Notes

Notes

 

Chapters

Chapters

564 1. town of twenty thousand people Jirat-Wasiutnyski, p. 82: This is an approximate number. Jirat-Wasiutnyski pegs the figure at 23,000. To Vincent, Arles did not appear "any bigger than Breda or Mons" (JLB 577, 2/21/1888). According to Clébert and Richard, these two cities each had about 30,000 residents (Clébert and Richard, p. 12). But this can only be the loosest of guides, given the differences in densities, settlement patterns, family sizes, living standards, etc. Pickvance notes that there was also a "small colony of Italians (generally between 500 and 800), but, according to the census returns of 1881, 1886, and 1891, not a single Dutchman" (Pickvance, p. 15). 2. He had considered traveling BVG B3, 4/9/1888: In early April, Vincent wrote Émile Bernard in terms that suggest the two had spoken about the possibility of Vincent going as far as North Africa when he left Paris.

Context:
JLB 596, 4/12/1888: "As for going to visit Aix, Marseille, Tangier, no fear; if I were to go there, though, it would be in search of cheaper lodgings, &c."

3. he stepped off into snow Pickvance, p. 43: According to Pickvance, it was snowing on Vincent's arrival on February 20 and it continued snowing until the next day. By the time it stopped, twelve inches had fallen. The temperature "remained around freezing" until February 25 when another four inches of snow fell. 4. "brilliant Midi light" Tralbaut, p. 217: The quote is from Gauzi's account of Toulouse-Lautrec's life (Lautrec et son temps): "In February 1888, on Toulouse-Lautrec's advice, Vincent went to Provence, where the brilliant Midi light enchanted and dazzled him." Tralbaut cites the same storyline in Emile Schaub-Koch's account of Toulouse-Lautrec, Psychanalyse d'un peintre moderne: Toulouse-Lautrec: "French painting owes Vincent's most beautiful paintings and drawings to Toulouse-Lautrec's acumen and enterprise." Tralbaut follows this with his own flourish of invention: "It seems that Vincent was convinced that since Toulouse-Lautrec was of noble birth he must be very rich, and he therefore plagued him with plans for artists' cooperative enterprises of various kinds. But Toulouse-Lautrec loathed such cultural 'good works'; so he decided to get rid of his importunate friend in a tactful, indeed benevolent, way by giving him lyrical descriptions of the colour, atmosphere and light in Provence, especially at Arles, and insisting that it would help van Gogh's talent to develop." Pickvance points out that "Edgar Degas [1834-1917; French artist] visited Arles in 1855 as a young man" and that Toulouse-Lautrec "may have talked of it in Paris," but there is no record that, if Toulouse-Lautrec spoke to Vincent about Arles, he was speaking from first-hand experience (Pickvance, p. 12). 5. promised by Lautrec and Signac Cachin, in Stein, ed., p. 225: "It is not impossible that the idea came to Vincent after a conversation with [Paul] Signac in Paris during the fall of '87; Signac was just coming back from Collioure, very enthusiastic about the southern light he had discovered there." Vincent probably knew the 1884 book by Guy de Maupassant, Au soleil (To the Sun), in which the author recounts his travels in North Africa. Signac featured the work in one of his still-life paintings of books. 6. his first painting A Pork-Butcher's Shop Seen from a Window, F 389 JH 1359, February 1888, canvas on cardboard, 15.6 by 12.8 inches, 39.5 by 32.5 cm., Van Gogh Museum, Amsterdam. 7. popular entertainments The literature is lush with descriptions of the opportunities Vincent had in Paris to encounter the clichés of Arlesian culture, and especially Arlesian women, and their effect on his decision to go to Arles. L'Arlésienne, a play by Alphonse Daudet, was "revived to great acclaim in Paris after 1885, and Van Gogh may have known of this," according to Kôdera (cited in Silverman, p. 45, n.1). In 1887, a festival was staged celebrating Arlesian culture. It included dancers in Arlesian costume and a Provençal dance called the farandole (Silverman, p. 56). Druick and Zegers cite the "widely publicized 'Fête du soleil' [feast of the sun]" that was held in Paris in December 1886 to aid victims of flooding on the Rhone (Druick and Zegers, p. 98). They describe it thus: "Mounted in the vast Palais de 1'Industrie, the festival was a kind of theme park, featuring windmills and typical habitations, performances of the farandole and other regional dances, and the women of Arles -- the Arlésiennes -- in their distinctive costumes. A giant electric sun presided over all." (ibid.)

Kôdera digs deeper into this possible exposure, citing a special issue of the Courrier Français dedicated to "les inondes du Midi" (the drowning victims of the Midi) which detailed the extensive damage caused by the floods and solicited contributions (Kôdera, p. 57). According to Kôdera, "this publication was just one in a series of manifestations held in late 1886 in aid of the sufferers of the Midi," one of which was the aforementioned Fête du soleil in December 1886 and January 1887. Kôdera's description of this event is even more elaborate: "In the large space of the Palais picturesque cottages, a windmill and a tower were built. A gigantic electric light with a circumference of 8 meters, imitating the sun of the Midi, was hung from the ceiling, and under this artificial sunlight Parisiens could enjoy the Tambourin, the Farandole, the Tarasque, the theater of the Midi and the dance of the Arlésiennes." (Kôdera, p. 58.) According to Kôdera, it is "quite unlikely" that the Fête du soleil and the publicity surrounding it "could have escaped van Gogh's attention" (ibid.). The timing is off, however, for a claim that the Fête prompted Vincent's move to Arles. The letter Vincent wrote to Horace Mann Livens in October 1886, in which he invites his former classmate to join him on a trip to the south the following spring, comes months before the Fête du soleil (JLB 569, September or October 1886). While it is possible that the flooding in the Midi put Vincent's ambitions to take a trip to the south on hold that winter, it is unlikely that they spurred those ambitions. Although we do not accept Kôdera's larger claims for the influence of the Fêtes on Vincent's art, we agree that the publicity around the flood and the Fêtes probably influenced where in the south, specifically, he stepped off the train (Kôdera, p. 58).

8. "I ask nothing more" BVG 465, 2/26/1888-2/28/1888 and JLB 580, 2/27/1888: We have combined elements from both translations.

Context:
BVG 465, 2/26/1888-2/28/1888: "On the contrary, I ask nothing better than that the business you began in the shop on the boulevard should go on and increase in importance."
JLB 580, 2/27/1888: "On the contrary, I ask no more than this, that what you've started in the shop on the boulevard should last and become more important."

565 9. coached the young gérant BVG 470, 3/18/1888: Vincent's instructions on how to handle Tersteeg (Hermanus Gijsbertus Tersteeg [H.G.T., T. or Mr. T.], 1845-1927; gérant of Goupil in The Hague) are the most exaggerated and, of course, the most superfluous (nobody knew better how to handle Tersteeg, or had a better relationship with him, than Theo).

Context:
JLB 588, 3/21/1888 or 3/22/1888: "I'd drop him a line if I were you, very short and very calm, ... you must insist on getting a reply. If you don't, you'll lose your self-confidence ... I don't believe we should press the point in a new letter ... We have to be careful with him."

10. details of buying and selling This passage amounts to a virtual instruction manual on how to sell an Adolphe Monticelli flower painting that the brothers owned: "If you told him that we have a bouquet of flowers in our collection that is more artistic and more beautiful than a bouquet by Diaz [de la Peña]. That Monticelli would sometimes take a bouquet of flowers in order to put on a single panel the whole range of his richest and most perfectly balanced tones. And that you have to go straight to Delacroix to find such an orchestration of colours. That -- I'm referring to the painting at the Delarebeyrettes' [Gabriel and François Joseph] -- we currently know of another bouquet of very good quality and at a reasonable price, and that in any case we think it's much finer than the Monticellis with figures, which are all over the place these days and belong to a period of decline in Monticelli's talent." (JLB 589, 3/25/1888.) 11. the fickleness of public tastes BVG 470, 3/18/1888. Vincent advises Theo at length about the "the effect of a fall on paintings that are highly priced at present, a fall which, it seems to me, will probably come about as soon as the Impressionists rise. Look at the way those who sell highly priced paintings are harming themselves by opposing, for political reasons, the advent of a school that for years has shown an energy and a perseverance worthy of Millet, Daubigny and others." (JLB 588, 3/21/1888 or 3/22/1888.) The irony here, of course, is that the "error" Vincent warns his brother against is exactly the error of which he himself was guilty for so long: opposing the "advent" of a new school (in his case, Impressionism) in favor of older works -- in particular, those of Millet and other Barbizon painters.

Context:
JLB 588, 3/21/1888 or 3/22/1888: "And has he calculated, like us, the effect of a fall on paintings that are highly priced at present, a fall which, it seems to me, will probably come about as soon as the Impressionists rise. Look at the way those who sell highly priced paintings are harming themselves by opposing, for political reasons, the advent of a school that for years has shown an energy and a perseverance worthy of Millet, Daubigny and others."

12. urging him to stealth BVG 476, 4/11/1888.

Context:
JLB 595, 4/11/1888: "And it's because of this victory that's almost guaranteed in advance that for our part we have to have good manners and do everything calmly."

13. and ruthlessness BVG 472, 3/30/1888: When Alexander Reid (1854-1928; Scottish art dealer) wanted to change the terms of a deal to buy a painting by Armand Guillaumin, Vincent reacted with outrage -- both on Guillaumin's behalf and for all painters. Vincent was perennially suspicious of other actors' motives. When misfortune befell Victor Vignon, an artist Theo had supported early, Vincent blamed the meddling of a third party: "What a bad business with Vignon, no doubt Mr. Gendre was involved, I wish Mr. Gendre nothing but ill, he does too much of it to other people" (JLB 592, 4/3/1888).

Context:
JLB 591, 4/1/1888: "I don't at all like Reid's way of behaving towards us, it seems funny to me that you and Guillaumin haven't already arranged to cancel the sale of the painting in question."

14. Kaiser Wilhelm's death BVG 468, 3/10/1888. Apparently, Vincent thought the effects of war on the picture trade would be beneficial: "Perhaps this will have the favourable influence we've been wanting for so long -- on the picture trade" (JLB 584, 3/10/1888).

Context:
JLB 584, 3/10/1888: "What do you say to the news that Kaiser Wilhelm [Kaiser Wilhelm I, 1797-1888; German Emperor] is dead? Will that speed up events in France, and will Paris stay calm? It seems doubtful. And what effect will all this have on the trade in paintings?"

15. "might have a favorable" BVG 470, 3/18/1888: Vincent's opinion on the drumbeat of war is buried in this obscure reference to a recent newspaper article, apparently in L'Intransigeant. We take the "this" in the final sentence to refer to war. Although Vincent mocks General Georges Boulanger's populist manner -- "Don't you find he speaks very badly, Boulanger?" -- he writes approvingly, or at least sympathetically, of the general's bellicosity. "I don't think him any the less serious for that [i.e., speaking badly]," he continues, "since he'll be in the habit of using his voice for practical purposes, to explain things to his officers or to the managers of arsenals" (JLB 642, 7/15/1888). As in his own life, Vincent shows little tolerance for compromise or diplomacy. After a breakdown in negotiations with the Germans, he writes: "It seems to me that both of them were right to fight, being unable to get along" (ibid.).

Context:
BVG 470, 3/18/1888: "It wasn't a bad idea, that journalist advising General Boulanger to wear rose-colored spectacles, so as to put the secret police on the wrong scent: according to him they'd match his beard better. It might have a favorable influence on the picture trade -- it's been wanted for long enough."
JLB 588, 3/21/1888 or 3/22/1888 "However, it's not a bad idea for a journalist to advise General Boulanger to put the secret police off the scent by henceforth wearing rose-tinted spectacles, which in his opinion would go better with the General's beard. Perhaps this will have the favourable influence we've been wanting for so long -- on the picture trade."

