorious in Tiel. He is someone who deserves it fully in my opinion that all the girls at a boarding school for ladies, as well as the assistant teachers, are in love with him." (ibid.) Where Vincent could do nothing right in his family's eyes; Theo could do no wrong. His brief rebellion had been dismissed with barely a pause in the general acclaim as he continued to earn pay raises from Tersteeg (b0960 V/1962, "Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 1/6/1878) and praises from Uncle Cent (quoted in Hulsker, Vincent and Theo, p. 70). He sent money home (b0960 V/1962, "Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 1/6/1878); he sent money to Vincent (JLB 137, 12/9/1877). "Now that you are so much richer," wrote sister Lies, "you have to go and have your portrait made" (b0962 V/1962, "Gogh, Elisabeth van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 1/13/1878). Lies was referring to a photographic portrait, of course. Theo quickly set his sister straight on his financial condition. "You wrote that I should consider to have my portrait made now that I have become so much richer, but if you knew how much is needed it surprises me that I have been able to make ends meet so far" (b0948 V/1962, "Gogh, Theo van" to "Gogh, Elisabeth van", 1/29/1878). 276. visited each other During this period, Theo never took the easy, two-hour trip to Amsterdam to see Vincent, but made several visits to distant Etten (b2555 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 9/21/1877). After his trip to Etten in June 1877, Vincent visited again in September for his mother's birthday, once in October, and again on November 6 (b2565 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 10/31/1877). Theo visited Etten again after his visit to Vincent for his birthday. It is not clear if he went directly to Etten from Amsterdam. During the same period, Dorus visited The Hague several times (b2554 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 9/4/1877), but did not once come to see his troubled son in Amsterdam (b2561 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 10/6/1877). 277. question his brother's See Ch. 11, n. 279. 278. In mid-March b0970 V/1962, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 3/16/1878: Theo's parents wrote congratulating him on March 16, suggesting that the news had just reached them. 279. paranoid suspicions Vincent could hardly be blamed for suspecting that whatever he said to his brother might find its way to his parents' ears. But, in fact, Theo appears to have kept confidences on both sides, despite the obvious pressures. Vincent does not often remind Theo that his letters should be kept in confidence -- " Tous entre nous" (all just between us), as Dorus puts it (b5343 V/1994, ''Gogh, Theodorus van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 10/20/1878). Vincent's parents, on the other hand, constantly remind Theo of the sensitivity of the information they are giving him: "In case you might write to Vincent it is better that you do not know what I have told you" (b0968 V/1962, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 3/2/1878); "When you write to Vincent, don't let him know that you know anything in particular" (b0969 V/1962, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 3/2/1878). The best indication of Theo's discretion is that his parents often express ignorance about his encounters with Vincent, in some cases even about whether encounters have taken place (e.g., b0974 V/1962, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 4/12/1878).

This suggests that Theo preferred to use the information he was given, on both sides, to fashion a remedy, rather than to curry favor. In general, he worked, as he always had, as the family peacemaker, trying to defuse the mounting tensions by presenting each side's arguments to the other in the most sympathetic terms. "What a good letter you have written to us about the worry over Vincent," his parents wrote (b0981 V/1962, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 6/7/1878). "That was really good of you, for a lot of things went through our minds and heart, and they still do. We still don't know what this crisis will lead to." (ibid.) But such diplomacy could not have been enough for Vincent, a paranoid absolutist who expected "like-mindedness and devotion and love" from his brother, not intermediating neutrality (JLB 132, 10/21/1877).

280. learned English b0950 V/1962, "Gogh, Elisabeth van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 2/27/1878. 281. "It is truly" b0979 V/1962, "Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 5/17/1878. 282. and his legacy b0980 V/1962, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 6/7/1878: In their letters to Theo, at least, the parents made Theo's role as Vincent's successor in interest very explicit: "After the disappointment of Vincent, Uncle finds hope for life in the thought that his old, beloved work, in which he places great importance, might go well for you." 283. jubilation b0971 V/1962, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van"3/16/1878: "What an important news you sent us. We think it is a great recognition. A stimulus for your ambition. A reward for your efforts." As always, Vincent's parents tempered their praise with words of caution and concern. "Don't think it childish that the news surprised us and also really made us happy, and yet there was a heaviness that fell on our hearts, which will certainly slip away again, my son! We trust you and that's why we don't want to be afraid, and a heavenly Father is alert and everywhere and will watch over you." 284. "Dear Theo" b0978 V/1962, "Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 5/12/1878. 285. "It's a ray of sunshine" b0980 V/1962, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 6/7/1878. 286. The arguments spilled BVG 121, 4/3/1878: Theo's accusations against his brother emerge from the fire of Theo's rebuttals. The first letter afterward opens in mid-argument, without even a salutation: "I've been thinking about what we discussed ..." (JLB 143, 4/3/1878). Clearly, Theo's accusations echoed Dorus's accusations, as Vincent's defenses show. What did friends matter, he argued, when one could hear the voice of God "and follows the voice in his innermost being?" (ibid.; emphasis in original.) With that voice as a "friend," he said, he was "never alone" (ibid.). Indeed, a man without friends who "actually goes quietly about his work, alone, preferring to have but very few friends, goes the most safely among people and in the world" (ibid.). Other subjects of dispute, which also echo Dorus's complaints -- career, money, and duty -- are taken up in the text. In response to Theo's undoubted pleas for Vincent to compromise with his father, Theo was absolutely unmovable. To make that clear, he told Theo story that hinted at the absolute power of his self-delusion.

Context:
JLB 143, 4/3/1878: "There was once a man who went into a church one day and asked, can it be that my zeal has deceived me, that I have turned down the wrong path and have gone about things the wrong way, oh, if only I could rid myself of this uncertainty and have the firm conviction that I will eventually overcome and succeed. And then a voice answered him, And if you knew that for certain, what would you do? Act now as though you knew it for certain and thou shalt not be ashamed. Then the man went on his way, not faithless but believing, and returned to his work, no longer doubting or wavering."

184 287. lashed out Vincent's displeasure with Theo can be seen in his letter dated April 3: "But in order to remain faithful to those words one may not retreat and, once one has started to see things with a clear and trusting eye, one ought not to abandon or deviate from that" (JLB 143, 4/3/1878). The fact that Vincent brings up such ideas as "trust" and "abandonment" shows his insecurity and attempt to admonish Theo in regards to their relationship. 288. "polite circles" BVG 121, 4/3/1878. Most of Vincent's accusations against Theo cited in the text are buried in the indirections and abstractions to which Vincent almost always resorted in expressing his animosity toward his brother, an emotion that he still considered inappropriate and impermissible: "It's sometimes good to go about much in the world and to be among people, and at times one is actually obliged and called upon to do so, or it can be one way of 'throwing oneself into one's work unreservedly and with all one's might', but he who actually goes quietly about his work, alone, preferring to have but very few friends, goes the most safely among people and in the world. One should never trust it when one is without difficulties or some worry or obstacle, and one shouldn't make things too easy for oneself. Even in the most cultured circles and the best surroundings and circumstances, one should retain something of the original nature of a Robinson Crusoe or a savage, for otherwise one hath not root in himself." (JLB 143, 4/3/1878.)

Context:
BVG 121, 4/3/1878: "Even in the politest circles and the best surroundings and circumstances one should retain something of the original character of a Robinson Crusoe or of primitive man, for otherwise one cannot be rooted in oneself …"
JLB 143, 4/3/1878: "Even in the most cultured circles and the best surroundings and circumstances, one should retain something of the original nature of a Robinson Crusoe or a savage, for otherwise one hath not root in himself …"

289. "fine surroundings" BVG 121, 4/3/1878: We have slightly altered the translation. (See Ch. 11, n. 288.)

Context:
BVG 121, 4/3/1878: "Even in the politest circles and the best surroundings and circumstances one should retain something of the original character of a Robinson Crusoe or of primitive man, for otherwise one cannot be rooted in oneself …"
JLB 143, 4/3/1878: "Even in the most cultured circles and the best surroundings and circumstances, one should retain something of the original nature of a Robinson Crusoe or a savage, for otherwise one hath not root in himself …"

290. "narrow-minded" BVG 121, 4/3/1878.

Context:
BVG 121, 4/3/1878: "If only we try to live righteously, we shall fare well, even though we are bound to encounter genuine sadness and real disappointments and shall probably commit real mistakes and do things that are wrong, but it is certainly better to be ardent in spirit, even though one makes more mistakes, than to be narrow-minded and over-cautious."
JLB 143, 4/3/1878: "If we but try to live uprightly, then we shall be all right, even though we shall inevitably experience true sorrow and genuine disappointments, and also probably make real mistakes and do wrong things, but it's certainly true that it is better to be fervent in spirit, even if one accordingly makes more mistakes, than narrow-minded and overly cautious."

291. "straying from all" BVG 122, 5/1/1878: We have slightly altered the translation.

Context:
BVG 122, 5/1/1878: "At times it is good to see such simple things when one sees so many people who for different reasons have strayed from all that is natural and so have lost their real and inner life."
JLB 144, 5/19/1878: "… and it does one good sometimes to see such things, which are simple, as one occasionally sees a good many people who for various reasons have strayed a long way from everything that is natural, thereby throwing away their true and inner lives…"

292. "Though there may be" BVG 122, 5/1/1878.

Context:
BVG 122, 5/1/1878: "It is true, however, that first impressions often change, for we know only too well that all is not gold that glitters and that though there may be a bright dawn, there is also a dark midnight and a burning, oppressive heat at noon."
JLB 144, 5/19/1878: "It's true, though, that first impressions don't last, for we know all too well that all that glitters is not gold, and that when there is a friendly dawn there is a midnight too, and scorching and oppressive heat in the afternoon."

293. "backsliding" BVG 121, 4/3/1878.

Context:
BVG 121, 4/3/1878: "But to be true to the saying, one must not backslide …"
JLB 143, 4/3/1878: "But in order to remain faithful to those words one may not retreat ..."

294. "become accomplished" BVG 121, 4/3/1878.

Context:
BVG 121, 4/3/1878: "The sooner one tries to become accomplished in a certain position in life and a certain field and adopts a relatively independent way of thinking and acting, and the more one keeps to set rules, the stronger in character one will grow, and that does not mean becoming narrow-minded."
JLB 143, 4/3/1878: "The sooner one seeks to become competent in a certain position and in a certain profession, and adopts a fairly independent way of thinking and acting, and the more one observes fixed rules, the stronger one's character becomes, and yet that doesn't mean that one has to become narrow-minded."

295. "way of thinking" BVG 121, 4/3/1878.

Context:
BVG 121, 4/3/1878: "The sooner one tries to become accomplished in a certain position in life and a certain field and adopts a relatively independent way of thinking and acting, and the more one keeps to set rules, the stronger in character one will grow, and that does not mean becoming narrow-minded."
JLB 143, 4/3/1878: "The sooner one seeks to become competent in a certain position and in a certain profession, and adopts a fairly independent way of thinking and acting, and the more one observes fixed rules, the stronger one's character becomes, and yet that doesn't mean that one has to become narrow-minded."

296. defended Adler BVG 121, 4/3/1878.

Context:
JLB 143, 4/3/1878: "It's only a very small light, the one in the room of the Sunday school in Barndesteeg, let me keep it burning; in any event, if I don't do it, I don't think that Adler is the kind of man who would let it go out."

297. "Happy is he" BVG 121, 4/3/1878.

Context:
JLB 143, 4/3/1878: "Happy is he who has faith in God, for he shall overcome all of life's difficulties in the end, though it be not without pain and sorrow."

298. convoluted argument BVG 121, 4/3/1878. At one point, Vincent even stoops to outright sophistry: "And not troubling ourselves too much if we have shortcomings, for he who has none has a shortcoming nonetheless, namely that he has none, and he who thinks he is perfectly wise would do well to start over from the beginning and become a fool" (JLB 143, 4/3/1878). 299. frantic self-encouragement See Ch. 11, n. 306. 300. "The need is for" BVG 121, 4/3/1878.

Context:
BVG 121, 4/3/1878: " The need is for nothing less than the infinite and the miraculous, and a man does well to be satisfied with nothing less, and not to feel easy until he has gained it."
JLB 143, 4/3/1878: " There, in that, is the need for nothing less than the boundless and miraculous, and a man does well if he is satisfied with nothing less and doesn't feel at home until he has acquired it."

301. long lists BVG 121, 4/3/1878: Not coincidentally, Vincent's list reads like a catalogue of the writers and artists for whom he and his brother have shared a passion: Michelet, Dickens, Rembrandt, Breton, Millet, de Groux, Brion, Dupré, and Michel.

Context:
JLB 143, 4/3/1878: "As far as being an homme intérieur et spirituel is concerned, couldn't one develop that in oneself through knowledge of history in general and of certain people of all eras in particular, from biblical times to the Revolution and from The odyssey to the books of Dickens and Michelet? And couldn't one learn something from the work of the likes of Rembrandt or from Weeds by Breton, or The four times of the day by Millet, or Saying grace by Degroux, or Brion, or The conscript by Degroux (or else by Conscience), or his Apothecary, or The large oaks by Dupré, or even the mills and sand flats by Michel?"

302. "un homme" BVG 121, 4/3/1878: We have slightly altered the translation.

Context:
BVG 121, 4/3/1878: "As for being an " homme intéreur et spirituel" might one not be able to develop into one through knowledge of history in general and of certain individuals from all ages in particular, from the history of the Bible to that of the Revolution and from the Odyssey to the books of Dickens and Michelet?"
JLB 143, 4/3/1878: "As far as being an homme intérieur et spirituel is concerned, couldn't one develop that in oneself through knowledge of history in general and of certain people of all eras in particular, from biblical times to the Revolution and from The odyssey to the books of Dickens and Michelet?"

303. "thought a little" BVG 121, 4/3/1878.

Context:
BVG 121, 4/3/1878: "That is what all great men have acknowledged in their works, all those who have thought a little more deeply and searched and worked and loved a little more than the rest, who have plumbed the depths of the sea of life."
JLB 143, 4/3/1878: "That is the avowal that all great men have expressed in their works, all who have thought a little more deeply and have sought and worked a little harder and have loved more than others, who have launched out into the deep of the sea of life."

304. duty to family BVG 121, 4/3/1878: Not surprisingly, Theo appears to have couched much of his argument in terms of Vincent's duty to his family.

Context:
JLB 143, 4/3/1878: "We've talked quite a lot about what we feel to be our duty and how we should arrive at something good, and we rightly came to the conclusion that first of all our goal must be to find a certain position and a profession to which we can devote ourselves entirely."

305. "that divine spark" BVG 121, 4/3/1878.

Context:
BVG 121, 4/3/1878: "Happy is he who has loved much, and is sure of himself, and although he may have wavered and doubted, he has kept that divine spark alive and returned to what was in the beginning and ever shall be."
JLB 143, 4/3/1878: "… happy is he and strong in himself who has loved much and, even if he has wavered and doubted, has kept that divine fire and has returned to that which was in the beginning and shall never die."

306. "fire in one's soul" BVG 121, 4/3/1878. "[N]ever let the fire in his soul go out but keep it going, there will always be a time when it will come in useful. And whosoever continues to hold fast to poverty for himself, and embraces it, possesses a great treasure and will always hear the voice of his conscience speaking clearly. Whosoever hears and follows the voice in his innermost being, which is God's best gift, ultimately finds therein a friend and is never alone." (JLB 143, 4/3/1878.) Vincent puts the same arguments in multiple forms in this same letter. Here is another version: "It's by persevering in those ideas and things that one at last becomes thoroughly leavened with a good leaven, that of sorrowful yet always rejoicing, and which will become apparent when the time of fruitfulness is come in our lives, the fruitfulness of good works." Note how this incorporates the oldest formulation of this thought: "sorrowful yet always rejoicing." And here yet another version, again from the same letter: "The ray from on high doesn't always shine on us, and is sometimes behind the clouds, and without that light a person cannot live and is worth nothing and can do nothing good, and anyone who maintains that one can live without faith in that higher light and doesn't worry about attaining it will end up being disappointed." Finally, he resorts to the biblical metaphor of fishing: "That is the avowal that all great men have expressed in their works, all who have thought a little more deeply and have sought and worked a little harder and have loved more than others, who have launched out into the deep of the sea of life. Launching out into the deep is what we too must do if we want to catch anything, and if it sometimes happens that we have to work the whole night and catch nothing, then it is good not to give up after all but to let down the nets again at dawn." (ibid.)

Context:
BVG 121, 4/3/1878: "Even in the politest circles and the best surroundings and circumstances one should retain something of the original character of a Robinson Crusoe or of primitive man, for otherwise one cannot be rooted in oneself, and one must never let the fire in one's soul die, for the time will inevitably come when it will be needed."
JLB 143, 4/3/1878: "Even in the most cultured circles and the best surroundings and circumstances, one should retain something of the original nature of a Robinson Crusoe or a savage, for otherwise one hath not root in himself, and never let the fire in his soul go out but keep it going, there will always be a time when it will come in useful."

307. "keep loving" BVG 121, 4/3/1878.

Context:
BVG 121, 4/3/1878: "If only one keeps loving faithfully what is truly worth loving and does not squander one's love on trivial and insignificant and meaningless things then one will gradually obtain more light and grow stronger."
JLB 143, 4/3/1878: "If only one continues to love faithfully that which is verily worthy of love, and does not squander his love on truly trivial and insignificant and faint-hearted things, then one will gradually become more enlightened and stronger."

308. "encounter genuine" BVG 121, 4/3/1878.

Context:
BVG 121, 4/3/1878: "If only we try to live righteously, we shall fare well, even though we are bound to encounter genuine sadness and real disappointments and shall probably commit real mistakes and do things that are wrong, but it is certainly better to be ardent in spirit, even though one makes more mistakes, than to be narrow-minded and over-cautious."
JLB 143, 4/3/1878: "If we but try to live uprightly, then we shall be all right, even though we shall inevitably experience true sorrow and genuine disappointments, and also probably make real mistakes and do wrong things, but it's certainly true that it is better to be fervent in spirit, even if one accordingly makes more mistakes, than narrow-minded and overly cautious."

309. "as gold is test by fire" BVG 121, 4/3/1878.

Context:
BVG 121, 4/3/1878: "Love is the best and the noblest thing in the human heart, especially when it is tested by life as gold is tested by fire."
JLB 143, 4/3/1878: "Love is the best and most noble thing in the human heart, especially when it has been tried and tested in life like gold in the fire …"

310. "rayon d'en haut" BVG 121, 4/3/1878.

Context:
BVG 121, 4/3/1878: "Le rayon d'en haut does not always shine upon us and may well be hidden behind clouds, but without that light a man cannot live and is worth nothing and can do no good, and those who claim that man can live without faith in that higher light and need not trouble to acquire it, are sure to have their hopes dashed."
JLB 143, 4/3/1878: "The ray from on high doesn't always shine on us, and is sometimes behind the clouds, and without that light a person cannot live and is worth nothing and can do nothing good, and anyone who maintains that one can live without faith in that higher light and doesn't worry about attaining it will end up being disappointed."

311. deadline for quitting b0974 V/1962, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 4/12/1878: The exact deadline Dorus imposed for quitting the Sunday School job is not clear. The initial demand apparently came in early April. After Vincent's plaintive objections, Dorus gave Vincent extra time to arrange for his departure and, no doubt, to take the sting out of it. "He wanted so much to stay with that Sunday school, but though I allowed him to quit without being too abrupt I again told him sternly to disconnect himself from it." This extension had surely expired by early June, almost two months later. 312. put off his studies b0980 V/1962, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 6/7/1878: "[Vincent] is absolutely set on becoming a catechism teacher, but then he would still have 2 years of study and, thus, couldn't stay in Amsterdam and though he's already in a similar situation, especially nowadays, it would be a highly unstable situation, with very little pay." 313. at least three months b0980 V/1962, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 6/7/1878: Anna is quite clear about this: "Pa wrote him a long letter saying that he must also complete another 3 months of classes." Dorus, however, chooses different words to explain his actions to Theo: "Because I did not want him to be hasty, I told him that he should proceed with his life for three months and that I would think about it meanwhile" (b0981 V/1962, ''Gogh, Theodorus van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 6/7/1878). (The Dutch word " ijlen" can mean either "to hurry" or "to be delirious." So Dorus could have meant to suggest that he feared Vincent was frantic at the prospect of having to quit his catechist job at Zion's Chapel, and for that reason Dorus agreed to let him continue there as long as he continued his studies also.) 314. "to become more" b0980 V/1962, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 6/7/1878. 315. find a position b0980 V/1962, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 6/7/1878: "Pa also wrote to Belgium ... In Belgium, there is much work and the workers are few; good, smart people would surely return from there and without illness." It is not clear if Dorus told Vincent at this time about this initiative to find him a job elsewhere. 185 316. not return to his studies b0982 V/1962, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 6/23/1878: In another typical Van Gogh indirection, Vincent did not (could not) say he was quitting his studies permanently. Instead he told his parents that he was taking "a month off from class," an announcement that his parents clearly took to mean a permanent end to his studies (ibid.). By the time of Anna's letter, the parents seemed to have come to terms with this resolution, but we infer a period of resistance from Anna's clearly disgruntled statement: "It's not natural that he and we are happy with that [i.e., the resolution]" (ibid.). Exactly when Vincent finally stopped his lessons is unclear. Mendes da Costa recollects that he worked with Vincent "less than a year," which would mean Vincent stopped his lessons sometime before mid-May (Mendes da Costa, in Stein, ed., p. 45). As late as late June, however, Anna wrote Theo: "Vincent will continue his lessons until the end of the month" (b0982 V/1962, ''Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 6/23/1878). But this may refer only to Vincent's lessons with Stricker which, presumably, did not cost the Van Goghs any money. 317. look for missionary work b0982 V/1962, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 6/23/1878: This is the implication of Anna's report that Vincent had "requested a recommendation from Mr. [Slade-]Jones," the minister who employed Vincent in Isleworth. Because this recommendation was already in hand as of June 23 (ibid.), we are assuming that Vincent requested it before the resolution of the "crisis" that still prevailed as of June 7 (b0981 V/1962, ''Gogh, Theodorus van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 6/7/1878). 318. bitter confrontation Hulsker, "1878, a Descisive Year in the Lives of Theo and Vincent," p. 30. Dorus is the first to attach the word "crisis" to the situation in early June (b0981 V/1962, ''Gogh, Theodorus van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 6/7/1878). As Hulsker points out, the exact timing and working out of this confrontation appears to be concealed in a gap in the letters. Between the staking out of incompatible positions in May and the working together toward a solution in late June, there could have been a blow-up or there could have been a gradual backing down. Both Anna and Dorus refer to a letter from Theo during this period that may have been crucial to defusing an explosion ("Your letter was very nice and we felt that you were right and your words helped more than the many reasons regarding the matter itself"). We agree that June was a decisive month in the confrontation between Vincent and his father, but we disagree with Hulsker's (implied) dating of the events of Mendes da Costa's reminiscence to this month. We believe that Vincent had probably ceased his lessons with Mendes da Costa by now (as per Mendes da Costa's own dating (Mendes da Costa, in Stein, ed., p. 45) and that the "lessons" mentioned by Anna in her letter of June 23 refer to lessons with Uncle Stricker (b0982 V/1962, ''Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 6/23/1878). The real precipitating cause of the crisis in June appears to be have been Vincent's refusal to give up his involvement with Adler's Zion's Chapel and other "ultra-orthodox" missions. 319. "explosion" b0968 V/1962, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 3/2/1878: "The worries about Vincent are pressing so heavily again. I foresee that there probably will be another explosion." 320. the bitterest terms The months of deception and defiance had transformed the weight of guilt he always felt into an almost unsustainable burden. It was this burden that kept him paralyzed for so long: unable to continue his studies, but unwilling to admit he had failed in them. It was this burden that filled his letters home with self-reproach (see Ch. 11, n. 268), and no doubt weighed more heavily with each stony step as he continued to make the rounds of sermons and lessons even as the last enthusiasm for them drained away, even as Mendes da Costa acknowledged the futility of persisting, and even as Vincent himself recognized the impossibility of success (Mendes da Costa, in Stein, ed., p. 44). And the longer he maintained a charade of study, the more money his parents spent -- a burden of waste that redoubled in May when sister Lies failed her exams, temporarily dashing the hope that she could support herself (b0977 V/1962, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 5/10/1878). "It is a bitter thing because of the finances!" Dorus lamented (ibid.).

The months of terrified paralysis also left another permanent legacy: anger. The same empty rounds of sermons and lessons that fed Vincent's guilt, also fed his resentment. Throughout the spring, he used his letters, or silence, to torture his parents -- starting in February, when he mentioned becoming a catechist and then retreated into a month-long silence (b0969 V/1962, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 3/2/1878). After his next letter, which put his parents "somewhat at ease" (b0970 V/1962, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 3/16/1878), another long silence swept right through his birthday, causing extreme consternation, as he must have known it would (b0972 V/1962, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 3/31/1878). A month after the previous letter, Vincent wrote begging to be allowed to keep his Sunday School job (b0974 V/1962, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 4/12/1878). Throughout these months, both parents complained repeatedly to Theo about Vincent's not writing or not writing regularly. "He writes so little for him. ... In the past, we had also been uneasy and then in the mail a good letter came after all; we just want to hope for the same now." (b0972 V/1962, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 3/31/1878.) This time, however, the "good" letter never came. At Easter (April 21), Vincent teased them until the very last minute with the possibility he might visit ("Will Vincent come?"), and then never appeared -- or at least there is no mention of such a visit either in his letters or in the family letters (b0975 V/1962, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 4/19/1878).