16. "will steal a march" BVG 468, 3/10/1888: As part of his effort to persuade Theo to back his project for an association of artists that includes both the well-known Impressionists (the painters of the Grand Boulevard) and the lesser-known avant-garde painters like Bernard and Gauguin (the Petit Boulevard) -- a group in which Vincent put himself -- he warns Theo that other dealers will soon step in to meet the need if he fails to.

Context:
BVG 468, 3/10/1888: "You realise that if Tersteeg joins you in this affair, between you, you could easily persuade Boussod Valadon to grant a regular credit for the necessary purchases. But it is urgent, since failing that, the dealers will steal a march on you."
JLB 584, 3/10/1888: "You're well aware that if Tersteeg joins you in this venture, the two of you will easily be able to persuade Boussod Valadon to extend substantial credit for the purchases needed. But it's urgent, because without that other dealers will cut the ground from under your feet."

17. "plan of attack" BVG 473, 4/2/1888. Vincent is referring to his plan, discussed in the text, to force Tersteeg to take one of Vincent's paintings into his collection and " convincing [him] I really am an Impressionist of the Petit Boulevard" by strategic gifts of some of his works (JLB 592, 4/3/1888; emphasis in original).

Context:
BVG 473, 4/2/1888: "Here is a plan of attack which will cost us several of the best pictures you and I have made between us, and certainly worth at least several 1000 franc notes."
JLB 592, 4/3/1888: "So here's a plan of attack that will cost us some of the best paintings we've made together, definitely worth let's say a pundle off tousand-vrenc pills."

18. "return to the charge" BVG 492, 5/28/1888.

Context:
BVG 492, 5/28/1888: "Today I bought some paints here, and some canvases, for with the weather we are having I must return to the charge."
JLB 615, 5/28/1888: "I bought some colours here today, and canvases, because depending on the weather I'll have to go onto the attack."

19. "victory" BVG 476, 4/11/1888. He repeats the same sentiment in different words elsewhere in the same letter: "as far as the cause of Impressionism goes, we have little to fear at the moment of not winning through" (JLB 595, 4/11/1888).

Context:
BVG 476, 4/11/1888: "And because of the victory already almost assured, we must have good manners, and do everything quietly."
JLB 595, 4/11/1888: "And it's because of this victory that's almost guaranteed in advance that for our part we have to have good manners and do everything calmly."

20. He pledged to make a tripBVG 465, 2/26/1888-2/28/1888. In response to some competitive grumbling from Alexander Reid (see Ch. 30, n. 21), Vincent seems at first to disavow his commercial intent in Marseille: "so that there can be no doubt about our good faith towards Reid -- we could leave him alone and let him do as he thinks fit regarding the Marseille Monticellis. Making the point that dead painters are only of indirect interest to us from the monetary point of view." (JLB 578, 2/24/1888.) Vincent suggests that Theo tell Reid that the Van Gogh brothers only mean to collect Monticellis for their own collection, not in order to compete with Reid by dealing in them: "And if you agree with this, if need be you can tell him on my behalf too that if he intends to come to Marseille to buy Monticellis he has nothing to fear from us, but that we're entitled to ask him his intentions in this regard, given that we came to this territory before he did" (ibid.). But, on closer inspection, this uncharacteristically conciliatory gesture turns out to be a strategic gambit. Vincent goes on to close the circle for Theo: "About the Impressionists -- it would seem fair to me that they should be introduced into England through you, if not by you in person. And if Reid made a move first, we'd be justified in thinking he had acted in bad faith towards us, all the more so since we'd have left him free regarding the Marseille Monticellis." (ibid.) In other words, Vincent is proposing to Theo that they make a deal with Reid: Vincent will surrender his commercial precedence in the Monticelli market in Marseille ("came to this territory before he did"), which he claims by right of his arrival in the south, in exchange for Reid's giving up any claim to priority in selling the Impressionists in England. Given Theo's profession and Vincent's mercenary fervor, the protest that the brothers' interest in Monticelli was "only of indirect interest to us from the monetary point of view," is, at best, disingenuous. (See Ch. 30, n. 22 and n. 23.) Context: JLB 580, 2/27/1888: "Really, this way Tersteeg and the London manager would organize the permanent exhibition of the Impressionists in London -- you would have the one in Paris and I would start it up in Marseille." 21. Alexander Reid resented BVG 464, 2/25/1888. Theo apparently wrote Vincent to this effect, given Vincent's reply: "I was glad the news from Holland was fairly satisfactory. As far as Reid goes, I wouldn't be very surprised if -- (wrongly, however) -- he took it badly that I went to the south before him." (JLB 578, 2/24/1888.) 22. prices of the five paintings BVG 464, 2/25/1888. Among the "benefits" he and Theo got out of their acquaintance with Reid, Vincent cites the fact that "Reid made Monticellis go up in value, and since we own 5 of them the result for us is that these paintings have increased in value" (JLB 578, 2/24/1888). Balancing this, according to Vincent's calculus, was the brothers' generous offer "to take part in a bigger deal than the Monticelli one" (ibid.). This appears to be a cryptic reference to an otherwise undocumented outreach by one or both of the Van Gogh brothers to include Reid in their entresol enterprise.

Context:
JLB 578, 2/24/1888: "For us to say we'd never have benefited from knowing him would be relatively unfair since, 1, he made us a gift of a very fine painting (which painting, let it be said by the way, we intended to acquire), 2, Reid made Monticellis go up in value, and since we own 5 of them the result for us is that these paintings have increased in value -- 3, he was good and pleasant company in the first months."

23. pressed John Peter RussellBVG 471, 3/24/1888: In addition to the solicitation of Russell (John Peter Russell, 1858-1930; Australian artist) described in the text, Vincent also worked to drive a wedge between Russell and Theo's competing Monticelli dealer, Alexander Reid. In April, Vincent penned this nasty (and ironic) assessment of Reid: "I was very much taken in by him during the first 6 weeks or 2 months but after that period he was in pecuniary difficulties and in the same acted in a way that made on me the impression that he had lost his wits. Which I still think was the case and consequently he's not responsible even if his doings then were pretty unfair." (JLB 598, 4/19/1888.) Vincent may have been trying to plant doubts about Reid's "wits" in order to discredit the stories Reid could tell Russell about Vincent's strange behavior during their brief, troubled co-habitation in the rue Lepic apartment in 1886. Vincent also plotted to persuade Tersteeg to buy one of Theo's Monticellis: "You'll have noticed that [Tersteeg] states his willingness to make a purchase of a good quality Monticelli for his own collection," Vincent wrote in late March. "If you told him that we have a bouquet of flowers in our collection that is more artistic and more beautiful than a bouquet by Diaz. That Monticelli would sometimes take a bouquet of flowers in order to put on a single panel the whole range of his richest and most perfectly balanced tones. And that you have to go straight to Delacroix to find such an orchestration of colours." (JLB 589, 3/25/1888.) In the event Tersteeg was not interested in this Monticelli, Vincent suggests Theo deal (i.e., buy and then sell) another one with Monticelli's Paris dealer, François Joseph Delarebeyrette. "[Tell him] we currently know of another bouquet of very good quality and at a reasonable price, and that in any case we think it's much finer than the Monticellis with figures, which are all over the place these days and belong to a period of decline in Monticelli's talent" (ibid.).

Context:
JLB 589, 3/25/1888: "That -- I'm referring to the painting at the Delarebeyrettes' -- we currently know of another bouquet of very good quality and at a reasonable price, and that in any case we think it's much finer than the Monticellis with figures, which are all over the place these days and belong to a period of decline in Monticelli's talent."

24. no less a figure than DelacroixBVG 471, 3/24/1888. (See Ch. 30, n. 23.)

Context:
JLB 589, 3/25/1888: "That Monticelli would sometimes take a bouquet of flowers in order to put on a single panel the whole range of his richest and most perfectly balanced tones. And that you have to go straight to Delacroix to find such an orchestration of colours."

25. "[He] gives us something" BVG 477a, 4/21/1888.

Context:
BVG 477a, 4/21/1888: "But gives us something passionate and eternal -- the rich colour and rich sun of the glorious South in a true colourist way parrallel with Delacroix' conception of the South viz."
JLB 598, 4/19/1888: "But gives us something passionate and eternal -- the rich coulour and rich sun of the glorious south in a true colourists way parallel with Delacroix' conception of the south."

26. fawning letters to Russell BVG 477a, 4/21/1888: Like his brother, Vincent was capable of shameless flattery and no one except Gauguin received more of it than Russell. This paean to Russell's portraits is typical. Another common feature of Vincent's currying of Russell is the repeated references to Italian artists who were known favorites of the Australian. Pressing Russell to buy a Monticelli painting from Theo, Vincent invoked a storm of Italian Renaissance masters (rarely mentioned elsewhere) in praise of Monticelli's color: "Surely Monticelli gives us not, neither pretends to give us, local colour or even local truth. But gives us something passionate and eternal ... a contraste simultané of colours and their derivations and harmonies, and not by forms or lines in themselves as the ancient artists did formerly, by pure form greeks and Michelangelo, or by pure line or delineation Raphael, Mantegna Venetian primitifs (Botticelli, Cimabue, Giotto, [Giovanni] Bellini)." (JLB 598, 4/19/1888; emphasis in original.)

Another letter filled with Italophile pleasantries is JLB 627, 6/17/1888: "For instance at the present occasion I was writing to you and going to say something about Arles as it is -- and as it was in the old days of Boccaccio. ... This dirty 'mudlark' I thought yet had a vague florentine sort of figure like the heads in the Monticelli pictures, and reasoning and drawing this wise I worked on the letter I was writing to you. I enclose the slip of scribbling, that you may judge of my abstractions and forgive my not writing before as such. Do not however imagine I am painting old florentine scenery -- no, I may dream of such -- but I spend my time in painting and drawing landscapes or rather studies of colour. ... I have been to the seaside for a week and very likely am going thither again soon. Flat shore sands -- fine figures there like Cimabue -- straight, stylish."

Context:
JLB 598, 4/19/1888: "You know I thought and think such a deal of those of yours. I don't gainsay that your portraits are more serious and higher art but I think it meritory in you and a rare quality that together with a perfection as appeared to me the Fabian and [Dodge] MacKnight portraits, you are at the same time able to give a Scherzo, the adagio con espressione, the gay note in one word, together with more manly conceptions of a higher order." According to JLB 598, n. 7: "Nothing is known about Fabian, the subject of the first work, except that he, like Russell and Van Gogh, had studied in Cormon's studio in Paris, and that he and Van Gogh may have exchanged work (see letter 569, n. 13). It seems unlikely that he was the Spanish artist Fabian de Castro, as was suggested earlier."

27. "comrades" BVG 463, 2/21/1888. Vincent closed an early letter with this salute: "With a good handshake to you and the pals" (JLB 577, 2/21/1888). In addition to Bernard, Russell, Gauguin, and Arnold Hendrik Koning, Vincent is known to have written at least one letter to Toulouse-Lautrec, although the correspondence has been lost (JLB 588, 3/21/1888 or 3/22/1888). There are hints in his letters to Theo that he may also have written Guillaumin, whose work he advised Theo to buy (JLB 591, 4/1/1888; JLB 597, 4/13/1888), and Louis Anquetin (JLB 625, 6/15/1888-6/16/1888; JLB 641, 7/15/1888).