On the eve of the holiday, there is much questioning in the family letters about whether Vincent would, in fact, come (ibid.). The first mention of Vincent after Easter is in a letter of May 8: "We have heard nothing else from Amsterdam"; and then later in the same letter: "We have not heard anything from Vincent" (b0976 V/1962, ''Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 5/8/1878). To us, this suggests strongly that Vincent was not home for Easter. Clearly, Vincent saw his parents' refusal to support his new calling as a betrayal: a betrayal of it as well as of him. Vincent's parents had observed that "his heart seems to be torn by forces working in opposite directions" (b0968 V/1962, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 3/2/1878).

To them, those opposing forces seemed clear enough: on the one hand, an ambition to lead a religious life, and, on the other, an unwillingness to prepare for that life by studying. Anna summed up this view in a letter to Theo in March: "He won't want anything other than a job in the church but without studying" (b0969 V/1962, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 3/2/1878). However, there are other ways to view the "opposing forces" that Anna noticed in her son: a desire to please his parents vs. an impatient evangelical zeal; a desire to be self-sufficient vs. a tendency to self-neglect and self-sacrifice; a recognition of the need to study vs. a natural contrariness. But the real opposing forces animating all of these various dimensions of his dilemma was this: guilt vs. anger. These opposing forces would increasingly pull him in contrary and ultimately self-extinguishing directions.

321. "miserable" BVG 132, 8/1/1879-8/15/1879.

Context:
BVG 132, 8/1/1879-8/15/1879: "You were there yourself, so you know how things were planned and discussed, argued and considered, talked over with wisdom, with the best intentions, and yet how miserable the result was, how ridiculous the whole undertaking, how utterly foolish."
JLB 154, 8/11/1879-8/14/1879: "You were there yourself, and so you know how the pros and cons were weighed, considered and deliberated upon, reasoned with wisdom, how it was well meant -- and yet how pitiful the result, how daft the whole business, how grossly stupid."

322. "ridiculous" BVG 132, 8/1/1879-8/15/1879.

Context:
BVG 132, 8/1/1879-8/15/1879: "You were there yourself, so you know how things were planned and discussed, argued and considered, talked over with wisdom, with the best intentions, and yet how miserable the result was, how ridiculous the whole undertaking, how utterly foolish."
JLB 154, 8/11/1879-8/14/1879: "You were there yourself, and so you know how the pros and cons were weighed, considered and deliberated upon, reasoned with wisdom, how it was well meant -- and yet how pitiful the result, how daft the whole business, how grossly stupid."

323. "utterly foolish" BVG 132, 8/1/1879-8/15/1879.

Context:
BVG 132, 8/1/1879-8/15/1879: "You were there yourself, so you know how things were planned and discussed, argued and considered, talked over with wisdom, with the best intentions, and yet how miserable the result was, how ridiculous the whole undertaking, how utterly foolish."
JLB 154, 8/11/1879-8/14/1879: "You were there yourself, and so you know how the pros and cons were weighed, considered and deliberated upon, reasoned with wisdom, how it was well meant -- and yet how pitiful the result, how daft the whole business, how grossly stupid."

324. "Everybody I had" BVG 422, 8/15/1885-8/31/1885.

Context:
BVG 422, 8/15/1885-8/31/1885: "Really, when I think of my own experience, when I think how my working for some years at Goupil & Co.'s ended in my being drawn very strongly toward home, when I think how there followed for me an absolutely bewildering crisis which soon left me entirely alone, and how everything and everybody I had formerly relied upon changed completely and left me high and dry."
JLB 550, 12/28/1885: "Truly -- when I think back to my own experience, when I consider that several years at G&Cie ended by my feeling very strongly drawn towards home, when I think how a crisis ensued for me, bewildering, and in which I so very soon stood entirely alone, and everything and everyone I had previously thought would endure, changed, and none of it stood fast" (emphasis in original).

325. "a lasting, deep-rooted" BVG 161, 11/23/1881 and JLB 189, 11/23/1881 (we have taken some elements from both translations): In 1881, at the height of an emotional conflagration over Vincent's suit of cousin Kee Vos, Dorus told his son to "Go to hell," and to leave the house. This prompted Vincent's memory of their dispute over quitting his studies in Amsterdam. "Sadly, when I made it clear that I wouldn't go on studying in Amsterdam and later, in the Borinage, when I refused to do what the ministers there wanted, even then Pa said something similar. So there really is a long-standing and deep-rooted misunderstanding between Pa and me." (JLB 189, 11/23/1881.) Vincent does not say explicitly that this "misunderstanding" started in Amsterdam, but it is the earliest item on his list of parallel events. The roots of their enmity obviously run much deeper, but it is a fair inference that Amsterdam represented the first time that that enmity broke into the open. Long before then, of course, the relationship between Vincent and his parents had been a troubled one. But, after Amsterdam, the center of gravity of that relationship, especially the burdens and the blames, shifted to Dorus. Although Vincent continued hoping against hope for a reconciliation, the bond between father and son would never recover from the deep sense of betrayal that incubated through the winter and spring of 1878. Nor would the bond between brother and brother ever again completely shake Vincent's suspicion that Theo was conspiring with their father against him.

Context:
BVG 161, 11/23/1881: "Alas, previously when I declared that I would not continue with my study in Amsterdam, and later in the Borinage when I refused to do what the clergymen there wanted me to do, Father said something similar. So there is indeed a lasting, deep-rooted misunderstanding between Father and myself."
JLB 189, 11/23/1881: "Sadly, when I made it clear that I wouldn't go on studying in Amsterdam and later, in the Borinage, when I refused to do what the ministers there wanted, even then Pa said something similar. So there really is a long-standing and deep-rooted misunderstanding between Pa and me ... "

326. 5-Jul b0984 V/1962, "Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 7/8/1878: What finally prompted Vincent to come home is an interesting question. On June 26, while he was trying to develop a position for Vincent in Belgium, Dorus wrote Theo: "But until I get further news Vincent stays in Amsterdam" (b0983 V/1962, ''Gogh, Theodorus van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 6/24/1878). This suggests that Theo wrote his father suggesting that Vincent come home ("It was nice that you have written us in such a nice and upbeat way"), but Dorus resisted that. It may be that his father's injunction gave Vincent just the cover he needed to come home: he could come home not in defeat but in defiance of his father. This would have been characteristic behavior. 327. "I was very" BVG 326, 9/21/1883.

Context:
BVG 326, 9/21/1883: "I believe you will approve of this feeling, even more so if you knew exactly what happened between him [Uncle CM] and me years ago, when I was very skeptical about the plan of studying, whether the promise to carry it through was sincere and well considered."
JLB 388, 9/21/1883: "I think that you'll appreciate my feelings, and would do so all the more if you knew precisely what occurred between him and me in years past. When I was very dubious about the plan to study, whether the promise to bring that about was straightforward and well-considered …" (emphasis in original).

328. "so that the shame" BVG 326, 9/21/1883: Presumably, the person Vincent was protecting was Mendes da Costa. Whether this was shameless prevarication or delusional hindsight is not clear. In the same letter, Vincent gives an account of his problems with Mendes da Costa's lessons, however, that suggests the former: "You know that I, who have learned other languages, could have managed to master that miserable little bit of Latin &c., but I said I couldn't cope. This was an excuse." (JLB 388, 9/21/1883.) In fact, according to Mendes da Costa's recollections, it was Greek that was the proximate cause of Vincent's withdrawal, not Latin, and it was Mendes da Costa, not Vincent, who declared it was "too much" for Vincent. This letter was written in Drenthe, a period of great distress, great anger, great need, and anguished outreach to Theo.

One can hear all of these in Vincent's efforts to put the blame for the debacle in Amsterdam (which Vincent no doubt felt Theo held against him) elsewhere. "I didn't want to tell my protectors that I regard the whole University (or at least the Theology Faculty) as an unspeakable mess, a breeding-ground for Pharisees" (ibid.). Hulsker makes an unpersuasive attempt to defend this post-facto self-defense: "However surprising his story may sound, though, it tallies more with the facts than appears at first sight. His opinions about religion must have started to become more unorthodox in the Amsterdam period; the decision two years later to break off all ties with the Church did not come out of the blue. And it was indeed impossible for him to let his 'protectors' know -- especially clergymen like Uncle Stricker and his father -- that he was developing a conception of academic theology as 'a breeding place of Pharisaism!'" (Hulsker, Vincent and Theo, p. 62.)

Context:
BVG 326, 9/21/1883: "And in my opinion it always remains an excellent thing that a stop was put to it then, which I brought about on purpose and arranged so that the shame of giving it up fell on me, and on nobody else."
JLB 388, 9/21/1883: "…in my view it remains an excellent thing that it stopped when it did, which I deliberately brought about myself, contriving it such that the shame of giving up fell on me and not on anyone else."

329. poverty Mak, pp. 191-192: Especially in some districts, such as the Jewish Quarter and the Jordaan, conditions were almost as abominable as they were in London. "[A]s late as 1866, a virulent cholera epidemic claimed 1,100 victims in the city. Eight per cent of the people in the city lived in cellars. Half of all children went to paupers' schools. The population statistics of nineteenth-century Amsterdam are similar to those of a third-world country today: extremely high birth rates matched by death rates at least as great. Only half of all boys reached the age of 35, and the life expectancy of simple labourers was hardly more than 30." 330. oppression Mak, pp. 199-200: The most egregious example was the example closest to Vincent: the treatment of Jews. "After centuries of quasi-banishment, most professions seemed alien to them; they lived apart from other Amsterdammers in their own neighbourhoods, ... Children were given into service or started to work as labourers at the age of twelve. In Amsterdam's wax candle factory, girls of this age had to carry boxes weighing 20 to 30 kilos, while boys sometimes worked from six o'clock in the morning until midnight for weeks on end. In 1886, a worker in the sugar refinery explained to a parliamentary commission that in the 19 years of his marriage, he and his wife had had 17 children, of whom only two were still alive. Eduard Douwes Dekker, Dutch writer and government official, recorded the budget of the family of Klaas Ris, a sawmill worker. Husband, wife and three children had to live on six guilders a week. Food, mainly bread and potatoes, took up two thirds of their money, leaving precisely 22 cents for clothing, shoes, and medical help." 331. "ultra-orthodox" b0968 V/1962, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 3/2/1878: "Now he [Vincent] has made connections with English and French ministers in Amsterdam, belonging to ultra-orthodox groups and as a result thereof the number of mistakes in his work is higher again than before." 332. "suitable" position b0983 V/1962, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 6/24/1878. 333. writing Theo Vincent's letters to Theo had been coming on a regular basis at least twice a month (in 1877 through February 1878). After the two letters in late spring of 1878 (JLB 143, 4/3/1878 and JLB 144, 5/19/1878), Vincent didn't write again for two months (JLB 145, 7/22/1878). 334. Dorus determined b0980 V/1962, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 6/7/1878: Dorus may have started contacting fellow pastors in Belgium as early as May. On June 7, Anna wrote Theo: "Pa also wrote to Belgium and just received a response from there." The only evidence of Vincent's contacts is his request for a letter of recommendation to Slade-Jones in England. If he did make independent inquiries, it is logical that they would have been to England, given his nostalgia for his time there. Indeed, the request to Jones may have been part job search. But there can be no doubt that the possibility of a position in Belgium was first raised by Dorus, which also makes sense given the proximity of Etten to the Belgian border and the easy train accessibility of Brussels. Dorus wrote to Reverend Hendrik van den Brink, "a minister in Romschelare [Roesselaere] in West Flanders [Belgium]" (b0981 V/1962, ''Gogh, Theodorus van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 6/7/1878); to a "Rev. Herfst" (probably Georg F. C. Herbst [1828-1898], a minister in Brussels who taught at the evangelical school there [see Lutjeharms, p. 17]; Hulsker repeats the error [Hulsker, Vincent and Theo, p. 74]) who was away in Germany at the time; and to Reverend Abraham Pieterszen, a pastor in Mechelen (Malines) (b0984 V/1962, ''Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 7/8/1878). We find no evidence to support Tralbaut's claim that "Pastor Theodorus knew of a school for training mission-workers at Laeken near Brussels which had been founded by the Rev. N. de Jong [Nicolaas de Jonge] two years earlier and decided to investigate it" (Tralbaut, p. 57). Dorus may have known of the school, but the letters suggest that much searching and inquiring went on before the final connection was made by Pieterszen, not Dorus. 335. best place to find a position b0980 V/1962, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 6/7/1878: Anna reports to Theo on Dorus's search for employment for Vincent: "Pa also wrote to Belgium and just received a response from there while I was on my way here. In Belgium, there is much work and the workers are few; good, smart people would surely return from there and without illness." 336. "Respectable, clever" b0980 V/1962, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 6/7/1878. 337. wrote long letters b0982 V/1962, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 6/23/1878: Anna comments on these letters not entirely positively: "in reading them people are then inclined to say, how can a simple preacher come up with that." This is said in the context of expressing her disappointment that Vincent is quitting his studies and pursuing a position that she clearly considered beneath his and the family's station. What is interesting is that she has apparently seen some of these letters, even though Vincent has not returned from Amsterdam yet. This suggests that he is sending the letters to his father to be forwarded to his contacts in Belgium. Her comment implies that the letters were, not surprisingly for Vincent in this period, both long and turgid. Anna sees this as yet another sign of Vincent's lack of "common sense." 338. offered to travel b0984 V/1962, "Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 7/8/1878: "He has written to Belgium and wants to go there to discuss his interests." It is not clear if Vincent's offer to travel to Brussels was made before or after his return to Etten. 339. mid-July b0985 V/1962, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 7/22/1878: Dorus and Vincent left Etten with Jones on Tuesday, July 16. They returned from Brussels the next day, apparently without Jones. 340. arranged an interview b0984 V/1962, "Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 7/8/1878: Dorus had written a contact in Belgium, a Reverend Pieterszen (see Chapter 12). A letter of interest from Pieterszen arrived on July 9. "Yesterday Pieterszen would go to Brussels to discuss the issue and he will ask us to come over for a day if that might help." Apparently, an invitation followed soon thereafter. The "position" in Brussels was not really a position at all, only more schooling. Still, Vincent argued persuasively on his own behalf, impressing his father with his language skills (the interview was conducted in English because of Slade-Jones's presence) and with the sincerity of his calling (b0985 V/1962, ''Gogh, Theodorus van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 7/22/1878). "His stay abroad and the last year in Amsterdam have not been entirely fruitless," Dorus observed warily, "and he can prove, if he tries, that he has learned a lot in life." (ibid.) 186 341. mysteriously materialized b0985 V/1962, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 7/22/1878: "It worked out nicely that Rev. Jones, with whom Vincent stayed in England, accompanied us. The previous Saturday [July 13] he had come to us and stayed till Tuesday [July 16] when he came with us to Brussels." The sudden appearance of Slade-Jones in Etten for four days is difficult to explain. Although generally dismissed as merely "good fortune," the timing of his appearance seems to us suspiciously convenient (Bailey, p. 112). Vincent had requested and received a letter of recommendation from Slade-Jones in June, probably before the confrontation with his father had been resolved. It is unlikely that Vincent requested Slade-Jones's presence at that time and even more unlikely that Slade-Jones would have responded to such a request in an era when travel was arduous and generally planned well in advance, and Vincent was a rather pathetic twenty-five-year-old lost-boy whose employment history with Slade-Jones was both short and undistinguished.

There was a significant British missionary presence in Belgium, but that still does not explain Slade-Jones's presence in Holland. It is conceivable that Dorus wrote and invited him to add Etten to a planned itinerary for travel in the area, but that would imply some ongoing contact between the two preachers, of which there is no evidence. Suspicion of some clandestine arrangement between the two is raised by the failure of Dorus or Vincent to give an adequate explanation for Slade-Jones's sudden, well-timed appearance. (Dorus wrote Theo that Slade-Jones's presence was a "happy coincidence" but that would no doubt have been his story if he had arranged the coincidence -- just as it had been when he arranged the job for Vincent in Dordrecht the previous year [b0985 V/1962, ''Gogh, Theodorus van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 7/22/1878].) We find no evidence for Bailey's assertions that Vincent and Slade-Jones had "corresponded regularly since Vincent left Isleworth"; that Slade-Jones was "still keen to encourage him in his religious vocation"; or that it was Jones who "suggested that Vincent should apply to a mission training school ... and proposed that they should go together for an interview" (Bailey, p. 112). The latter suggestion seems especially unlikely since Dorus had had several contacts with Pieterszen and it was Pieterszen who arranged the appointment at the mission training school in Brussels. Dorus's comment on Slade-Jones was appreciative: "He is a good man who made a good impression on all of us" (b0985 V/1962, ''Gogh, Theodorus van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 7/22/1878).

342. long walks BVG 124, 8/1/1878-8/15/1878. Vincent also records gathered heather from the heath to feed Cor's hutch of pet rabbits (JLB 13, 9/13/1873). Anna wrote Theo about these pets: "[Cor] has rabbits and makes hutches and a run with a rabbit hill" (b0984 V/1962, "Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 7/8/1878). Rabbits were also one of Cor's favorite subjects for drawings: "[H]e seems to love making drawings of dogs and hares" (b2567 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 11/9/1877).

Context:
JLB 146, 8/5/1878: "As you can imagine, Pa and I quite often take walks together around the parish or to Hoeven or Leur, and Cor and I make many excursions to the heath, either to Zundert Heath or the one near Sprundel."

343. ebullient b0979 V/1962, "Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 5/17/1878: "Cor woke up in a cheerful mood today, ... It is just so nice to be so completely happy, like he is." 344. eleven-year-old b0984 V/1962, "Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 7/8/1878. 345. loved to draw b2566 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 11/8/1877. 346. cavalry officer b0984 V/1962, "Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 7/8/1878. 347. "a little map" BVG 123, 7/22/1878. The map, which survives, was inscribed by Cor: "This Vincent and I made in the pinewood. From Cor. I must go to bed good night." (Van Uitert, p. 28).

Context:
BVG 123, 7/22/1878: "We sat for some time in the pine wood, and together we drew a little map of Etten and surroundings with the Bremberg, Sprundel, t' Heike and De Hoeve."
JLB 145, 7/22/1878: "We sat for a while in the pine-wood, and together we drew a map of Etten and its surroundings with the Bremberg and Haansberg and 't Slagveld and Geestestraat and Sprundel and Het Heike and Hoeven."

348. Johan van Houten b2539 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 7/2/1877: The name is often rendered "Joan," but that name is distractingly feminine in many countries. Van Houten was the son of Anna's employers. Anna interviewed for the position as governess in January 1877. The family lived at Meenink Manor in Hengelo (in Gelderland). Johan had proposed to Anna sometime in June of 1877 (b2498 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 1/30/1877). Vincent had met him in Amsterdam the previous fall (JLB 121, 7/9/1877). At that time, Vincent had a positive assessment of Houten and of the prospective marriage, which was very advantageous: "[I]t might be sensible of her, for her part, to have already decided to take this step. And I also maintain that she truly loves him, I believe that and trust in it absolutely, otherwise things wouldn't have gone this far." (ibid.) But he had an odd, probably defensive, view of the relationship between marriage and religion. "May we all at sometime enter into that kingdom which is not of this world, where they do not marry and are not given in marriage" (JLB 133, 10/30/1877). 349. prosperous burgher b2539 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 7/2/1877: Van Houten's family owned a lime factor near Leyden. According to Van Geertruy, the Van Houten business was "mortar manufacturer"; lime being an essential component of masonry mortar at the time (Van Geertruy, p. 52). Hulsker refers to Van Houten as a "lime-burner" (Hulsker, Vincent and Theo, p. 65). 350. arrangements of flowers and greenery Apparently reviving a childhood skill, Vincent made macramé nets (b0988 V/1962, "Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 8/5/1878) that would hang in the hallway (b2433 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 8/24/1878) and provide a support for hundreds of flowers (b0988 V/1962, "Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 8/5/1878). The family letters are quite clear that Vincent made these nets. Exactly the technique he used was not recorded. Macramé was taught to at least some of the Van Gogh children. Uncle Cent paid for the flowers for the ceremony, which suggests they were plentiful (ibid.). To greet the happy couple, he fashioned their initials in greenery over the doorway (b0988 V/1962, "Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 8/5/1878). 351. like a shadow BVG 124, 8/1/1878-8/15/1878.

Context:
JLB 146, 8/5/1878: "As you can imagine, Pa and I quite often take walks together around the parish or to Hoeven or Leur."

352. preaching duties BVG 123, 7/22/1878.

Context:
JLB 145, 7/22/1878: "Yesterday Pa had to preach at Zundert, and I went along."

353. sat in his room BVG 123, 7/22/1878.

Context:
JLB 145, 7/22/1878: "Have managed to get hold of one and it's now hanging on the wall of the little room here where I'm allowed to take up residence, i.e. the classroom that looks out on the garden and against which the ivy grows."

354. composed sermon b0991 V/1962, "Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 8/21/1878: "[H]e is more withdrawn than ever surely also because he really focuses his thoughts on writing the sermons he is preparing." Vincent's report to Theo is much more modest: "Pa wants me to write, to the best of my ability, a theme or two to have on hand" (JLB 145, 7/22/1878). But in the next letter, he paints a different, and more characteristic image of feverish activity: "Wrote a theme yesterday and today on the parable of the mustard seed, which has become 27 pages long, may there be something good in it" (JLB 146, 8/5/1878). 355. In July BVG 123, 7/22/1878: The "yesterday" Vincent refers to was Sunday, July 21.

Context:
JLB 145, 7/22/1878: "Yesterday Pa had to preach at Zundert, and I went along."

356. accompanied his father BVG 123, 7/22/1878. On the trip to Brussels in July, father and son shared a solemn, intimate moment when they visited Uncle Hein's grave in Laeken (b0985 V/1962, ''Gogh, Theodorus van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 7/22/1878). But nothing could compare to the seductive intimacy and nostalgia of the trip to Zundert the following Sunday.

Context:
JLB 145, 7/22/1878: "Yesterday Pa had to preach at Zundert, and I went along."

357. visited the sick BVG 123, 7/22/1878: Yet another ghost from the past, Jan Doomen, the laborer who had tended the parsonage vegetable garden during most of Vincent's childhood. Vincent described the aging worker's rheumatism using his father's voice -- "Old age is accompanied by ailments" -- not Laurillard's or the Lyons preacher's: another sign of capitulation (JLB 145, 7/22/1878). Interestingly, Vincent and his father also visited the Van der Hoeven family, one of the aristocratic families that summered in Zundert at their estate de Moeren (The Moor); but Vincent does not mention this visit in his letter (JLB 145, 7/22/1878). Dorus, on the other hand, does not mention the visit to Doomen in his letter to Theo about the trip (b0985 V/1962, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 7/22/1878). Instead, he maneuvers to set up a rendezvous between Theo (who is in Paris) and the Van der Hoeven heir, Henri, who is coming to stay in Paris. He does, however, comment on the beauty of the heath where he and Vincent stopped: "We returned through the heather, where it was beautiful with the distant views."

Context:
JLB 145, 7/22/1878: "Was also at Jan Doomen's, who has been suffering a lot from rheumatism in his leg, and complains that he wouldn't even be able to walk to Breda any more, but it didn't bother him so much working in the field or the garden, only in the morning the pain drove him to get up very early."

358. and they walked BVG 123, 7/22/1878. Dorus mentions the stop in his letter to Theo, too: "We returned through the heather, where it was beautiful with the distant views (b0985 V/1962, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 7/22/1878). Once again, Vincent uses the acceptable language of Laurillard, not the radical language of the Lyons preacher, to describe the labors of the field workers he and his father saw when they walked on the heath: "The fields here are so beautiful now, the wheat is being brought in and the potatoes are ripening and their leaves are beginning to wilt, and the buckwheat has beautiful white blossoms" (JLB 146, 8/5/1878).

Context:
JLB 145, 7/22/1878: "In the evening, when we rode back from Zundert over the heath, Pa and I walked a way, the sun set red behind the pines and the evening sky was reflected in the marshes, the heath and the yellow and white and grey sand were so resonant with tone and atmosphere."