Context:
BVG 463, 2/21/1888: "With a handshake for you and the comrades."
JLB 577, 2/21/1888: "With a good handshake to you and the pals."

28. kept them closely informed This is Vincent's sales talk to Russell: "My brother has an exhibition of 10 new pictures by Claude Monet, his latest works, for instance a landscape with red sun set and a group of dark fir trees by the seaside. The red sun casts an orange or blood red reflection on the blue green trees and the ground. I wished I could see them." (JLB 627, 6/17/1888.) To Bernard, the pitch is tuned more to intellectual fashion than artistic merit: "At the moment my brother has an exhibition of Claude Monet, I'd very much like to see them. Guy de Maupassant, among others, had been there, and said that from now on he would often revisit boulevard Montmartre." (JLB 628, 6/19/1888.) 29. Theo's favor to solicitSee Ch. 30, n. 26 (Russell), n. 448 (Georges Seurat), n. 450 (Camille Pissarro), and n. 451 (Koning). In these cases, the promise of Theo's favor is largely implicit (not surprisingly since most of our knowledge about the proposals comes from Vincent's letters to Theo). But in the case of Bernard, Vincent marries the proposal of an exchange explicitly with an offer to sell Bernard's work on the entresol: "If you wished, I would earmark for an exchange with you the head of a Zouave that I've painted. But I won't speak about it unless I can have you sell something at the same time." (JLB 633, 6/27/1888.) 30. calculations of relative value BVG 472, 3/30/1888. Criticizing a purchase of a Guillaumin painting by the competing dealer Alexander Reid, Vincent writes: "it seems funny to me that you and Guillaumin haven't already arranged to cancel the sale of the painting in question. You can tell Guillaumin boldly from me that that's my firm opinion, and as much in the interests of G. himself as in the interests of business in general. The price was already derisory." (JLB 591, 4/1/1888; emphasis in original.) In presenting the case (to Theo) for Russell to buy a Gauguin, Vincent makes this elaborate argument: "I'll say to him [Russell] look, you like our painting so much, but I believe that we'll see even better by the artist; why don't you act like us, who have faith in the whole man just as he is, and who find everything he does good. I then want to add, of course it would be all the same to us to let you have the large painting, if necessary, but as Gauguin will still very often be in need of money, in his interests should we not keep it until his prices have tripled or quadrupled -- which will happen -- we believe?" (JLB 652, 7/31/1888; emphasis in original.)

Context:
JLB 591, 4/1/1888: "It seems funny to me that you and Guillaumin haven't already arranged to cancel the sale of the painting in question. You can tell Guillaumin boldly from me that that's my firm opinion, and as much in the interests of G. himself as in the interests of business in general. The price was already derisory." (Emphasis in original.)

31. Cormon classmate, Lautrec BVG 470, 3/18/1888.

Context:
JLB 588, 3/21/1888 or 3/22/1888: "Here's a short note for Bernard and Lautrec, to whom I'd solemnly promised to write. I'm sending it to you so that you can give it to them sometime, it's not in the least urgent and it will be a reason for you to see what they're doing and to hear what they're saying, if you want."

32. he enclosed the missive BVG 470, 3/18/1888: In the case of Bernard, this strategy clearly worked. Vincent sent the enclosures to Theo on March 18, and Bernard's reply arrived within two weeks (JLB 596, 4/12/1888). It is a measure of the friendship between Bernard and Vincent at the time the latter left Paris in late February that Vincent didn't write this first letter to Bernard until almost a month later (JLB 587, 3/18/1888).

Context:
JLB 588, 3/21/1888 or 3/22/1888: "Here's a short note for Bernard and Toulouse-Lautrec, to whom I'd solemnly promised to write. I'm sending it to you so that you can give it to them sometime, it's not in the least urgent and it will be a reason for you to see what they're doing and to hear what they're saying, if you want."

33. "tell those fellows in Holland" BVG 498a, 5/29/1888.

Context:
BVG 498a, 5/29/1888: "You'll have quite a lot to tell those fellows in Holland about what you've seen in Paris."
JLB 618, 5/29/1888-5/30/1888: "You'll have a great deal to tell the fellows in Holland about what you saw in Paris."

34. "Theo is doing his best" BVG W4, 6/22/1888.

Context:
BVG W4, 6/22/1888: " Theo is doing his best for all the impressionists; he has done something, or sold something, for every one of them, and he will certainly go on doing so. But the few things I wrote you about this question will show you that he is quite different from the other dealers, who do not care the least bit about the painters."
JLB 626, 6/16/1888-6/20/1888: " Theo works for all the Impressionists, he's done something for and sold for all of them, and will certainly go on doing so. But just these few things that I write to you about the matter will show you how he's something very different from the run of dealers, who care nothing for the painters."

566 35. judgments of the past We are not alone in seeing Vincent's insistence on including Tersteeg as an artifact of his enduring need to reverse his dead father's verdict against him. Druick and Zegers write: "For all his talk of the market, however, the underlying issue was the chance to lay to rest the old ghosts of the North" (Druick and Zegers, p. 105). 36. "offensive" BVG 470, 3/18/1888.

Context:
BVG 470, 3/18/1888: "If we consider it desirable to hold a permanent exhibition of the impressionists in London and Marseilles, it naturally follows that we'll try to set them up. And if not, what are [Tersteeg's] intentions with regard to the offensive, do they exist or not?"
JLB 588, 3/21/1888 or 3/22/1888: "If we think it's a good idea to create a permanent exhibition of the Impressionists in London and Marseille, it goes without saying that we'll try to establish them. So it remains to be seen, will Tersteeg be part of it?"

37. "have the artist's interests" BVG 465, 2/26/1888-2/28/1888: We have altered the translation slightly.

Context:
BVG 465, 2/26/1888-2/28/1888: "The association of the artists will come about all the more easily since Tersteeg will have no objection to our having the artist's interests at heart, especially not to our wanting to raise the net price of the picture; after all, there would be no market for it if it costs nothing."
JLB 580, 2/27/1888: "The artists' association is all the more likely to come about since Tersteeg won't be against our having the artists' interests at heart, nor that above all we want to increase the cost price of a painting, which in fact wouldn't be saleable if it cost nothing."

38. in England, Holland, and France BVG 465, 2/26/1888-2/28/1888: Vincent clearly saw this plan as a sweeping, simultaneous initiative on three fronts.

Context:
JLB 580, 2/27/1888: "This way Tersteeg and the London manager would organize the permanent exhibition of the Impressionists in London -- you would have the one in Paris and I would start it up in Marseille."

39. "get hold of a window" BVG 479, 4/24/1888.

Context:
BVG 479, 4/24/1888: "At Marseilles I'd make it more especially my business to get hold of a window to show the Impressionists if you on your side could promise that you would provide me with Impressionist pictures for it; supposing you were asked to show any -- that will be easy enough."
JLB 601, 4/25/1888: "In Marseille I would be more willing to try to obtain a showcase for the Impressionists, if you for your part would give me an assurance that you'd supply it, this showcase, with Impressionist paintings if people ask you to exhibit them. Which will be easy."

40. "combination"See Ch. 30, n. 66. 41. "moral obligation"BVG 468, 3/10/1888. (See Ch. 30, n. 42.)

Context:
BVG 468, 3/10/1888: "If they were to make the proposal, the Petit Boulevard, in my opinion, would be morally obliged to join."
JLB 584, 3/10/1888: "It seems to me that the Petit Boulevard would be morally obliged to join in response to a proposal from that side."

42. would contribute paintings BVG 468, 3/10/1888.

Context:
JLB 584, 3/10/1888: "Shouldn't be surprised if Tersteeg took the view that we can't do without the Grand Boulevard artists -- and if he advised you to persuade them to take the initiative in an association by giving paintings that would become common property and cease to belong to them individually. It seems to me that the Petit Boulevard would be morally obliged to join in response to a proposal from that side."

43. "lesser Impressionists" BVG 468, 3/10/1888.

Context:
BVG 468, 3/10/1888: "And these great ones of the Grand Boulevard will keep their present reputation only if they can forestall the not unfounded criticisms of the lesser Impressionists, who will say, 'Everything goes into your pockets.'"
JLB 584, 3/10/1888: "And those Grand Boulevard gentlemen will only retain their current prestige by forestalling the partly justified criticism of the minor Impressionists, who'll say: 'you're putting everything in your pocket.'"

44. permanent exhibition sites BVG 471, 3/24/1888.

Context:
JLB 589, 3/25/1888: "If Tersteeg was willing -- -- -- . If we do the 3 permanent exhibitions, we'd need a large Seurat for Paris, one for London and one for Marseille."

45. "Tersteeg must be in it" BVG 468, 3/10/1888. The full passage provides much of the support for the text's summary: "I think about this association of artists every day, and the plan has developed further in my mind, but Tersteeg would have to be involved, and a lot depends on that. Nowadays, the artists would probably allow themselves to be persuaded by us, but we can't go ahead before we have Tersteeg's help. Without that we'd be on our own, listening to everybody moaning from morning till night, and each of them individually would be constantly coming to ask for explanations -- axioms -- &c." (JLB 584, 3/10/1888.)

Context:
BVG 468, 3/10/1888: "I am continually thinking about the association of artists, and the plan has developed further in my mind; but Tersteeg must be in it, a lot depends on that."
JLB 584, 3/10/1888: "I think about this association of artists every day, and the plan has developed further in my mind, but Tersteeg would have to be involved, and a lot depends on that."

46. his reputation would attract BVG 468, 3/10/1888. Elsewhere, Vincent cites the additional benefit of Tersteeg's good relationships with collectors: "he has that je ne sais quoi that wins art lovers over. You'll see that what gives self-confidence is knowing people." (JLB 589, 3/25/1888.)

Context:
JLB 584, 3/10/1888: "Nowadays, the artists would probably allow themselves to be persuaded by us, but we can't go ahead before we have Tersteeg's help. Without that we'd be on our own, listening to everybody moaning from morning till night, and each of them individually would be constantly coming to ask for explanations -- axioms -- &c. Shouldn't be surprised if Tersteeg took the view that we can't do without the Grand Boulevard artists -- and if he advised you to persuade them to take the initiative in an association by giving paintings that would become common property and cease to belong to them individually. It seems to me that the Petit Boulevard would be morally obliged to join in response to a proposal from that side."

47. Vincent drafted a letterBVG 465, 2/26/1888-2/28/1888: Vincent did not think much of this letter, however. ("I regretted the state in which I had posted it," he wrote later. "Because you'll have noticed that the idea of getting Tersteeg to take the initiative in introducing the Impressionists to England only came to me when writing the actual letter, and was only partially expressed in a P.S. added afterwards" [JLB 582, 3/2/1888].) He proposed that Theo write his own letter to accompany Vincent's or replace it, giving his brother permission even to "burn it" (JLB 580, 2/27/1888). Whether or not Theo sent Vincent's letter is an open question.

Context:
JLB 580, 2/27/1888: "So you'll have to talk to Tersteeg about it first, and to save you the trouble of writing a long letter it is I who have written it this time."

48. to outmaneuver Reid BVG 465, 2/26/1888-2/28/1888: Vincent suggests an elaborate plan for Theo to "pull rank" on Reid, via his Boussod & Valadon connection. The only problem with this Machievellian plan, of course, is that Tersteeg's support is critical.

Context:
JLB 580, 2/27/1888: "I thought we had to make an effort from this end, because we'll have Reid through [Elbert Jan] Van Wisselingh and Van Wisselingh through Tersteeg. ... You know that Van W. has married the daughter of the Glasgow picture dealer who's in competition with Reid. If Reid takes the Impressionists, if he finds a way of starting up there, and if he tries to do that against the rest of us, from that moment we're entitled to let his opponent over there know what's going on. But if Wisselingh ever gets involved, and especially if today or tomorrow you have a chat with W., Tersteeg could immediately complain: why did you, esteemed employee of our firm, who handles the Impressionists, not tell me what was going on?" (Emphasis in original.)

49. "[You] could easily dispose" BVG 465, 2/26/1888-2/28/1888. Vincent summarizes his letter to Tersteeg in his letter to Theo: "I've said in a postscript [of the letter to Tersteeg], namely that in view of the low prices compared with the interest the paintings present, Tersteeg should easily be able to sell about fifty in Holland" (JLB 580, 2/27/1888).

Context:
BVG 465, 2/26/1888-2/28/1888: "I have said in the postscript that in view of the low prices compared with the interest the pictures offer, Tersteeg could easily dispose of fifty or so for us in Holland."
JLB 580, 2/27/1888: "I've said in a postscript, namely that in view of the low prices compared with the interest the paintings present, Tersteeg should easily be able to sell about fifty in Holland."

50. sent Theo the letter BVG 465, 2/26/1888-2/28/1888: Vincent approaches this plan with uncharacteristic cautiousness. "To save you the trouble of writing a long letter it is I who have written it this time," he wrote (JLB 580, 2/27/1888). Rather than demanding Theo's cooperation in the approach to Tersteeg, he entreats deferentially: "Would you read the letter I've written to Mr. Tersteeg -- and would you send it to him with a letter from you if you judge the move is right" (ibid.; emphasis added). Apparently concerned that Theo not jeopardize his position at Boussod & Valadon, which was crucial to Vincent's overall plan, he advises Theo to tread carefully: "Fed as I am by you -- and as you draw your own income from the firm of Boussod Valadon & Cie, I don't want to do anything against the firm" (ibid.). While he gives Theo advice on what to do if Tersteeg does not immediately cooperate (enlist their old colleague Wisselingh to be a partner in England), he worries that this might raise hackles with the Boussod & Valadon management, Tersteeg in particular: "Tersteeg could immediately complain: why did you, esteemed employee of our firm, who handles the Impressionists, not tell me what was going on?" (ibid.).

Of course, this may have been just a more subtle argument for approaching Tersteeg first, in case Theo was hesitant to do so. Vincent presents Theo with a variety of options for action, each representing a different level of commitment to the project: he can send Vincent's letter, add his own thoughts, or just talk to Tersteeg about the idea. In a dramatic touch, he offers his brother this unusual license: "If, though, you think the letter is badly timed you have my full permission to burn it" (ibid.).

Context:
JLB 580, 2/27/1888: "Would you read the letter I've written to Mr. Tersteeg -- and would you send it to him with a letter from you if you judge the move is right."

51. Tersteeg would soon visit BVG 468, 3/10/1888.

Context:
JLB 584, 3/10/1888: "I very much hope that Tersteeg will come to Paris soon."

52. "grand tour" BVG 465, 2/26/1888-2/28/1888.

Context:
BVG 465, 2/26/1888-2/28/1888: "Tersteeg must see plenty of them for himself first, and that is why it is desirable that you should take him on a grand tour of the studios, and explain to him the whole importance of the business as you go."
JLB 580, 2/27/1888: "Tersteeg will have to see a lot for himself first, and that's why a grand tour of the studios is a good idea at this point; you'll explain to him the whole importance of the matter as you go round."

53. "Has that confounded Tersteeg" BVG 467, 3/9/1888.

Context:
BVG 467, 3/9/1888: " Has that confounded Tersteeg written you yet? All to the good if he has."
JLB 583, 3/9/1888: " Has that bloody man Tersteeg written to you? That'll do us good anyway -- don't worry."

54. plotting an elaborate scheme The schemes not described in the text include (1) urging Theo to add a "P.S." to a business communication with Tersteeg to say "that you're quite surprised that he hasn't let you know that he received the letter in question" (JLB 585, 3/16/1888); (2) pushing Tersteeg into agreement by planting a rumor that Alexander Reid was plotting to take the English business away from him (JLB 591, 4/1/1888); (3) sending a number of his paintings to friends and family in Holland, including not only the "souvenir" dedicated to Anton Mauve for his cousin Jet (Pink Peach Tree in Blossom [F 394 JH 1379]), but also a painting dedicated to George Hendrik Breitner, a friend of Tersteeg's (JLB 592, 4/3/1888). This initiative, which Vincent himself refers to as "a plan of attack," included giving two of his paintings of Montmartre to the "modern museum" in The Hague (ibid.). His design, pathetic in its desperate bluntness, was to rain as many paintings as possible on his homeland in hopes that Tersteeg might see one or more of them by chance. He apparently did not follow through on dedicating a still life (Still Life with Basket and Six Oranges [F 395 JH 1363]) to Breitner, however. Any or all of these stratagems may have been the ones Vincent referred to in a letter from early March when he wrote Theo that he was going to "start work on 4 or 5 things" in the effort to persuade Tersteeg to support his ambitious plans (JLB 584, 3/10/1888). 55. "If he doesn't answer" BVG 467, 3/9/1888.

Context:
BVG 467, 3/9/1888: " If he doesn't answer, he will hear of us all the same, and we shall see to it that he can find no fault with our actions."
JLB 583, 3/9/1888: " If he doesn't reply, he'll hear people talking about us all the same, and we'll make sure he has nothing to fault in what we do."

56. dedicating a pictureBVG 467, 3/9/1888: For Vincent's complete plan. Note that this is not the same plan to send a painting to Jet Mauve that Vincent hatches a month later, nor does he identify any particular painting at this time. At the end of March, he seems to have the same idea all over again prompted by a letter from sister Wil enclosing Mauve's obituary from a Dutch paper: "I received from our sister a piece in Dutch dedicated to Mauve's memory, with his portrait (really good, the portrait), the text poor and saying nothing -- pretty etching. But something or other grabbed hold of me and made my throat tight with emotion, and I wrote on my painting [Pink Peach Tree in Blossom (Reminiscence of Mauve), F 394 JH 1379] Souvenir de Mauve Vincent & Theo and if you think it's good as it stands we'll send it to Mrs. Mauve in both our names." (JLB 591, 4/1/1888.) Despite his protests to the contrary (see Ch. 30, n. 245), his motivations are, once again, almost entirely mercenary. The condolence "gift" represents one part of a larger strategy for winning Tersteeg's favor by planting works of art among his friends and associates.

Context:
JLB 583, 3/9/1888: "For example, we'll send Mrs Mauve a painting in memory of Mauve with a letter as well from us both in which, if Tersteeg doesn't reply, we won't say a word against him but we'll make it understood that we don't deserve to be treated as though we were dead."

57. had died recently Anton Mauve died in Arnhem on February 5, 1888, seven months short of his fiftieth birthday on September 18. 567 58. Mauve's dear friend Tersteeg BVG 471, 3/24/1888.

Context:
JLB 589, 3/25/1888: "Tersteeg was a personal friend of Mauve and many others."

59. "We do not deserve" BVG 467, 3/9/1888. This is the whole plan: "Has that bloody man Tersteeg written to you? That'll do us good anyway -- don't worry. If he doesn't reply, he'll hear people talking about us all the same, and we'll make sure he has nothing to fault in what we do. For example, we'll send Mrs. Mauve a painting in memory of Mauve with a letter as well from us both in which, if Tersteeg doesn't reply, we won't say a word against him but we'll make it understood that we don't deserve to be treated as though we were dead. In fact, it's likely that Tersteeg won't be predisposed against us after all." (JLB 583, 3/9/1888.)

Context:
BVG 467, 3/9/1888: "For instance, we will send a picture to Mrs. Mauve in memory of Mauve, with a letter from both of us, in which, supposing Tersteeg does not reply, we shall not say a word against him, but we will manage to convey that we do not deserve to be treated as if we were dead."
JLB 583, 3/9/1888: "For example, we'll send Mrs. Mauve a painting in memory of Mauve with a letter as well from us both in which, if Tersteeg doesn't reply, we won't say a word against him but we'll make it understood that we don't deserve to be treated as though we were dead."

60. "You'll see that he'll" BVG 471, 3/24/1888.

Context:
BVG 471, 3/24/1888: "Then too, it is much simpler for him to have only you to write to, and as far as I am concerned, unless he thinks my stuff hopelessly bad, you'll see that he'll write me a line as soon as he has seen what I've done …"
JLB 589, 3/25/1888: "And it's much more practical for him having only to write to you, and as far as I'm concerned, if he doesn't think what I'm doing is utterly bad, you'll see, he'll write me a line as soon as he's seen my work."

61. his vision of ultimate victory BVG W3, 3/30/1888: Vincent was so convinced that Theo's (and his) overture would succeed in winning Tersteeg to the brothers' enterprise -- or so lost in a delusion of hope that it would -- that he wrote his sister Wil soon after the painting was sent off, proclaiming it a fait accompli.

Context:
JLB 590, 5/30/1888: "To begin with, it gave me an enormous amount of pleasure here that relations have begun between Theo and Mr. Tersteeg in order to make the work of the painters from here whom they call Impressionists known in Holland too."

62. a study from the previous spring BVG 471, 3/24/1888: The paintings that Vincent suggests sending have not been positively identified, but "the Clichy bridge with the yellow sky" is almost certainly The Seine with the Pont de Clichy (F 303 JH 1323). The "field of poppies" could be A Woman Walking in a Garden (F 368 JH 1262), Edge of a Wheatfield with Poppies (F 310a JH 1273), or Green Ears of Wheat (F 562 JH 1483). The painting of "butterflies" is probably Grass and Butterflies (F 460 JH 1676). Theo apparently did send one of Vincent's studies to Tersteeg, or at least he so informed Vincent, who wrote back appreciatively in early April: "With Tersteeg having written to you 'send me some Impressionists, but only paintings you yourself think are among the best,' and you having for your part included one of my paintings in this consignment" (JLB 592, 4/3/1888). Theo included Vincent's The Seine with the Pont de Clichy (F 303 JH 1323) in the consignment of paintings that he sent to Tersteeg in late March 1888. He also sent two works by Monticelli and one work each by Degas, Monet, Sisley, Camille Pissarro, Guillaumin, Gauguin, and Toulouse-Lautrec (JLB 589, n. 4).

Context:
JLB 589, 3/25/1888: "I wouldn't think it a bad idea if you sent Tersteeg one of my studies -- do you mean the Clichy bridge with the yellow sky and two houses reflected in the water? That one, or the butterflies or the field of poppies might do. However, I hope to do better things here."

63. promised better to comeBVG 471, 3/24/1888. (See Ch. 30, n. 62.)

Context:
JLB 589, 3/25/1888: "I wouldn't think it a bad idea if you sent Tersteeg one of my studies -- do you mean the Clichy bridge with the yellow sky and two houses reflected in the water? That one, or the butterflies or the field of poppies might do. However, I hope to do better things here."

64. "We must get our place" BVG 550, 10/10/1888.

Context:
BVG 550, 10/10/1888: "Anyway, we must get our place in the sun without upsetting anyone. And I keep thinking that you haven't the place in the sun that you ought to have, because the Paris work at Goupil's is too exhausting. Then, when I think of that, I get into a mercenary frenzy. Then I want to earn money so that you will be freer to go where you like and do what you like."
JLB 702, 10/10/1888 or 10/11/1888: "Anyway, we'd have to get our share of sunshine without vexing anyone. And I always figure to myself that you don't have your whole share of sunshine, since your work in Paris with the Goupils is too exhausting. So when I think about that, I have a dealer's rage; then I want to earn money so that you can be freer to go and do what you want."