359. The sun was setting BVG 123, 7/22/1878.

Context:
JLB 145, 7/22/1878: "… the sun set red behind the pines and the evening sky was reflected in the marshes, the heath and the yellow and white and grey sand were so resonant with tone and atmosphere. You see, there are moments in life when everything, within us too, is peace and atmosphere, and all of life seems to be like a path across the heath …"

360. "Vincent is more" b0989 V/1962, "Gogh, Anna van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 8/13/1878: Anna did not even acknowledge Vincent's contribution the parsonage decorations, thanking only "Pa and Wil [who] have made the hall lovely green." Her mother, however, complimented "Vincent's beautiful hanging in the corridor" (2433 V/1982, ''Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 8/24/1878). 361. "He is more" b0991 V/1962, "Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 8/21/1878. Hulsker translates this "he is more absent-minded than ever" (Hulsker, Vincent and Theo, p. 65; emphasis added). Yet the continuation of the sentence makes clear that withdrawal is the issue, not absent-mindedness: "... surely also because he really focuses his thoughts on writing the sermons he is preparing." 362. Uncle Cent b2435 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 8/24/1878. 363. Uncle Stricker b2435 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 8/24/1878. 364. beautiful August day b2433 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 8/24/1878. 365. Four days after the wedding b2433 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 8/24/1878: August 26. Vincent was scheduled to leave first in mid-August, after a postcard arrived from the evangelical school in Brussels in early August (JLB 146, 8/5/1878 and b0988 V/1962, "Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 8/5/1878). At that time, Anna's wedding was scheduled for mid-August and it was assumed Vincent would not miss it. But when the wedding was delayed to the third week in August because of Anna's ill health (b0990 V/1962, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 8/15/1878), Vincent put off his departure until after the wedding: "I'd like to stay here another week (because of Anna's wedding), coming in that case before Sunday, 25 Aug" (JLB 147, 8/15/1878). At first he attributed this decision to his parents' desire to have him stay (JLB 146, 8/5/1878); then to his own desire to stay for the wedding (JLB 147, 8/15/1878). In the week before the wedding, Vincent's departure day was moved up one day, from the 25th to the 24th (b0991 V/1962, "Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 8/21/1878), but on that day, Anna wrote Theo: "If it's not too bad, he [Vincent] will go on Monday [August 26]" (b2433 V/1982, ''Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 8/24/1878). The phrasing indicates that weather was the ostensible reason for the final delay, although it may also suggest a last-minute hesitation on Vincent's part, both about leaving home and about the awaiting endeavor. 366. father had chosen for him BVG 123, 7/22/1878: Vincent's initial reaction to the evangelical school, immediately after his visit there with his father and Rev. Slade-Jones in mid-July, was very guarded. "The impression we brought home from that journey was satisfactory inasmuch as we think that, with time, a place and position can be found there ... it's therefore best to fix our eyes on Belgium and to go on looking there until we find something" (JLB 145, 7/22/1878; emphasis added). To us, this suggests that Vincent was honoring his father with a show of interest but that the school was not at all what he had in mind for his "calling." When it was first raised, Vincent rejected the idea of a three-month trial at the evangelical school, using money as the excuse -- "[T]his, too, would be costly" (ibid.). But a month later, he accepted the exact same plan. In initially rejecting the trial, he assured Theo that he would visit the school's principals, Pieterszen and De Jong in the meantime, "in so doing becoming more closely acquainted with one another" (ibid.). But, as far as is known, he never did. Again, this suggests a lack of real enthusiasm for the place or the plan, or, at least, conflicted feelings, either of which would support the argument in the text.

Ironically, Dorus himself had reservations about the rightness of this course for Vincent. Around the time of the trip to Brussels, he described to Vincent "the negative sides [of] this kind of work [i.e., evangelical]" (b0985 V/1962, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 7/22/1878). But Vincent's determination to please his father overruled any objections from his father. Just as when Dorus resisted Vincent's decisions to undertake theological studies in Amsterdam, Vincent probably thought his father's objections represented a lack of confidence in Vincent's abilities, not a broader judgment about his suitability for the calling -- which only further inflamed his desire to prove himself by succeeding. In this way, Dorus's opposition to any project was transformed into a potent incentive to undertake it. Dorus eventually came to understand this contrary dynamic and endeavored to hide both his support and his opposition to Vincent's projects.

Context:
JLB 145, 7/22/1878: "As Pa has certainly already written to you, Pa and I went to Brussels last week in the company of the Rev. Jones of Isleworth, who stayed here over Sunday. The impression we brought home from that journey was satisfactory inasmuch as we think that, with time, a place and position can be found there -- that the road is most certainly shorter and less expensive than in Holland, and that it's therefore best to fix our eyes on Belgium and to go on looking there until we find something."

367. "We see him" b2433 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 8/24/1878. 368. "I fear that his pig-headedness" b0989 V/1962, "Gogh, Anna van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 8/13/1878. 187 369. "I have no illusions" b0987 V/1962, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 7/31/1878: Dorus's letters from the summer of 1878 are filled with similar expressions of resignation and preparation for the worst. In June, he wrote: "Perhaps we will try this one more time, but everything is still uncertain" (b0981 V/1962, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 6/7/1878); and a few weeks later: "It is almost a kind of gamble: Either he swims or he sinks" (b0983 V/1962, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 6/24/1878). We have adopted the idiomatic translation of this passage from Hulsker, although we have reversed the word order to match the original (i.e., "He makes it or he doesn't") (Hulsker, "1878, a Decisive Year in the Lives of Theo and Vincent," p. 31). 370. two years Lutjeharms, p. 10. The training school accepted its first two students on November 1, 1876. In its brief six-year life, it would admit less than two dozen students and graduate only nine (Lutjeharms, p. 23). Seventeen students spent some time at the evangelical school in its first incarnation between 1876 and 1882. One of these was Vincent van Gogh. Nine completed the course of study, but only four became ministers (ibid). 371. one room Lutjeharms, p. 10: The school was located on the Kathelijneplaats, a busy square inside the pentagon of old Brussels. The room belonged to the parsonage and "was gladly given up by De Jonge." 372. three full-time Lutjeharms, p. 25: The three full-time students were Pierre Joseph (later Pieter Jozef) Chrispeels, Pieter Jozef Wauters, and Willem vander Haeghen. 373. two part-time Lutjeharms, p. 23. Part-time students during Vincent's brief tenure were Felix Chrispeels (older brother of Pieter Jozef); and Andries van Trijffel, a Dutchman from Dordrecht who was already attending boarding school in Brussels. (ibid., p. 24) 374. Dirk Bokma Lutjeharms, p. 17: Dirk Rochus Bokma, born in Friesland. In the year before Vincent's arrival, 1877, Bokma married the youngest sister of the school's founder, De Jonge. That same year, his part-time position at the school was made full-time and his salary was more than doubled (ibid., p. 25). As a result, he was able to quit his job as the head of the elementary school that met in the room next to the evangelical school. 375. one-legged Lutjeharms, p. 17: Lutjeharms tells us this about Bokma: "Even though his health wasn't very good and although he lost a leg through illness early on, he was an energetic figure and an outstanding teacher, in possession of the teaching certificate and certificates in French and German. In 1860, still unmarried, he came to Brussels, and in 1862 he returned to Friesland ... [I]n 1868, now married, he came back to Brussels, where his wife died (1873). In 1877, the year in which he contracted a second marriage with De Jonge's youngest sister, he transferred entirely from the elementary school to the training school." 376. elementary school principal Lutjeharms, p. 25. (See Ch. 11, n. 375.) 377. preachers Lutjeharms, p. 11: In addition to Bokma, who taught Dutch, French, geography, history, and mathematics, the teaching duties were shared by Jean-Baptist Mathijsen (1817-1909), who taught Latin; Georg Friedrich Carl Herbst (1828-1898), who taught "dogmatics and homiletics" (ibid., p. 19); G. de Best, who taught biblical and general history (ibid., p. 18); and De Jonge, who taught "apologetics and introduction to the New Testament," as well as Greek (ibid., p. 19). 378. taught for free Lutjeharms, p. 10. 379. sectarian rivalries Lutjeharms, p. 13: By 1878, there were basically two evangelical entities in Belgium: the Belgian Christian Missionary Church (founded in 1837 as the Committee of Evangelization); and the Synodal Evangelization Committee, which was established in 1844 by the Union of Churches, the official national Protestant church founded in 1839. The rivalry between the two groups had prevented several attempts at merger. In general, the groups had divided missionary responsibilities: the Synodal Committee focusing on elementary education and the Missionary Church on evangelization. Colportage remained largely the province of foreign missionaries, especially British (which probably helps explain Reverend Jones's presence in Belgium). De Jonge attempted to bridge all these divides: he wanted to train native missionaries to take over the colportage function from foreigners and he hoped to gain the cooperation of both native churches in his efforts (the board of the school included ministers from both the Union and the Missionary Churches) (ibid., p. 69). His dream of collaboration, however, was dashed in 1880 when the Missionary Church withdrew its support from the school (ibid., pp. 13, 70). 380. "unorthodox" Lutjeharms, p. 8: De Jonge, who studied theology in Leyden and Utrecht, was a follower of the nonconformist minister H.J. Buddingh of Biggekerk in Zeeland, founder of the Free Evangelical Congregation who was strongly influenced by the new millennial ("Maranatha") theology. According to Lutjeharms, De Jonge was "destined not to become a common clergyman." He was thirty-three when Vincent entered the school. 381. wealthy sponsors Lutjeharms, p. 80. The most important of these was Otto Johan Geerling, an architect in Brussels. Geerling was the man with whom Dorus and Vincent stayed in Brussels when they visited in mid-July (b0985 V/1962, ''Gogh, Theodorus van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 7/22/1878). Only a few weeks later, Geerling visited the Van Goghs in Etten and Dorus was mightily impressed. "Nice of Mr. Geerling to visit, a substantial man, don't you think?" he wrote Theo. "He started 30 years ago as a carpenter's assistant and is now an important architect, an important man" (b0990 V/1962, ''Gogh, Theodorus van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 8/15/1878). The role of Geerling's visit in persuading the Van Goghs to pursue the evangelical school (after both Dorus and Vincent had expressed reservations about it) has probably been underestimated. 382. foreign missionaries Lutjeharms, p. 69. 383. in their language Lutjeharms, p. 8: Lutjeharms makes the point that the dominant Roman Catholic Church fought evangelical Protestant missions in Belgium by branding them as "foreign" religions and the presence of foreign-sounding Dutch and English preachers only confirmed this criticism. 384. "posh Dutch" Lutjeharms, p. 8: This passage from Lutjeharms indicates how hostile to foreign linguistic influences De Jonge's mission was: "In 1880, De Jonge experienced first-hand how the broken Dutch of the English evangelists of the London City Mission (e.g., The Son of God has come in the earth to convert us) did not appeal to the Brussels residents. ... He called on Felix Chrispeels, who passed on the message in a broad Brussels dialect and captivated the people. Not posh Dutch, but the dialect of the masses has brought the people to the faith, and brought them together in small congregations." 385. "Flemish is" Lutjeharms, p. 8: De Jonge's Flemish purism was ironic given that he and most of the other ministers associated with the evangelical school were foreigners: Dutch (De Jonge, Pieterszen); German (Mathijsen, Herbst); Frisian (Bokma); and Alsatian (Spoerlein). De Jonge's strident nativism seems to have been motivated purely by missionary pragmatism. 386. "the dialect of" Lutjeharms, p. 8. 387. "dutchification" Lutjeharms, p. 9: "One wanted to establish an education for Flemish boys in Flanders. These should not go to an institute in the Netherlands, for then they returned 'dutchified.'" Although another Dutch student (Trijffel) was admitted to the school on a part-time basis at the time of Vincent's attendance (he was already attending boarding school in Brussels), most Dutch applicants were turned down (ibid., p. 69). Vincent, as a Dutchman, was not eligible for a stipend (Scholten, n.p.) 388. read rather than preach Van Gogh, Vincent, quoting Fr. G., The Complete Letters of Vincent Van Gogh, p. 181. 389. "to give popular" BVG 123, 7/22/1878: This is Vincent's own phrasing of the school's charter purpose. He adds to it an overlay of it: "more consideration is given to one's suitability for practical work and one's natural faith" (JLB 145, 7/22/1878).

Context:
BVG 123, 7/22/1878: "What is wanted is the talent to give popular and attractive lectures to people, more short and interesting than long and learned."
JLB 145, 7/22/1878: "What is required is the talent to give easy, warm-hearted and popular lectures or speeches to the people, better short and to the point than long and learned."

390. Mechelen and Lier b2437 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 9/12/1878: Malines and Lierre, both north of Brussels. Vincent first reported these visits in September, adding that he had been "asked back there for the next two Sundays." Mechelen was the home parish of Abraham van der Waeyen Pieterszen, a colleague of Dorus's who would play a role in Vincent's life for the next several years. 391. "like a cat" b2437 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 9/12/1878. 392. "popular orator" BVG 123, 7/22/1878.

Context:
BVG 123, 7/22/1878: "In short, one must be a popular orator to succeed there."
JLB 145, 7/22/1878: "In a word, one must be a lay preacher to succeed over there."

393. fourteen hours a day b2437 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 9/12/1878: "From Vincent a good letter. He is busy at work. Attends the lessons at the school from 9 o'clock in the morning till 4, or sometimes till 11 at night." In fact, Vincent's days may have been longer still (see Ch. 11, n. 394). 394. taught in Flemish Lutjeharms, p.18: Vincent's curriculum also included "dogmatics and homiletics," "apologetics," "ecclesiastical and general history." Bokma offered courses in Dutch, French, geography, and mathematics, but it is likely that Vincent was not required to attend some of these. Vincent reported to his parents that he began classes at 9:00 A.M. (b2437 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 9/12/1878), while Lutjeharms reports that Bokma began his classes at 6:00 A.M. in the summer and 7:00 A.M. in the winter (Lutjeharms, p. 25). Meanwhile, Vincent's parents continued to send money for his board, adding to his burden of guilt with every guilder (b0985 V/1962, ''Gogh, Theodorus van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 7/22/1878). In a letter written after Vincent left Brussels, Dorus confirmed that he had, in fact, paid for Vincent's board: "for three months he [Vincent] stayed at my expense in Brussels in the home of Mr. [Pieter Jacobus] Plugge" (Van Gogh, Dorus, n.p.). 395. boardinghouse Van Gogh, Dorus, n.p.: Vincent boarded at the home of "Mr. Plugge" at 6 Chemin de Halage [Trekweg] in Laeken. Pieter Jacobus (P.J.) Plugge 1837-1931; lodging-house keeper in Laeken) was an elder of Reverend De Jonge's church at Kathelijneplaats and on the board of the elementary school that Bokma had taught until the previous year (Hulsker, quoting Lutjeharms, Vincent and Theo, p. 74). 396. refused food b2446 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 11/24/1878: We infer that Vincent had resumed his Kempian obsession with bread from his landlord's report in November that he had lost "a lot of weight." 397. slept on the ground Hulsker, quoting Lutjeharms, Vincent and Theo: A Dual Biography, p. 74: "He had a good bedroom in the house of the Plugge family, 6 Trekweg, but as a penance he often slept on the mat in front of his bed." 398. cold autumn b2442 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 10/31/1878. 399. adequate clothing b2442 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 10/31/1878: "[W]e are very sorry that you don't have your winter coat with you, since it is bleak and cold over here. ... It is wonderful to wrap yourself up in, if only Vincent had one as well." 400. Charleroi canal Coquiot, p. 60. 401. copybook on his knees Van Gogh, Vincent, quoting Fr. G., The Complete Letters of Vincent Van Gogh, p. 181. 402. "a scribe from" Van Gogh, Vincent, quoting Fr. G., The Complete Letters of Vincent Van Gogh, p. 182: We have altered Bonger's original to make the image evoked more accessible: "In certain ways he often made one think of a legalist of the Middle Ages." 403. sought solace BVG 126, 11/15/1878.

Context:
JLB 148, 11/13/1878-11/15/1878 or 11/16/1878: "You've no doubt been to Saint-Gilles. I once took a walk from there to the 'old boundary mark'. Where the road to Mont Saint Jean begins there's another hill, the Alsemberg. Here, on the right, is the cemetery of Saint-Gilles, full of cedars and ivy, from which one can look out over the city."

188 404. "one gets a peculiar" BVG 126, 11/15/1878.

Context:
BVG 126, 11/15/1878: "There are some places here, thank God one finds them everywhere, where one feels more at home than anywhere else, where one gets a peculiar pristine feeling like that of homesickness, in which bitter melancholy plays some part; but yet its stimulation strengthens and cheers the mind, and gives us, we do not know how or why, new strength and ardour for our work."
JLB 148, 11/13/1878-11/15/1878 or 11/16/1878: "There are also places here -- as there are everywhere, for that matter, thank God -- where one feels at home more than elsewhere, where one gets a remarkable, familiar feeling like homesickness, which has something bitterly melancholy about it but which nevertheless strengthens and awakens the spirit in us and gives us new strength and appetite for work and stimulates us, we know not how or why."

405. wounded In his reminiscence, classmate Chrispeels referred to Vincent as "warmhearted" (Van Gogh, Vincent, quoting Fr. G., The Complete Letters of Vincent Van Gogh, p. 181). 406. defiant BVG R05, 11/21/1881. We suspect that this cryptic passage from a much later letter refers to Vincent's brief time at the evangelical school: "But perhaps you didn't even know that theology has a resignation system with a side branch of mortification," he wrote a friend in 1881 (JLB 188, 11/21/1881). "And if this were but a matter that existed only in the imagination and in the writings and sermons of theologians, then I wouldn't bother about it, but sadly it's one of those burdens grievous to be borne which certain theologians place around people's necks and do not touch with one of their fingers, so unfortunately such resignation belongs to the sphere of reality and causes many large and petty miseries of human life. But when they wanted to strap that yoke to me I said: go to hell! And they found that very disrespectful." Vincent's only systematic and supervised training in theology occurred in Brussels. Furthermore, it is unlikely that he spoke so defiantly to his Uncle Stricker in Amsterdam. Exactly what Vincent is referring to in this passage is unclear, although it occurs in the middle of a long and equally obscure defense of masturbation. 407. "Och teacher" Van Gogh, Vincent, quoting Fr. G., The Complete Letters of Vincent Van Gogh, p. 181: The translation is from Brussels ziet Van Gogh (1927), n.p. The question from teacher Bokma to which Vincent was purportedly responding was "Van Gogh, is this dative or accusative?" 408. "furiously indignant" Van Gogh, Vincent, quoting Fr. G., The Complete Letters of Vincent Van Gogh, p. 182. 409. "He did not know" Van Gogh, Vincent, quoting Fr. G., The Complete Letters of Vincent Van Gogh, p. 181. 410. teased him Van Gogh, Vincent, quoting Fr. G., The Complete Letters of Vincent Van Gogh, p. 182: The incident was related years later by Vincent's classmate Jozef Chrispeels: "The word falaise [cliff] had occurred in a French exercise. The master explained it to us, but Van Gogh asked, "Sir, will you allow me to draw une falaise on the blackboard?" The master, however did not think it necessary. As soon as the lesson was over and the master gone, Van Gogh went to the blackboard and started drawing a cliff. A younger pupil tugged at Van Gogh's jacket from behind to make fun of him. Van Gogh sprang round with an expression on his face I shall never forget, and dealt his teaser such a blow that he did not come back for more." The "younger" student who received the blow may have been Chrispeels himself, who was nineteen at the time of Vincent's attendance at the school (which may explain why the incident stayed so vividly in his memory). The other students, Wauters and Vander Haeghen, were twenty-one and twenty-eight respectively. See also: "Brussel ziet Van Gogh," n.p.: "In a French lesson the word ' falaise' [waterfall] came up. The teacher explained it to us, but van Gogh asked: 'Teacher, may I draw a falaise on the blackboard?' But the teacher did not think that was necessary. But when the lesson was over and the teacher was gone, van Gogh went to the blackboard and started to draw a falaise." 411. "such a blow" Van Gogh, Vincent, quoting Fr. G., The Complete Letters of Vincent Van Gogh, p. 182. 412. "Oh! that face" Van Gogh, Vincent, quoting Fr. G., The Complete Letters of Vincent Van Gogh, p. 182. 413. devoted to God Van Gogh, Vincent, quoting Fr. G., The Complete Letters of Vincent Van Gogh, p. 182. 414. 15-Nov BVG 126, 11/15/1878.

Context:
JLB 148, 11/13/1878-11/15/1878 or 11/16/1878: "On the evening of the day we spent together, which for me passed as if in a twinkling, I want to write to you after all."

415. triumphantly b0977 V/1962, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van"5/10/1878. Theo's debut in Paris had all the trappings of a triumph, and Vincent no doubt saw it that way. He had greeted royalty and luminaries like Elise Dosne Thiers, widow of Louis-Adolphe Thiers, the former president of the French Republic, who had died the previous year (b0979 V/1962, "Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 5/17/1878). (In 1834, Madame Thiers had sat for a pencil sketch by Ingres.) Theo had also dined with the Goupils (b2442 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 10/31/1878). At the Exhibition, he would have seen the world pass by on a Champs de Mars ablaze with electric lights; listened to Thomas Edison's new invention, the phonograph; seen inside the giant head of Bartholdi's Liberty on its way to America's centennial; and probably ridden into the atmosphere on the fair's centerpiece, the Grand Captif, a massive balloon that carried fifty spectators at a time thousands of feet above Paris (Ozanne and De Jode, p. 66).

Despite these glamorous opportunities, however, Theo's months in Paris had been beset by problems. The appointment of Theo to the position at the Exposition Universelle was met with significant resentment among other Goupil employees in Paris. "You say that the young people there don't understand why you have been chosen for that position," Dorus wrote an obviously distraught Theo in May (b0977 V/1962, ''Gogh, Theodorus van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 5/10/1878). "Can it be jealousy?" (ibid.). Theo's stay in Paris, originally scheduled to end in September (b2437 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 9/12/1878) was extended at least once (b5343 V/1994, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 10/20/1878). In the fall, Theo apparently sought a permanent position in Paris (Stolwijk, p. 53). For a while, at least , Uncle Cent opposed a permanent move, although the family letters suggest that he may have had a change of heart and intended to argue for a permanent Paris position for Theo until he was taken seriously ill in late October (b5342 V/1994, ''Gogh, Vincent van (1820-1888)'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 10/7/1878). "Uncle wanted to write to Mr. Bossod [sic], I only hope he will because unfortunately, all good plans have fallen to pieces, and Uncle has been very ill, and he still is. It's a bitter disappointment, not only for uncle, but it also has an effect on others, especially on you and on us. Uncle had the good intention to talk to you and to the gentlemen about you. I only hope that Uncle is able to write, he has such a great interest in you, and uncle would like to do whatever he can to secure your future -- but it always boils down to this: he shouldn't hurry things." (b2444 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 11/5/1878.) In any event, Theo came home to a very advantageous promotion at the Hague gallery (Stolwijk, p. 53).

416. uncle's heir Van Gogh, Vincent, "Letter from Uncle Cent to Theo van Gogh," n.p. 417. family's pride b2438 V/1982, "Gogh, Elisabeth van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 9/23/1878: In addition to the usual accolades from his parents, a letter from sister Lies gives a good sense of Theo's new exalted station in the Van Gogh family: "Boy, boy, how spoiled you will be and how difficult it will be for you to come back and not be able to see so many things anymore. When you see your common sisters again, don't compare them with the witty French girls you will certainly have got to know." 418. reddish beard b2438 V/1982, "Gogh, Elisabeth van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 9/23/1878. According to Mendes da Costa, Vincent did not have a beard in Amsterdam (Mendes da Costa, in Stein, ed., p. 43). 419. "no signs of" Hulsker, Vincent and Theo, pp. 73, 74. 420. allow Vincent to continue Hulsker, Vincent and Theo, pp. 73, 74. 421. could not support BVG 126, 11/15/1878.

Context:
JLB 148, 11/13/1878-11/15/1878 or 11/16/1878: "I can attend the lessons, for free if necessary -- but this is the only privilege."

422. "I cannot attend" BVG 126, 11/15/1878.

Context:
BVG 126, 11/15/1878: "I spoke with the Rev, de Jong and Master Bokma, they tell me that I cannot attend the school on the same conditions as they allow to the native Flemish pupils; I can follow the lessons free of charge if necessary -- but this is the only privilege, -- so in order to stay here longer I ought to have more financial means than I have at my disposal, for they are nil."
JLB 148, 11/13/1878-11/15/1878 or 11/16/1878: "Spoke with the Rev. De Jonge and with Master Bokma, they say there is no opportunity to be at the school under the same conditions they offer to native Flemings -- I can attend the lessons, for free if necessary -- but this is the only privilege -- in order to stay, therefore, I would need to have more financial means at my disposal than I do now, which is none."