65. submit some of his paintings BVG 466, 3/3/1888: Vincent and Theo have some back and forth about which paintings Theo should submit to the Independents show. At first, Vincent affects a surprising lack of interest in the selection. "About the Independents' exhibition, do whatever you see fit," he writes in early March (JLB 753, 3/29/1889). "What would you say to showing the two large landscapes [Vegetable Gardens at Montmartre (F 316 JH 1246) and Vegetable Gardens in Montmartre: La Butte Montmartre (F 350 JH 1245)] of the Butte Montmartre there? It's all much the same to me." (ibid.) Theo apparently responded with a suggestion that one of the submissions should be the Still Life with French Novels and a Rose (F 359 JH 1332) that Vincent painted in 1887. Vincent agrees without much comment: "I think it's a very good idea that you put the books in the Independents' too" (JLB 584, 3/10/1888).

The first sign of Vincent's real excitement at this opportunity comes when he suggests renaming the still life, giving it the kind of pretentious French title that always signaled commercial ambition in the ascendant: "This study should be given the title: 'Parisian novels'" (ibid.). In the next letter, he puts his feigned indifference entirely aside: "All in all I'm very pleased that the paintings are at the Independents" (JLB 585, 3/16/1888). At the end of March, he thanks his brother "very much for all the steps you have taken toward the exhibition of the Independents," and concedes, "all in all I'm really pleased that [my paintings] put them with the other Impressionists" (JLB 589, 3/25/1888). In the end, three of Vincent's paintings were shown: the two Montmartre landscapes (Vegetable Gardens at Montmartre [F 316 JH 1246] and Vegetable Gardens in Montmartre: La Butte Montmartre [F 350 JH 1245]) and the still life (Still Life with French Novels and a Rose [F 359 JH 1332]).

Context:
JLB 554, 1/22/1886: "About the Independents' exhibition, do whatever you see fit. What would you say to showing the two large landscapes of the Butte Montmartre there? It's all much the same to me, I'm inclined to place slightly more hopes in this year's work."

66. annual Salon des IndépendantsTwo months earlier, in January and February 1888, Vincent may have hung a few (unidentified) works in the offices of La Revue Indépendante, along with works by Seurat, Signac, Camille Pissarro and his son Lucien Pissarro. While the magazine was influential in avant-garde circles, the exhibition in its foyer was peripheral (i.e., like the exhibition in the rehearsal hall of the Théâtre-Libre that Vincent participated in in late 1887), and officially unrelated to the Salon des Indépendantes. It is possible, however, that the exhibition in the offices of La Revue Indépendante never took place. In November 1888, Vincent wrote Theo, "So no exhibition at the Revue Indépendante, I make so bold as to believe that Gauguin is of the same opinion. In any case he doesn't at all urge me to do it. … So without our hurrying I'm preparing the wherewithal here to stage a more serious exhibition. But as for the Revue Indépendante I'd ask you to put a complete end to it, the opportunity is too good, and you'll feel that they're completely mistaken if they imagine I'm going to pay to have myself put on show in such a small, dark and above all scheming hole." (JLB 718, 11/10/1888.) 67. the show he mounted The start and end dates of this show are unclear. Rewald (p. 68) puts the show entirely in January 1888, while Stolwijk and Thomson (p. 187) place the start in December 1887. Matthews (p. 95) spreads the show out over both months and elides it with the show of Degas's pastels that is generally dated to January (Stolwijk and Thomson, p. 187). These shadings may reflect the more fluid, commercial nature of "exhibitions" on the entresol, as opposed to annual shows with fixed dates and publicity materials. Gauguin's works were included in both phases of the December-January period, including the latter part, when Degas was added to the mix of offerings (Welsh-Ovcharov, p. 29). 68. Pissarro and GuillauminSee Ch. 30, n. 450. 69. Gauguin, a newcomerSee Chapter 29. 70. selecting the paintingsSee Ch. 30, n. 65. As Zemel points out, Bernard denied Theo credit for Vincent's showing at the fourth Independents show in spring 1888, suggesting that he did not give the selection of works for submission much attention (Zemel, p. 190). "Bernard remarked that [the paintings shown] were 'chosen hastily from a pile by his brother and sent the night before the opening; they scarcely encompassed the features of his most recent work'" (ibid.). But this is no more reliable than most of Bernard's accounts. In addition to the back-and-forth about the selection evident in Vincent's letters (see Ch. 30, n. 65), we have this passage in a letter from Anna van Gogh-Carbentus, indicating that Theo had taken some care in describing the submitted paintings to his mother: "I am very interested in the things you wrote about Vincent and I heartily wish that he would know prosperity and would be blessed and that you will also see his wishes granted. The subjects for his exhibition are quite nice." (b2417 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 3/18/1888.) Anna, characteristically, cannot avoid closing on a note of pessimism: "I think that you are right although [Vincent] doesn't care much what people think of him. But it is a way to make yourself known to many people." (ibid.) 71. discreetlyRewald, Post-Impressionism from Van Gogh to Gauguin, p. 213. (See Ch. 30, n. 72.) 72. "telling us that he had" Rewald, Post-Impressionism from Van Gogh to Gauguin, p. 213: This account of a visit by "a German painter" to the boulevard Montmartre gallery in July 1888, is reported by Rewald. The full account gives a rare first-hand portrait of the young gérant at work: "a young and friendly employee with reddish hair, who did not look at all like a Frenchman, soon began to greet us very cordially like old acquaintances. One could see that there was no great interest in the pictures since the gallery was usually empty. We used to look around and admire the paintings while the young man kept to himself, smiled, and seemed pleased. After a few days he spoke to us, saying that he could see that we were interested in modern art and telling us that he had a brother who was a painter and who lived in the country. Could he show us some of his paintings? From another room he brought some unframed pictures of small size. He stood modestly aside, observing the effect these canvases made on us. We were still under the spell of Monet and now were somewhat perplexed. This was something entirely different, nature seen with a powerful will, decorative, the outlines sometimes drawn with blue color, as in old Japanese woodcuts. The gentleman asked for my opinion; I praised the beautiful pure color, though to my taste there was too much stylization. The friendly gentleman thanked us and carried the paintings back. Often when we subsequently passed his place he was looking through the glass of the door on the boulevard and greeted us with a smile. We only learned much later that his name was Theo van Gogh." 73. "your brother-in-law" b1199 V/1962, "Geffroy, Gustave" to "Gogh, Theo van", 5/29/1888: Letter from Gustave Geffroy to Theo, dated May 29, 1888. "The other day I went into M. [Père] Tanguy's shop just after you had left. I was accompanied by a friend who is interested in purchasing two pictures by Vincent Van Gogh, who would like to see you with regard to this. Would you write please write him a note to arrange an appointment ... In a few days I shall ask you to come with me to Tanguy's shop, where I shall finish looking at your brother-in-law's work and taking my notes. Please do thank M. Bernard for the extracts from the letters, which will be faithfully returned to him."

Jansen, Luijten, and Pabst speculate that Geffroy, a writer and critic, "intended to pen an article on Vincent," although that seems unlikely at this early date (Jansen, Luijten, and Pabst, pp. 27-28). Geffroy's planned return visit to Tanguy's shop to "finish looking at your brother-in-law's work and taking my notes," could refer to a report or letter he planned to write in his capacity as Gallimard's art advisor. If there had been more to this interest, Theo surely would have written Vincent about it and Vincent, in turn, would have trumpeted it back to Theo and others, especially Bernard, since Bernard was obviously involved in making the connection to either Geffroy or Gallimard in the first place. If, as Jansen, Luijten, and Pabst claim, this is an early example of Theo "regard[ing] the letters as an instrument in generating sympathy for his brother's way of thinking," then Theo would more likely have sent excerpts from Vincent's correspondence with him, not from Vincent's letters to Bernard (ibid.). The depth and seriousness of this expression of interest in Vincent's work are probably best gauged by (1) Geffroy's ignorance about the fraternity of Vincent and Theo, (2) the fact that nothing ever came of it, and (3) it did not, apparently, merit a mention in Theo's letters to Vincent, although Vincent did read a review by Geffroy of the Monet show on the entresol, which he then sent to Russell (JLB 650, 7/29/1888).

74. "the gray days offer" b0914 V/1962, "Gogh, Theo van" to "Gogh, Willemina van", 2/24/1888. This report may echo the complaint Vincent wrote Theo in the first week of March: "I haven't yet been able to work in comfort and in the warm" (JLB 583, 3/9/1888). 75. a muddy, rutted road Landscape with Snow, F 290 JH 1360, February 1888, oil on canvas, 15 by 18.1 inches, 38 by 46 cm., Solomon R. Guggenheim Museum, New York. Pickvance believes that this painting was the first landscape, and perhaps the first image, that Vincent painted in Arles (Pickvance, p. 43). He believes this is the painting Vincent refers to as "a landscape with snow" in his first report of painting in the south (JLB 578, 2/24/1888). 76. the Arles skyline Snowy Landscape with Arles in the Background, F 391 JH 1358, February 1888, oil on canvas, 19.7 by 23.6 inches, 50 by 60 cm., Private collection, London. Pickvance believes this is the second landscape in the snow that Vincent mentions in a letter from early March (Pickvance, p. 43): "There's a hard frost here, and out in the country there's still snow -- I have a study of a whitened landscape with the town in the background" (JLB 582, 3/2/1888). He guesses that the "wooden construction" in the foreground of the picture might be a "blind for a wildfowler" (Pickvance, p. 43). 77. a visit to Signac's home BVG 469, 3/14/1888: Vincent wrote in response to a good report on the visit to see Signac, apparently Theo's second.

Context:
JLB 585, 3/16/1888: "You'll do well to go and see Signac at his place. I was very pleased at what you wrote in today's letter, that he made a better impression on you than the first time."

78. "I congratulate you" BVG 468, 3/10/1888.

Context:
BVG 468, 3/10/1888: " I congratulate you on purchasing the Seurat; with what I shall send you, you must try to arrange another exchange with Seurat as well."
JLB 584, 3/10/1888: " Congratulations on buying the Seurat -- with what I send you you'll have to try to make an exchange with Seurat as well."

568 79. to profit lavishly Stolwijk and Thomson, p. 110: Of the fourteen paintings Theo bought in 1887 at a cost of 19,300 francs, eleven sold within a year, according to Stolwijk and Thomson. "Having cost the company 15,500 francs they realised 21,700, a profit of some 25 per cent." 80. Monet sent reports b1161 V/1962, ''Monet, Claude'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 12/29/1888. 81. Theo's anticipation BVG 483, 5/7/1888: That Theo conveyed his excitement about Monet's work and the upcoming show on the entresol is apparent in a letter Vincent wrote his brother in early May. This passage also supports the text's inference that Vincent felt himself in a sort of competition, albeit unsuccessfully, with Monet for Theo's favor, and picked his subject matter in Arles accordingly.

Context:
JLB 605, 5/7/1888: "You'll see beautiful things at Claude Monet's. And you'll think what I send you is pretty poor, in comparison."

82. undoubtedly reached VincentSee Ch. 30, n. 28. 83. A tide of buttercups In a letter from May, Vincent refers to "a meadow full of very yellow buttercups" (JLB 609, 5/12/1888). In Still Life: Bowl with Daisies (F 591 JH 1429), Vincent painted a still life of daisies. 84. Hedgerows sprouted roses BVG 488, 5/15/1888: They were not, however, the kind of roses Vincent expected to find.