423. despaired at the latest debacle b2445 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 11/5/1878: They despaired even though they anticipated it. "Today I received a long letter from Vincent. Who tries to evangelize there tactfully. But there is no real permanent future for him there." (Emphasis added.) At the end of the month, Anna wrote: "Tomorrow is the end of the three months, we are quite sure he will not be hired" (b2446 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 11/24/1878). Vincent apparently withheld the news from his parents for a week. The three-month period probably elapsed on November 18, twelve weeks after Vincent was scheduled to start on Monday, August 26 (in fact, he did not start until August 27). Vincent reported to Theo the results of his review sometime soon after November 15, which is the date that Vincent gave for the conclusion of the three-month trial (JLB 148, 11/13/1878-11/15/1878 or 11/16/1878). 424. "We have not told" b2446 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 11/24/1878. 425. not eat or sleep b2446 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 11/24/1878. 426. lost weight b2446 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 11/24/1878. 427. write his parents b2446 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 11/24/1878: "I am about to go to Brussels. Mr. Plugge wrote us about Vincent. He is weak and lost a lot of weight. It seems they could not promise him anything for the future, and now I am worried. According to the writing from Mr. P. he does not sleep and seems to be in a nervous state of mind. So I want to see for myself what is best. But we are very worried." 428. "come and take" b2446 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 11/24/1878: "[I]t was a very sad letter from Mr. Plugge, no wonder Vincent is nervous it is best that Pa goes to take a look, it is possible that he returns with him depending on the circumstances. Mr. P. wrote without Vincent's knowledge and he also does not know that Pa is coming. Tomorrow is the end of the three months, we are quite sure he will not be hired. We have not told anybody about this, don't you do it either, we tell those who know that Pa is going that Vincent is sick and that Pa is going to see him. What a sad trip. Mr. (Plugge?) asked [us] to come and get him. What is going to happen, you can imagine we are sad and worried." 429. "He does not sleep" b2446 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 11/24/1878. (See Ch. 11, n. 427.) 430. Dorus laid plans b2446 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 11/24/1878. (See Ch. 11, n. 428.) 431. "In order to stay" BVG 126, 11/15/1878.

Context:
BVG 126, 11/15/1878: "I spoke with the Rev. de Jong and Master Bokma, they tell me that I cannot attend the school on the same conditions as they allow to the native Flemish pupils; I can follow the lessons free of charge if necessary -- but this is the only privilege, -- so in order to stay here longer I ought to have more financial means than I have at my disposal, for they are nil."
JLB 148, 11/13/1878-11/15/1878 or 11/16/1878: "Spoke with the Rev. De Jonge and with Master Bokma, they say there is no opportunity to be at the school under the same conditions they offer to native Flemings -- I can attend the lessons, for free if necessary -- but this is the only privilege -- in order to stay, therefore, I would need to have more financial means at my disposal than I do now, which is none."

432. continue paying b2445 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 11/5/1878: Dorus wrote several weeks before Vincent was rejected: "[T]here is no somewhat permanent future for him there [in Brussels]. We intend to give him the chance to stay there for a while, even if the 3 months test period is over. I don't know what else to do." 433. rejected the offer Van Gogh, Dorus, n.p.: In December, after Vincent had left Brussels, Dorus wrote to a pastor in the community where Vincent fled: "Now, the three months [trial period] having passed -- having run out of money -- for his own fault -- since he obstinately refuses to accept money from me and to remain at my expense, knowing that I am far from being wealthy, he has gone to the place where he hopes to find work, and for this reason he has come to see you." 434. "It has been" BVG 123, 7/22/1878; emphasis added. Among the sermons he prepared furiously in Etten was one based on a Rembrandt etching, The House of the Carpenter (JLB 145, 7/22/1878). On the eve of his departure, he eagerly anticipated the paintings he might see in Brussels: "I'm very curious to know whether the exhibition of paintings there will still be open, I should so much like to see it" (JLB 147, 8/15/1878).

Context:
BVG 123, 7/22/1878: " It has been a remarkable feature in art and will continue to have a great influence on many people, and it will always have an attraction for those who have a keen sense for high art, just as, for instance, a portrait by Fabritius does, or some more or less mystical pictures of the Rembrandt school."
JLB 145, 7/22/1878: " It was a remarkable presence in art and will continue to have a similar effect on many and continue to make a deep impression on those with a feeling for high art, like a portrait by Fabritius or some other rather mystical paintings from the school of Rembrandt."

189 435. At least once JLB 149, 12/26/1878. (See also Stolwijk pp. 53, 69.)

Context:
JLB 148, 11/13/1878-11/15/1878 or 11/16/1878: "Have you ever seen a painting, or rather a photo of it, by Carlo Dolci, The Garden of Olives? There's something Rembrandtesque about it, saw it recently."

436. brims with talk Hulsker, Vincent and Theo, pp. 71-72: Hulsker comments on the disproportionate emphasis in letter 126 on art: "In the three printed pages of the letter, only a few sentences refer to religion, and in general his thoughts appear to be more occupied with paintings and prints than with the study of the Bible." 437. "like a picture" BVG 126, 11/15/1878. Vincent gives another example: "small quarries to which sunken roads with the deep ruts of cart tracks lead, where one sees small white horses with red tassels and drivers with blue smocks, and the shepherd is not lacking, nor old women in black with white caps reminiscent of those by [Charles] Degroux."

Context:
BVG 126, 11/15/1878: "There are old houses covered with evergreen or vines, and pretty little inns; among the houses I noticed one was that of a mustard manufacturer, a certain Verkisten, his place was just like a picture by Thijs Maris for instance."
JLB 148, 11/13/1878-11/15/1878 or 11/16/1878: "There are old houses with ivy or Virginia creeper and charming inns, among the houses I noticed was that of a mustard-maker, one Verkissen. His place would be perfect for a painting by Thijs Maris, for example."

438. "Gothic" alley BVG 126, 11/15/1878.

Context:
BVG 126, 11/15/1878: "I saw many linden trees there, still more interwoven, and more Gothic so to say, than those we saw in the Park, and at the side of the hollowed road that leads to the churchyard there were twisted and gnarled stumps and tree roots, fantastical like those Albert Dürer etched in 'Ritter, Tod and Teufel.'"
JLB 148, 11/13/1878-11/15/1878 or 11/16/1878: "I saw many lime trees, even more entwined with one another and even more Gothic, so to speak, than those we saw in the park, and at the side of the sunken road leading to the cemetery twisted bushes and the roots of trees, as gnarled as those Dürer etched in 'Knight, Death and the Devil'."

439. "fantastical" BVG 126, 11/15/1878: Vincent cites specifically Dürer's etching " Ritter, Tod and Teufel."

Context:
BVG 126, 11/15/1878: "I saw many linden trees there, still more interwoven, and more Gothic so to say, than those we saw in the Park, and at the side of the hollowed road that leads to the churchyard there were twisted and gnarled stumps and tree roots, fantastical like those Albert Dürer etched in 'Ritter, Tod and Teufel.'"
JLB 148, 11/13/1878-11/15/1878 or 11/16/1878: "I saw many lime trees, even more entwined with one another and even more Gothic, so to speak, than those we saw in the park, and at the side of the sunken road leading to the cemetery twisted bushes and the roots of trees, as gnarled as those Dürer etched in 'Knight, Death and the Devil'."

440. looking at paintings BVG 127, 12/26/1878.

Context:
JLB 149, 12/26/1878: "I still think so often of that day when you were in Brussels and of our visit to the Museum."

441. browsing prints BVG 126, 11/15/1878.

Context:
JLB 148, 11/13/1878-11/15/1878 or 11/16/1878: "I'm very happy about the two prints you gave me, but you should have let me give you that small etching, The three mills."

442. "How rich art is" BVG 126, 11/15/1878.

Context:
JLB 148, 11/13/1878-11/15/1878 or 11/16/1878: "How much there is in art that is beautiful, if only one can remember what one has seen, one is never empty or truly lonely, and never alone."

443. "speak in their own" BVG 126, 11/15/1878.

Context:
BVG 126, 11/15/1878: "Here are workshops of all kinds that look picturesque, especially in the evening with the lights, and to us who are also labourers and workmen, each in his sphere and in the work to which he is called, they speak in their own way, if we only listen to them, for they say: Work while it is day, the night cometh when no man can work."
JLB 148, 11/13/1878-11/15/1878 or 11/16/1878: "There are workshops of all kinds there that look pleasant, especially lit up in the evening, which also speak in their own way to us who are, after all, labourers and workers, each in the sphere and in the work whereunto we have been called, if only we care to listen, for they say, work while it is day, before the night cometh, when no man can work …"

444. drew pictures "Brussel ziet Van Gogh," n.p.: "In a French lesson the word ' falaise' [waterfall] came up. The teacher explained it to us, but van Gogh asked: 'Teacher, may I draw a falaise on the blackboard?' But the teacher did not think that was necessary. But when the lesson was over and the teacher was gone, van Gogh went to the blackboard and started to draw a falaise." 445. "Quartier de Industrie" Billen, in Billen and Duvosquel, eds., p. 113: The Quartier de l'Industrie (Industrial Quarter) earned Brussels its designation as "the Belgian Manchester." Molenbeek. 446. "picturesque" BVG 126, 11/15/1878. (See Ch. 11, n. 447.)

Context:
BVG 126, 11/15/1878: "Here are workshops of all kinds that look picturesque ..."
JLB 148, 11/13/1878-11/15/1878 or 11/16/1878: "There are workshops of all kinds there that look pleasant ..."

447. "They say" BVG 126, 11/15/1878.

Context:
BVG 126, 11/15/1878: "Here are workshops of all kinds that look picturesque, especially in the evening with the lights, and to us who are also labourers and workmen, each in his sphere and in the work to which he is called, they speak in their own way, if we only listen to them, for they say: Work while it is day, the night cometh when no man can work."
JLB 148, 11/13/1878-11/15/1878 or 11/16/1878: "There are workshops of all kinds there that look pleasant, especially lit up in the evening, which also speak in their own way to us who are, after all, labourers and workers, each in the sphere and in the work whereunto we have been called, if only we care to listen, for they say, work while it is day, before the night cometh, when no man can work ... "

448. "The poor horse" BVG 126, 11/15/1878. Vincent quoted either General Pierre Jacques Étienne Cambronne or General Claude Étienne Michel in the original French: "la garde meurt mais elle ne se rend pas" (JLB 148, 11/13/1878 and 11/15/1878 or 11/16/1878; n. 11). This is a famous French saying, which originated at Waterloo, but no one has definitive proof who authored the original quote. In this letter, this comes toward the end of a long, rambling reverie on the subject of workhorses that Vincent saw "when the street-sweepers were coming home with their carts with old white horses": "Some of those old white horses resemble a certain old aquatint that you perhaps know, an engraving with no very great artistic value but which nevertheless struck me and made an impression on me. I mean the last of the series of prints titled 'The life of a horse.' That print depicts an old white horse, emaciated and spent and worn out to death by a long life of heavy labour and much and difficult work. The poor animal stands in an indescribably lonely and forsaken place, a plain with lank, withered grass and here and there a twisted tree, bent and cracked by the storm wind. On the ground lies a skull and in the distance, in the background, the bleached skeleton of a horse lying next to a hut, where the man who slaughters horses lives. A stormy sky hangs over the whole, it's a foul and bleak day, sombre and dark weather. It's a sorrowful and profoundly melancholy scene that must move everyone who knows and feels that we, too, must one day go through that which we call dying, and that at the end of human life there are tears or grey hair. What lies beyond is a great mystery that God alone comprehends, who has however revealed this irrefutably in His word, that there is a resurrection of the dead. The poor horse -- the old faithful servant, stands patient and submissive, but courageous nonetheless and as resolute, as it were, as the old guard who said 'the guard dies but does not surrender' -- waits for its final hour. I couldn't help thinking of that print this evening when I saw those dust-cart horses." According to JLB, this print is most likely Montifaucon from the series titled La Vie d'un Cheval (The Life of a Horse) (ibid.; n. 8). They continue by proposing that perhaps Vincent's own drawing Old Nag (F 1032 / JH 368, 1883, pencil, brush and transparent and opaque black watercolor, 20.08 x 25 in., 51 x 63.5 cm., Vincent van Gogh Foundation, Amsterdam) was inspired by this print.

Context:
BVG 126, 11/15/1878: " The poor horse, the old faithful servant, is standing there patiently and meekly, yet bravely and unflinchingly; like the old guard who said, "la garde meurt mais elle ne se rend pas," [the guard dies, but never surrenders] it awaits its last hour."
JLB 148, 11/13/1878-11/15/1878 or 11/16/1878: " The poor horse -- the old faithful servant, stands patient and submissive, but courageous nonetheless and as resolute, as it were, as the old guard who said 'the guard dies but does not surrender' -- waits for its final hour."

449. "[They] find their" BVG 126, 11/15/1878.

Context:
JLB 148, 11/13/1878-11/15/1878 or 11/16/1878: "The Borins … do nothing but mine coal. … The coal-miner is a type peculiar to the Borinage; daylight hardly exists for him, and he scarcely enjoys the sun's rays except on Sunday. He works with great difficulty by the light of a lamp whose illumination is pale and feeble, in a narrow gallery … he thus works in the midst of a thousand constantly recurring dangers, but the Belgian foreman has a cheerful character, he's used to this way of life, and when he goes down the pit, his hat topped with a little lamp whose job is to guide him in the darkness, he entrusts himself to his God …"

450. reverie of scripture BVG 126, 11/15/1878.

Context:
JLB 148, 11/13/1878-11/15/1878 or 11/16/1878: "Paul spent three years in Arabia before he became active as a preacher and began his great missionary journeys and his actual work among the heathens. If I could spend three years or so in a similar region, working in peace and always learning and observing, then I wouldn't return from there without having something to say that is indeed worth hearing."

451. "the people who" We have included the original Isaiah 9:2 in the text since Vincent evokes this verse, rather than quoting it directly. 452. "Unto the upright" We have included the original Psalms 112:4 in the text. 453. applying for missionary work It is not clear to us that Vincent actually did apply for such a position, or if he just considered doing so at the time and now wishes that he had. It seems odd that he did not mention such a possibility in his letters to Theo or his parents at the time, when he generally kept both well informed of his efforts to secure missionary work. 454. "It always strikes me" BVG 126, 11/15/1878.

Context:
JLB 148, 11/13/1878-11/15/1878 or 11/16/1878: "You see, it always strikes me and it is remarkable, when we see the image of unutterable and indescribable forsakenness -- of loneliness -- of poverty and misery, the end of things or their extremity -- the thought of God comes to mind."

190 455. little café Piérard, p. 36: Piérard refers to the " Au Charbonnage" as a " caberdouche," the Belgian version of the French café-concert, i.e., a combination of café and cabaret. There is no way to assess this claim. It is difficult to believe that the nature or quality of planned entertainment at such a place justified the designation "cabaret." 456. big shed BVG 126, 11/15/1878: Van Heugten states that the café stood beside "the site of a mine" (Van Heugten, p. 66). We can find no evidence of any coal mines in the vicinity, although Vincent says the café stood next to a coal shed.

Context:
JLB 148, 11/13/1878-11/15/1878 or 11/16/1878: "This little house is not far from Trekweg, it's actually a simple inn right next to the big workplace where the workers come in their free time to eat their bread and drink a glass of beer."

457. "One sees here" BVG 126, 11/15/1878.

Context:
BVG 126, 11/15/1878: "That little drawing "Au Charbonnage" is nothing specially remarkable, but the reason I made it is that one sees here so many people that work in the coal mines, and they are rather a characteristic kind of people."
JLB 148, 11/13/1878-11/15/1878 or 11/16/1878: "That little drawing, 'The Au charbonnage café' is really nothing special, but the reason I couldn't help making it is because one sees so many coalmen, and they really are a remarkable people."

191 458. "The workmen" BVG 126, 11/15/1878.

Context:
BVG 126, 11/15/1878: "This little house stands not far from the road; it is a small inn attached to the big coal shed, and the workmen come there to eat their bread and drink their glass of beer during the lunch hour."
JLB 148, 11/13/1878-11/15/1878 or 11/16/1878: "This little house is not far from Trekweg, it's actually a simple inn right next to the big workplace where the workers come in their free time to eat their bread and drink a glass of beer."

459. "scratch" Van Heugten, p. 66. 460. a postcard Van Heugten, p. 66: The size is 5.5 in. x 5.5 in. (14 cm. x 14 cm.). 461. own handwriting Van Heugten, p. 66: "The lettering on the boards above the doors to the cafe and the shed were written with the pen and are in Van Gogh's own handwriting rather than the more stylised lettering one would expect." 462. hard cobblestones Van Heugten, p. 66: Our suggestion that Vincent may have intended to render the cobblestones in hard-edged detail is consistent with Van Heugten's comment: "The cobbles in front are depicted with delightful ineptitude." 463. he carefully folded Van Heugten, p. 66: Vincent folded it twice, horizontally and vertically. The creases are still visible. 464. A week later Vincent wrote his last letter from Brussels sometime in the week after November 15, 1878 (JLB 148, 11/13/1878-11/15/1878 or 11/16/1878). Vincent's landlord, Plugge, wrote an alarming letter to Etten about Vincent's condition sometime before November 24, which suggests that Vincent was still in Brussels as of November 22 (b2446 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 11/24/1878). Dorus responded on December 5 to a letter Vincent wrote from Dour, in the south of Belgium, suggesting that Vincent had arrived there no later than first days of December (Van Gogh, Dorus, n.p.). Thus, Vincent almost certainly left Brussels sometime between November 23 and December 2. 465. weakened condition b2446 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 11/24/1878. 466. no prospects Van Gogh, Dorus, n.p.: The question of the auspices under which Vincent went to the Borinage is confused in the literature. The original source of confusion is probably from the unnamed newspaper article in Bonger: "The Synod appointed him Evangelist at Wasmes, in the Borinage, in the Walloon Country, where he was to officiate in a small parish." (Van Gogh, Vincent, quoting Fr. G., The Complete Letters of Vincent Van Gogh, p. 182). In fact, this represents a significant elision of events. Dorus's letter, written immediately after Vincent arrived in the Borinage, makes it clear that Vincent went without any specific plans or authorization from anybody, especially Dorus. Even though he is purportedly writing a recommendation for his son to the local clergyman, he can barely contain his exasperation with Vincent's impetuous behavior. "Having received a letter from my son Vincent, who wrote me that he presented himself to you in order to request work ... [I]t is indeed my son, who has spent three months in Belgium searching for a position as an evangelist, who has come to see you, in the hope that you could perhaps provide him with some illumination and advice and information which he needs. ... [Now] he has gone to the place where he hopes to find work, and for this reason he has come to see you. ... I finish this letter, Sir, in recommending him to you and assuring you that he has not failed to demonstrate his zealousness and that he seriously desires to work, to the extent of his abilities, for the Gospel. That God helps him find among you also the means to earn his daily bread for genuine work of an honest kind." (Van Gogh, Dorus, n.p.)

Hulsker implies that Vincent went with the intention of seeing the minister to whom Dorus's letter is addressed, Pierre Péron, but this is conjecture (Hulsker, Vincent and Theo, pp. 74-75). It is equally possible that he arrived in the region and sought out the closest clergyman. If he had had a recommendation from any of his mentors in Brussels (Pieterszen, De Jonge, or Bokma), he would not have so urgently needed his father's. As collateral support for his conjecture, Hulsker suggests that Péron "was not only the secretary of the synod [the Synodal Evangelization Committee] but also of the Committee for Evangelization" (ibid.). (Hulsker may have confused the similar names of these two deeply antagonistic organizations [Lutjeharms, p. 13] [see Ch. 11, n. 379].) In fact, Péron did not become the secretary until the middle of January 1879, long after Vincent's arrival, so his position could not have figured into Vincent's "planning" (b2448 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 12/15/1878). It should also be noted in passing that, although Vincent went several times to gives lessons and Bible readings in Mechelen and Lier while a student in Brussels, clearly neither of these congregations offered him any kind of position after he was refused admission in the school's program, despite his father's connection to Rev. Pieterszen, the pastor in Mechelen (b2437 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 9/12/1878).

467. may have been gone The issue of Vincent's departure from Brussels and his father's trip there is a complicated one that does not admit of absolute clarity. There is no doubt that, as of November 24, Dorus intended to go to Brussels immediately to retrieve his sick and despondent son (b2446 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 11/24/1878). Given the alarm in the letter from Vincent's landlord, Plugge, in Brussels, it would have been unlike Dorus not to respond quickly and decisively to Plugge's request for him to come and take Vincent home. There is nothing in the correspondence to confirm that the trip actually took place. However, the three-week gap in letters that follows the announcement of the trip (running right through Saint Nicholas Day) suggests that letters have been expunged from the record and that, in turn, suggests that something significant did, in fact, happen.

Vincent's whereabouts during this time are also unclear. He was in Dour, in the south of Belgium, in time to write his father and ask for a recommendation that his father sent on December 5. But that leaves a week between Dorus's announcement of his imminent departure for Brussels and Vincent's latest possible arrival in the Dour -- plenty of time for an encounter in Brussels. In addition, Dorus's letter of December 5 appears to support the inference of a second trip to Brussels: it refers to his trip in mid-July with Vincent as "the first visit that he and I made to Brussels" (Van Gogh, Dorus, n.p.; emphasis added). Nevertheless, Hulsker is inexplicably definitive in his judgment that, "[i]n fact, Reverend Van Gogh's journey never even took place" (Hulsker, Vincent and Theo, p. 74-75). He cites as evidence only that Vincent was in Dour "in the same days at the end of November." We find this sufficient cause for the text's caution, but not for Hulsker's certainty. Another possibility is that Vincent left and Plugge immediately notified Dorus -- by wire, perhaps -- thus aborting the planned trip. This scenario, however, depends on the perfect timing of Vincent's departure, as Vincent was clearly still in Brussels at the time of Plugge's letter (c. November 22), and Dorus was clearly poised to leave Etten immediately on November 24.

468. "I shall make" BVG 332, 10/12/1883: In trying to dissuade Theo from going to America, Vincent recalls his moment of choice. "[D]o NOT go to America, because it's exactly the same there as in Paris. No, beware of reaching that point where one says: I'll make myself scarce; I had that myself, I hope that you won't have it." (JLB 394, 10/12/1883.) This could only refer to his decision to go to the Borinage. Up until now, his major life decisions have been either made for him (as in Paris), or made to please his father (Amsterdam).

Context:
BVG 332, 10/12/1883: "No, beware of the moment when one says, I shall make myself scarce; I went through that moment myself, I hope you will not know it."
JLB 394, 10/12/1883: "No, beware of reaching that point where one says: I'll make myself scarce; I had that myself, I hope that you won't have it."

469. "I am the sower" b2446 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 11/24/1878: This is Anna's summary of the sermon which Dorus delivered on Sunday, November 24, obviously consoling himself over the latest crisis to befall his family and his son. 470. "barren fig tree" BVG 126, 11/15/1878. Here is the passage from Luke XIII: 6-9: "A certain man had a fig tree planted in his vineyard; and he came and sought fruit thereon, and found none. Then said he unto the dresser of his vineyard, Behold, these three years I come seeking fruit on this fig tree, and find none: cut it down; ... And he answering said unto him, Lord, let it alone this year also, ... And if it bear fruit, well: and if not, then after that thou shalt cut it down."

Context:
BVG 126, 11/15/1878: "As soon as I came home I began a sermon about the " barren fig tree," Luke xiii 6-9."
JLB 148, 11/13/1878-11/15/1878 or 11/16/1878: "As soon as I got home I began working on a sermon on 'the barren fig tree', Luke XIII: 6-9."

471. "that I did not" BVG 326, 9/21/1883.

Context:
BVG 326, 9/21/1883: " That I did not lack courage, I tried to prove by going to the Borinage, where life was certainly much harder than it would have been for me if I had become a student."
JLB 388, 9/21/1883: "I tried to prove that I didn't lack courage by going to the Borinage, where life was most certainly much harder for me than it would have been had I become a student."

472. "learn and observe" BVG 126, 11/15/1878.

Context:
BVG 126, 11/15/1878: "If I could work quietly for about three years in such a district, always learning and observing, then I should not come back from there without having something to say that was really worth hearing."
JLB 148, 11/13/1878-11/15/1878 or 11/16/1878: "If I could spend three years or so in a similar region, working in peace and always learning and observing, then I wouldn't return from there without having something to say that is indeed worth hearing."

473. "having something to say" BVG 126, 11/15/1878.

Context:
BVG 126, 11/15/1878: "If I could work quietly for about three years in such a district, always learning and observing, then I should not come back from there without having something to say that was really worth hearing."
JLB 148, 11/13/1878-11/15/1878 or 11/16/1878: "If I could spend three years or so in a similar region, working in peace and always learning and observing, then I wouldn't return from there without having something to say that is indeed worth hearing …"

474. "better and riper" BVG 126, 11/15/1878.

Context:
BVG 126, 11/15/1878: "If God wills, and if He spares my life, I would be ready about my thirtieth year, starting out with a peculiar training and experience, being able to master my work better, and riper for it than now."
JLB 148, 11/13/1878-11/15/1878 or 11/16/1878: "If God wills it and spares my life, I'd be ready by about the age of 30 and could begin, with my special training and experience, having more mastery of my affairs and more maturity for the work than I do now."

475. "When I think" BVG 98, 5/30/1877: We have slightly altered word order and punctuation to bring some coherence to this brilliant but ambling passage.

Context:
BVG 98, 5/30/1877: " … when I think of the many watching me who will know where the fault is if I do not succeed, who will not make trivial reproaches …of disappointment, of the fear of failure, of disgrace – then I also know the longing, I wish I were far away from everything!"
JLB 117, 5/30/1877: "…when I think of the eyes of so many that are fixed upon me -- who, if I do not succeed, will know the reason why -- who will not utter any ordinary reproaches … of disappointment, of the danger of failing to a scandalous extent, then that desire is no stranger to me either -- I would really like to get away from everything!"