Context:
JLB 610, 5/14/1888: "You know that we saw a magnificent rose garden by Renoir. I imagined I would find similar subjects here, ... To find more of Renoir's gardens you'd probably have to go towards Nice. I've seen very few roses here, although there are some, among others the big red roses they call Roses de Provence."

85. roadsides, irises BVG 487, 5/12/1888.

Context:
JLB 609, 5/12/1888: "A meadow full of very yellow buttercups, a ditch with iris plants with green leaves, with purple flowers, the town in the background, some grey willow trees -- a strip of blue sky."

86. the changeable weather allowed BVG 469, 3/14/1888.

Context:
JLB 585, 3/16/1888: "The weather's changeable, often windy and cloudy skies."

87. his heavy load of equipment Pickvance, p. 46: Pickvance surmises, and we agree, that Vincent "must have used his perspective frame, as he mentioned doing in several landscapes finished just before he started the orchards." 88. the tree-lined road BVG 469, 3/14/1888. One of Vincent's earliest paintings from Arles (Avenue of Plane Trees near Arles Station [F 398 JH 1366]) shows this road, either the avenue de Montmajour, which led out of town, or the avenue de la Gare, which led only to the train station.

Context:
JLB 585, 3/16/1888: "Lastly an avenue of plane trees near the station. 12 studies altogether since I've been here."

89. the willowy apricot trees For example: Orchard with Blossoming Apricot Trees, F 555 JH 1380, March 1888, oil on canvas, 25.8 by 31.7 inches, 65.5 by 80.5 cm., Van Gogh Museum, Amsterdam and Apricot Trees in Blossom, F 556 JH 1383, April 1888, oil on canvas, 21.7 by 25.8 inches, 55 by 65.5 cm., Private collection. 90. the wiry, blushing plum trees For example: Orchard in Blossom (Plum Trees), F 553 JH 1387, April 1888, oil on canvas, 21.7 by 25.6 inches, 55 by 65 cm., National Gallery of Scotland, Edinburgh. 91. the stately pears For example: Orchard in Blossom, Bordered by Cypresses, F 554 JH 1388, April 1888, oil on canvas, 12.6 by 15.7 inches, 32 by 40 cm., New York, Collection Richard J. Bernhard and Orchard in Blossom, Bordered by Cypresses, F 513 JH 1389, April 1888, oil on canvas, 25.6 by 31.9 inches, 65 by 81 cm., Kröller-Müller Museum, Otterlo. Vincent refers to the "large pear trees" in these paintings (JLB 597, 4/13/1888). 92. clouds of yellow-white flowers BVG B3, 4/9/1888.

Context:
JLB 596, 4/12/1888: "At present I'm busy with the fruit trees in blossom: pink peach trees, yellow-white pear trees."

93. painted apple and peach trees Pickvance identifies Orchard in Blossom, Bordered by Cypresses (F 513 JH 1389) as the painting Vincent describes as depicting "a very large orchard with a border of cypresses and large pear trees and apple trees" (JLB 597, 4/13/1888; Pickvance, p. 11). The apple is probably the small tree on the left side of the canvas. Orchard with Peach Trees in Blossom (F 551 JH 1396), shows a few trees sequestered behind cane fencing and a larger orchard beyond with a line of protective cypresses at its far border. 94. the densely flowered cherry The work has long been thought to be Orchard in Blossom, F 552 JH 1381, March-April 1888, oil on canvas, 29.1 by 21.7 inches, 74 by 55 cm., The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. But Pickvance disputes the common association of this work with the description Vincent sent Bernard: "I worked one [canvas] to death yesterday, of a cherry tree against blue sky" (JLB 599, 4/19/1888), and with the admission to Theo that he had "worked to death" a big painting "of a cherry tree" (JLB 600, 4/20/1888; Pickvance, p. 48). JLB claim that the painting Vincent "worked to death" has not survived. (See JLB 600, n. 7.) Whether or not this is the painting referred to in these passages, Vincent clearly attempted to paint cherry trees. 95. the elegantly spare almond In addition to the famous Branches of a Blossoming Almond Tree (F 671 JH 1891) from the spring of 1890, Vincent painted two versions of a still life of a small almond branch in a glass of water (Blossoming Almond Branch in a Glass [F 392 JH 1361] and Blossoming Almond Branch in a Glass with a Book [F 393 JH 1362]) in the spring of 1888 as well as a plein-air study of a small almond tree (Almond Tree in Blossom [F 557 JH 1397]). 96. a catalogue of painting styles Pickvance, pp. 45-46: "These distillations of orchards are not uniform in style or technique. Some are almost perversely thin and discreet in brushstroke, even with untouched areas; others have a structural density with impetuously applied impasto; and in one instance (Orchard with Peach Trees in Blossom, F 551 JH 1396, April 1888, oil on canvas, 25.6 by 31.9 inches, 65 by 81 cm., Private collection) an adapted pointillism is used, echoing Seurat's refined harmonies of color." 97. the thin, chalky paint Orchard in Blossom (Plum Trees), F 553 JH 1387, April 1888, oil on canvas, 21.7 by 25.6 inches, 55 by 65 cm., National Gallery of Scotland, Edinburgh. 98. moody tonalities BVG 477a, 4/21/1888. Apricot Trees in Blossom, F 556 JH 1383, April 1888, oil on canvas, 21.7 by 25.8 inches, 55 by 65.5 cm., Private collection. Compare to Russell's Amandiers et ruines en Sicilie (Almond Trees and Ruins in Sicily) from 1887, illustrated in Galbally, plate vi.

Context:
JLB 598, 4/19/1888: "As for me I remain enraptured with the scenery here, am working at a series of blooming orchards. And unvoluntarily thought often of you because you did the same in Sicily. I wished you would one day or another, when I shall send over some work to Paris, exchange a Sicilian study with me -- in case you should have one to spare."

99. "[I] am working at a series" BVG 477a, 4/21/1888.

Context:
JLB 598, 4/19/1888: "I am working at a series of blooming orchards. And unvoluntarily thought often of you because you did the same in Sicily. I wished you would one day or another, when I shall send over some work to Paris, exchange a Sicilian study with me … "

569 100. Russell's Whistlerian tone poemsGalbally discusses the influence of James Abbott McNeill Whistler's work on Russell in the 1880s, prior to his coming to Paris and Fernand Cormon's atelier (Galbally, pp. 21-22). She includes an illustration of a painting of a blossoming tree Russell did in 1886/7 (ibid., p. 23). After his arrival in Paris, Russell became interested in the work of Pierre Puvis de Chavannes for many of the same reasons he was drawn to Whistler. The paintings Galbally illustrates from Russell's trip to Sicily show the influence of both Whistler and de Chavannes (see Ch. 30, n. 98). 101. a stand of peach trees Orchard with Peach Trees in Blossom, F 551 JH 1396, April 1888, oil on canvas, 25.6 by 31.9 inches, 65 by 81 cm., Private collection. 102. "Here is another orchard" BVG B4, 4/21/1888.

Context:
JLB 599, 4/19/1888: "Here's a new orchard, quite simple in composition; a white tree, a small green tree, a square corner of greenery -- a lilac field, an orange roof, a big blue sky."

103. "My brush stroke" BVG B3, 4/9/1888.

Context:
JLB 596, 4/12/1888: "I follow no system of brushwork at all; I hit the canvas with irregular strokes which I leave as they are, impastos, uncovered spots of canvas -- corners here and there left inevitably unfinished -- reworkings, roughnesses; well, I'm inclined to think that the result is sufficiently worrying and annoying not to please people with preconceived ideas about technique."

104. "You know this kind" BVG 475, 4/4/1888.

Context:
BVG 475, 4/4/1888: "The flowering time is over so soon, and you know this kind of subject delights everybody."
JLB 593, 4/3/1888: "The season of orchards in blossom is so short, and you know these subjects are among the ones that cheer everyone up."

105. "really break the ice" BVG 474, 4/9/1888.

Context:
BVG 474, 4/9/1888: "It seems to me that this may really break the ice in Holland."
JLB 594, 4/9/1888: "Because I believe that could perhaps melt the ice in Holland once and for all."

106. "enormous gaiety" BVG 473, 4/2/1888. Tralbaut translates this as "astounding gaity" (Tralbaut, p. 224). In the fall of 1886, soon after arriving in Paris, Vincent wrote Horace Mann Livens describing Provence as "the land of the blue tones and gay colours" (JLB 569, September or October 1886; emphasis in original). He expands on this theme two years later by suggesting that his orchard paintings would not only be full of gaiety, but that he would paint them while in a gay mood: "we need to launch it with all the fervour of the sansculottes, with a French gaiety worthy of the cause we're pleading" (JLB 592, 4/3/1888). This last phrase supports the point of the text that the campaign of paintings in the orchards of Arles was an integral part of the larger offensive on behalf of the brothers' joint enterprise. "Sans-culotte," a term that originally referred to a member of the extreme republican parties at the time of the French Revolution, had by this time become slang for any radical willing to employ extreme means in the pursuit of his cause. Vincent's equating of this approach with "French gaiety" is either arch or idiosyncratic.

Context:
BVG 473, 4/2/1888: "I'm in a fever of work because the trees are in blossom and I want to do a Provençal orchard full of enormous gaiety."
JLB 592, 4/3/1888: "I'm in a fury of work as the trees are in blossom and I wanted to do a Provence orchard of tremendous gaiety."

107. entresol bestsellers like Monticelli BVG 488, 5/15/1888. Earlier (in late March), Vincent invoked Monticelli more indirectly: "That Monticelli would sometimes take a bouquet of flowers in order to put on a single panel the whole range of his richest and most perfectly balanced tones. And that you have to go straight to Delacroix to find such an orchestration of colours." (JLB 589, 3/25/1888.) There is an implied comparison here between Monticelli's flowers and Vincent's orchard paintings, with the connection running through Vincent's flower paintings of the summer of 1886. Both those flower still lifes and the orchard paintings were "in order to put on a single panel the whole range of his richest and most perfectly balanced tones" (ibid.). Pickvance describes Vincent's orchard paintings as "immense still lifes of blossom en plein air" (Pickvance, p. 45).

Context:
JLB 610, 5/14/1888: "The other day I saw a subject just like Monticelli's beautiful landscape with the poplars that we saw at Reid's."

108. Impressionist luminaries like Renoir BVG 488, 5/15/1888.

Context:
JLB 610, 5/14/1888: "You know that we saw a magnificent rose garden by Renoir. I imagined I would find similar subjects here, and that was indeed the case when the orchards were in blossom."

109. "scheme of decoration" BVG 492, 5/28/1888. Vincent uses a similar phrase the previous month to describe his orchard paintings: "So there are the details of the decoration of orchards in blossom, which I was intending for you" (JLB 597, 4/13/1888).

Context:
BVG 492, 5/28/1888: "The study of the orchard you speak of -- where there is a lot of stippling -- is half of the principal subject for the scheme of decoration. The other half is the study of the same size, without stretchers."
JLB 615, 5/28/1888: "The orchard study you mention -- where there's a lot of stippling -- is half of the main subject of the decoration. The other half is the study in the same format, without a stretching frame."

110. the vast canvases of SeuratBVG 553, 10/14/1888. In a letter from October 1888, Vincent himself cites Seurat's work as inspiration for his new dedication to creating "a decoration" (JLB 704, 10/15/1888). Using the same term he applied to his orchard paintings, he reminisces about the brothers' visit to Seurat's studio at the time of Vincent's departure from Paris in February (see Ch. 30, n. 109).

Context:
JLB 704, 10/15/1888: "But tell me what Seurat's doing. If you see him, tell him on my behalf that I have in progress a decoration which at present amounts to 15 square no. 30 canvases, and which, to make an ensemble, will take at least 15 more, and that in this work on a broader scale it's often the memory of his personality and of the visit that we made to his studio to see his beautiful big canvases that gives me courage in this task."

570 111. a series of triptychs BVG 477, 4/13/1888. Steven, Boyle-Turner, Dorn, Jirat-Wasiutynski, and Vogelaar, suggest that this arrangement was suggested to Vincent by Bernard who, in April 1888, "sent him some sketches of a decoration consisting probably of three parts 'one representing flowers, another trees, another fields'" (Steven, Boyle-Turner, Dorn, Jirat-Wasiutynski, and Vogelaar, p. 38).

Context:
JLB 597, 4/13/1888: "You can see from the four squares on the other side that the three orchards go together, more or less. I now also have a small pear tree, vertical, also flanked by two other horizontal canvases. That will make 6 canvases of orchards in blossom. At the moment I'm trying to finish them a little every day, and to make them go together. I dare hope for 3 more, also going together, but those are still only in the state of embryos or fetuses." (Emphasis in original.)

112. "matching"BVG 477, 4/13/1888. (See Ch. 30, n. 111.)

Context:
BVG 477, 4/13/1888: "I dare hope for three more, matching in the same way, but so far they have got no further than embryos or fetuses."
JLB 597, 4/13/1888: "I dare hope for 3 more, also going together, but those are still only in the state of embryos or fetuses."

113. a scheme he illustratedBVG 477, 4/13/1888. (See Ch. 30, n. 116.) 114. "touching up"BVG 477, 4/13/1888. (See Ch. 30, n. 111.)

Context:
BVG 477, 4/13/1888: "I am now trying every day to touch them up and give them a certain unity."
JLB 597, 4/13/1888: "At the moment I'm trying to finish them a little every day, and to make them go together."

115. "give them a certain unity"BVG 477, 4/13/1888. (See Ch. 30, n. 111.)

Context:
BVG 477, 4/13/1888: "I am now trying every day to touch them up and give them a certain unity."
JLB 597, 4/13/1888: "At the moment I'm trying to finish them a little every day, and to make them go together."

116. "a final scheme of decoration" BVG 477, 4/13/1888.

Context:
BVG 477, 4/13/1888: "You see, we may consider this year's nine canvases as the first design for a final scheme of decoration a great deal bigger (it would consist of size 25 and 12 canvases), which would be carried out along just the same lines next year at the same season."
JLB 597, 4/13/1888: "You understand that we're free to consider the 9 canvases as the initial idea for a much larger, definitive decoration (this one consists of no. 25 and no. 12 canvases), which would be done after exactly the same subjects, at the same time next year."

117. a series of nine canvasesBVG 477, 4/13/1888. (See Ch. 30, n. 116.)

Context:
JLB 597, 4/13/1888: "I'd really like to do this group of 9 canvases."

118. "Take these three" BVG 485, 5/10/1888.

Context:
JLB 607, 5/10/1888: "So take these three for your collection at home and don't sell them because later on they'll be worth 500 each."

119. "If we had fifty" BVG 485, 5/10/1888.

Context:
JLB 607, 5/10/1888: "If we had 50 like that put aside, then I'd breathe a bit more easily."

120. Stomach disorders BVG 474, 4/9/1888. Vincent's efforts at better eating ("2 eggs in the morning") didn't help (JLB 600, 4/20/1888). "My stomach's very weak," he reported in late April, while protesting that, "I'm in fact already much better than in Paris" (ibid.; emphasis in original). In a contemporaneous letter to Bernard, Vincent is more specific about his illness ("first I have to get over a stomach ailment of which I'm the happy owner"), and more negative about his prognosis: "although I'm recovering, I'm recovering slowly, and I regret not having been a little more prudent beforehand. But who can do anything in a bloody winter like this one, because it was a preternatural winter. So see that your blood's good beforehand; with the bad food here it's difficult to regain that." (JLB 599, 4/19/1888.) Vincent's stomach problem was still not resolved when he wrote Theo on his birthday, May 1: "I wouldn't be afraid of anything unless it was this bloody health. And yet I'm better than in Paris, and if my stomach has become terribly weak that's a problem I picked up there, ... I'm very weak." (JLB 602, 5/1/1888.)

Context:
JLB 594, 4/9/1888: "But I've had a terribly weak stomach since I've been here, well, that's probably a matter of a lot of patience."

121. fevers BVG 469, 3/14/1888.

Context:
JLB 585, 3/16/1888: "Is your health good? As far as mine goes, it's better, but eating's a real chore as I have a fever and no appetite, but it's just a passing thing and a question of patience."

122. general weakness BVG 469, 3/14/1888. In a later letter (from May), Vincent complains about "times of physical weakness" (JLB 602, 5/1/1888).

Context:
JLB 585, 3/16/1888: "Here I'm seeing new things, I'm learning, and being treated with a bit of gentleness, my body isn't refusing me its services."

123. toothaches BVG 480, 5/1/1888: When Vincent lists the "difficulties" of the future, toothaches rank high on his list. Vincent's bitter complaints about not being able to find "some very strong broth" in Arles or soft foods like macaroni and potatoes, also point to problems with chewing and swallowing, suggesting mouth sores and sensitive teeth (JLB 602, 5/1/1888).

Context:
JLB 602, 5/1/1888: "It's not in black that I see the future, but I see it bristling with many difficulties, and at times I wonder if these won't be stronger than I am. This is especially so at times of physical weakness, and last week I suffered from a toothache that was so agonizing that it made me waste time quite in spite of myself."

124. "a real ordeal" BVG 469, 3/14/1888. Vincent's comment in a later letter that he prefers "very strong broth," meaning soup that is thick with nutrients but doesn't require chewing ("that would get me going right away," he says), probably constitutes an admission about mouth sores and bad teeth (JLB 602, 5/1/1888).

Context:
BVG 469, 3/14/1888: "I am better myself, except that eating is a real ordeal, as I have a touch of fever and no appetite, but it's only a question of time and patience."
JLB 585, 3/16/1888: "As far as mine goes, it's better, but eating's a real chore as I have a fever and no appetite, but it's just a passing thing and a question of patience."

125. flirted yet again with self-starvation BVG 478, 4/21/1888. In another letter, Vincent makes a similar claim about the consumption of meat in the Midi: "And now [Dr. David] Gruby -will give you a heavy meat diet over there. Here, for myself, I couldn't take very much, and it's not necessary here." (JLB 611, 5/20/1888.) Based on his interviews with surviving locals thirty years later, Coquiot reports: "As soon as he arrived in Arles, his life would be hard; he would go for days without eating any real food, eating bread dipped into coffee; and once he had money from Theo and he could finally get something to eat" (Coquiot, p. 165).

Context:
JLB 600, 4/20/1888: "Anyway, it seems you don't exactly need a vast amount of food here, and on this occasion I also really wanted to tell you that I'm increasingly doubtful about the truth of the legend of Monticelli's absorbing huge quantities of absinthe."

126. complained of absentmindedness BVG 479, 4/24/1888: In late April, Vincent admitted addressing a letter to Theo using the old rue Laval address instead of the rue Lepic address. This "classic case" suggests Vincent considered this a defining and readily recognizable characteristic of his -- although, apparently, he still considered it harmless and without significance. That was still Vincent's attitude -- or, at least, his posture -- when he reported to Theo in late June: "But when I come back from a session like that I can assure you my brain is so tired that ... I become totally distracted and incapable of a whole lot of ordinary things" (JLB 635, 7/1/1888.) There are other examples of absent-mindedness of which Vincent was apparently not aware. For example, in a letter to Wil in late March, he reports twice within a short letter about his plan to give a painting to their cousin, Jet Mauve (JLB 590, 5/30/1888).

Context:
JLB 601, 4/25/1888: "I'll start by telling you that the letter you didn't receive was wrongly addressed by me and as such came back to me. I had -- in a moment of distraction -- a classic case -- addressed it rue de Laval instead of rue Lepic."

127. "hopeless wrecks" BVG 483, 5/7/1888. The panic is evident in this query to Theo about a rumor Vincent remembers hearing in Paris that the Belgian painter Henri de Braekeleer "was reduced to helplessness by a brain disease that had completely stupefied him. I like to think it's not true. Have you heard about it?" (JLB 605, 5/7/1888.)

Context:
BVG 483, 5/7/1888: "That fellow who came to Paris from the Vingtistes, you remember, Los Rios de Guadalquivir [Dario de Regoyos y Valdés], or something even more sonorous, declared that De Braekeleer had been reduced to utter helplessness by a disease of the brain that had left him a hopeless wreck. I should like to think it isn't true. Have you heard of it?"
JLB 605, 5/7/1888: "The chap who came to Paris on behalf of Les Vingt, you know, Los Rios de Guadalquivir or an even more sonorous name than that, made out that De Braekeleer was reduced to helplessness by a brain disease that had completely stupefied him. I like to think it's not true. Have you heard about it?

128. "diseases of the brain"BVG 483, 5/7/1888. (See Ch. 30, n. 127 and n. 129.)

Context:
BVG 483, 5/7/1888: "That fellow who came to Paris from the Vingtistes, you remember, Los Rios de Guadalquivir, or something even more sonorous, declared that De Braekeleer had been reduced to utter helplessness by a disease of the brain that had left him a hopeless wreck. I should like to think it isn't true. Have you heard of it?"
JLB 605, 5/7/1888: "The chap who came to Paris on behalf of Les Vingt, you know, Los Rios de Guadalquivir or an even more sonorous name than that, made out that De Braekeleer was reduced to helplessness by a brain disease that had completely stupefied him. I like to think it's not true. Have you heard about it?

129. shared disease, syphilis The key to the brothers' code which confirms that the term "brain disease" refers to syphilis is contained in another letter from around the same time (JLB 605, 5/7/1888). It is the only letter in which Vincent explores this subject -- a subject that was either tacitly forbidden at the time or subsequently expurgated from the letters. "I think Gruby's in the right in these cases: eat well, live well, see few women, in a word live in anticipation just as though one already had a brain disease and a disease of the marrow, not to mention neurosis, which really does exist. Certainly that's taking the bull by the horns, which isn't a bad policy. And Degas -- does that and is successful." (JLB 603, 5/4/1888.)

The more detailed phrase Vincent uses here, "a disease of the marrow, not to mention neurosis," is a complete expression of the era's understanding of tertiary syphilis, which was known largely by its symptoms, not its causes. The reference to Degas "succeeding" at warding off or curing syphilis by healthy pre-emptive measures (i.e., "liv[ing] in anticipation just as though one already had a brain disease") could be invoking the well-known fact that despite frequenting brothels both for art and leisure, Degas did not contract syphilis, while his frequent companion in this demimonde, Édouard Manet, famously died of the disease. Vincent's advice to Theo on his treatment for syphilis is vague and contradictory: one minute urging him to obey his doctors, the next minute suborning him to defy them. His advice veers from advocating, as here, a form of denial ("doesn't it do us a tremendous amount of good to listen to the wise advice of [Dr. Louis] Rivet and Pangloss" [ibid.]), to supporting Gruby's elaborate regimens ("I'm inclined to believe [Gruby] exaggerates your heart condition a bit, to the detriment of the need to treat you rigorously for your nervous system" [JLB 613, 5/26/1888]). Pangloss, of couse, was the caricature of an overly optimistic philosopher in Voltaire's Candide.

130. "curses" BVG 480, 5/1/1888.

Context:
BVG 480, 5/1/1888: "I should he afraid of nothing if it wasn't for my cursed health."
JLB 602, 5/1/1888: "I wouldn't be afraid of anything unless it was this bloody health."

131. "damnable winter"BVG B4, 4/21/1888. (See Ch. 30, n. 120.) In a letter to Wil in late February, Vincent protested the wintery weather that had followed him from Paris to Arles: "You see that I've gone somewhat further to the south -- I've seen only too clearly that I cannot prosper with either my work or my health in the winter" (JLB 579, 2/24/1888). As evidence that Vincent's health was not much improved by the trip south, we have Theo's report to Wil from late February: "the gray days lately have offered little subject matter. In addition the cold makes him sick." (b0914 V/1962, "Gogh, Theo van" to "Gogh, Willemina van", 2/24/1888.)

Context:
BVG B4, 4/21/1888: "This was the case with me, and although I am recovering, I am recovering slowly, and I regret not having been a bit more careful beforehand. But not such a damnable winter as the past one -- what was there to be done? -- for it was a superhuman winter."
JLB 599, 4/19/1888: "That was the case with me, and although I'm recovering, I'm recovering slowly, and I regret not having been a little more prudent beforehand. But who can do anything in a bloody winter like this one, because it was a preternatural winter."

132. bad wine in Paris BVG 480, 5/1/1888.

Context:
JLB 602, 5/1/1888: "And yet I'm better than in Paris, and if my stomach has become terribly weak that's a problem I picked up there, probably due mainly to the bad wine, of which I drank too much."

133. "stimulants" BVG 474, 4/9/1888. "Without having recourse to stimulants to get my blood circulating, my constitution won't be taxed so much all the same" (JLB 594, 4/9/1888).

Context:
BVG 474, 4/9/1888: "The air here certainly does me good. I wish you could fill your lungs with it; one effect it has on me is comical enough -- one small glass of brandy makes me tipsy here, so that as I don't have to fall back on stimulants to make my blood circulate, there will be less strain on my constitution."
JLB 594, 4/9/1888: "The air here is definitely doing me good, I could wish you deep lungfuls of it. One of its effects is quite funny, one small glass of cognac goes to my head down here, so without having recourse to stimulants to get my blood circulating, my constitution won't be taxed so much all the same."

134. "When I stopped drinking" BVG 481, 5/3/1888; emphasis added: We have slightly altered Bonger's translation.

Context:
BVG 481, 5/3/1888: " When I stopped drinking when I stopped smoking so much, when I began to think again instead of trying not to think -- Good Lord, the depression and the prostration of it!"
JLB 603, 5/4/1888: " When I stopped drinking, when I stopped smoking so much, when I started reflecting on things again instead of trying not to think -- my God, what melancholias and what dejection."

135. he took to his bed BVG 486, 5/10/1888. Vincent reports this period of illness indirectly, belatedly, almost inadvertently, it seems, in explaining his fights with his landlord at the Restaurant-Hotel Carrel over his bill.

Context:
JLB 608, 5/10/1888: "For their present bill they're basing themselves on a period when I was paying them more (when I was ill and had asked them for better wine)."

136. "I was so exhausted" BVG 486, 5/10/1888.

Context:
BVG 486, 5/10/1888: "First I had a period of absolutely absorbing work, then I was so exhausted and so ill that I did not feel strong enough to live alone, and I let things slide too much. They have calculated yesterday's bill from the time when I was paying them more because I was sick, and had asked them for better wine."
JLB 608, 5/10/1888: "First I had an absolutely consuming period of work and then I was so worn out and ill that I didn't feel I had the strength to go and live on my own -- and I've put up with things too much, for their present bill they're basing themselves on a period when I was paying them more (when I was ill and had asked them for better wine)."

137. "During my journey" BVG 463, 2/21/1888.

Context:
JLB 577, 2/21/1888: "During the journey I thought at least as much about you as about the new country I was seeing. But I tell myself that you'll perhaps come here often yourself later on."

138. "recuperate and get one's tranquility" BVG 464, 2/25/1888.

Context:
BVG 464, 2/25/1888: ""It seems to me almost impossible to work in Paris unless one has some place of retreat where one can recuperate and get one's tranquillity and poise back. Without that, one would get hopelessly stultified."
JLB 577, 2/21/1888: "It seems to me almost impossible to be able to work in Paris, unless you have a refuge in which to recover and regain your peace of mind and self-composure. Without that, you'd be bound to get utterly numbed."

571 139. "Oh! It seems to me" BVG 476, 4/11/1888.

Context:
JLB 595, 4/11/1888: "Ah, it seems to me more and more that people are the root of everything, …"

140. "The appearance of things" BVG 488, 5/15/1888.

Context:
BVG 488, 5/15/1888: "I was expecting to find subjects like that here, and indeed, it was that way while the orchards were in bloom. Now the appearance of things has changed and become much harsher."
JLB 610, 5/14/1888: "I imagined I would find similar subjects here, and that was indeed the case when the orchards were in blossom. Now the appearance of things has changed and nature has become much harsher."

141. his only laughter in ParisBVG W1, 6/21/1887-12/21/1887. 

Context:
JLB 574, October 1887: "Like me, for instance, who can count so many years in my life when I completely lost all inclination to laugh, leaving aside whether or not this was my own fault, I for one need above all just to have a good laugh. I found that in Guy de Maupassant." (Emphasis in original.)

142. Maupassant's Pierre et Jean BVG 470, 3/18/1888: This curt, tepid, mid-course review didn't change after Vincent finished the book. In October the same year, he came back to the book in criticizing Jean Richepin's Césarine, another dark family drama but set against the apocalyptic violence of the Franco-Prussian War and the millennial anarchy surrounding the Paris Commune. In this bleak context, Vincent recalls Pierre et Jean relatively fondly: "look at Pierre et Jean, they don't end in happiness but anyway, the people are resigned and go on all the same. It doesn't end in so much blood and gore, does it now? I much prefer Guy de Maupassant to Richepin, for being more consoling." (JLB 707, 10/17/1888.) Only panoramic bloodshed could have made the dark doings in Pierre et Jean look "consoling" by comparison. The novel tells the story of two half-brothers (who believe, in chapter one, that they are full brothers) who slowly unravel their family's dark secret of illegitimacy, thus subjecting their family to a long agony of revelations (and dinner table arguments that surely resonated in all the wrong ways with Vincent) that ends only when the legitimate brother suffers expulsion and exile.

Context:
JLB 588, 3/21/1888 or 3/22/1888: "Am reading Pierre et Jean by Guy de Maupassant. It's beautiful …"

143. "lightheartedness" BVG 482, 5/4/1888.

Context:
BVG 482, 5/4/1888: "I should be heartily glad, I say, if a kind of Guy de Maupassant in painting came along to paint the beautiful people and things here lightheartedly."
JLB 604, 5/4/1888: "I'd be, I tell you -- mightily pleased if in painting a man like Guy de Maupassant came along and cheerfully painted the beautiful people and things in these parts."

144. The Zemganno Brothers Vincent does not specifically mention the Goncourts' book at this time, but the Goncourt brothers (Edmond and Jules Huot) are ever-present in his imaginative world. Only roughly a month after finishing Pierre et Jean, Vincent inquires about one of the artists showing at the Salon in 1888: "[Jean-François] Raffaëlli has done a portrait of Edmond de Goncourt, hasn't he? That must be beautiful." (JLB 602, 5/1/1888.) 145. in the book's preface An essay entitled "Le roman" ("The Novel") was published with Pierre et Jean in the 1888 edition. 146. "illusion of the world" Sund, p. 169: We have adopted Sund's translation. See her typically lucid discussion (Sund, pp. 168-170). 147. "He explains the artist's liberty" Sund, pp. 169-170. 148. "You feel that you're alive" BVG 476, 4/11/1888.

Context:
BVG 476, 4/11/1888: "Oh! It seems to me more and more that people are the root of everything, and though it will always be a melancholy thought that you yourself are not in real life, I mean, that it's more worth while to work in flesh and blood itself than in paint or plaster, more worth while to make children than pictures or carry on business, all the same you feel that you're alive when you remember that you have friends who are outside real life as much as you."
JLB 595, 4/11/1888: "Ah, it seems to me more and more that people are the root of everything, and although it remains for ever a melancholy feeling not to find oneself in real life, in the sense that it would be better to work in flesh itself than colour or plaster, in the sense that it would be better to make children than to make paintings or to do business, at the same time you feel you're living when you consider that you have friends among those who themselves aren't in real life either."

149. "I would rather fool myself" BVG 470, 3/18/1888.

Context:
BVG 470, 3/18/1888: "That doesn't mean that I'd feel at home in an artistic world, but that I would rather fool myself than feel alone. And I think I should feel depressed if I did not fool myself about everything."
JLB 588, 3/21/1888 or 3/22/1888: "This doesn't mean I'd feel at home in an artistic world, but it means I prefer to make fun of myself than to feel lonely. And I think I'd feel sad if I didn't see the funny side of everything."

150. meals in his room BVG 507, 6/29/1888: By "at home," Vincent could have been referring to eating his meals downstairs in the restaurant rather than in his room, but the passage appears to indicate that the restaurants were too expensive for regular eating, thus leading to the inference that Vincent bought bread and other food at local shops and ate in his room rather than in the restaurant. Either way, he would have eaten alone.

Context:
JLB 635, 7/1/1888: "The difficulty is to eat at home alone. Restaurants here are expensive because everyone eats at home." (Emphasis in original.)

151. "a toreador crush a testicle" BVG 474, 4/9/1888.

Context:
JLB 594, 4/9/1888: "A toreador crushed one of his balls jumping over the barrier."

152. "dressed in sky blue and gold"BVG 474, 4/9/1888. (See Ch. 30, n. 151.)

Context:
BVG 474, 4/9/1888: "He was dressed in sky blue and gold, just like the little horseman in our Monticelli, the three figures in a wood."
JLB 594, 4/9/1888: "He was dressed in sky-blue and gold, just like the little horseman in our Monticelli with the 3 figures in a wood."

153. "our Monticelli"BVG 474, 4/9/1888. (See Ch. 30, n. 151.)

Context:
BVG 474, 4/9/1888: "He was dressed in sky blue and gold, just like the little horseman in our Monticelli, the three figures in a wood."
JLB 594, 4/9/1888: "He was dressed in sky-blue and gold, just like the little horseman in our Monticelli with the 3 figures in a wood."

154. gay avant-garde paletteSee Ch. 30, n. 106. 572 155. "Fifty or more military men" BVG B4, 4/21/1888.

Context:
JLB 599, 4/19/1888: "… a good fifty or so red soldiers and black civilians, with faces of a magnificent yellow or orange (what tones in the faces down here), the women in sky-blue, in vermilion, everything that's of the purest and gaudiest. All of it in yellow light."

156. Greek settlers Druick and Zegers, p. 100: The Greek colony on the site of Arles dates from the sixth century BCE. Caird, who wrote a history of Arles c. 1900, maintained that "of the Greek colony a few marbles remain, and a few words. The Provençal herdsmen in the mountains call their bread arto, from the Greek αρτσς? The sea also is pelagre (πελαγσς), and there are a few more as obviously or more indirectly derived." (Caird, pp. 164-165.) Cook suggests that the Celts, another wandering tribe, might have preceded the Greeks and Phoenicians at the same felicitous site on the Rhône delta (Cook, p. 323). Caird acknowledges as much in her discussion of the dispute over the origin of the city's name: "Some see in it a Greek origin, Agns, others regard it as Latin, Ara lata (raised altar), because the Romans there found an altar consecrated to Diana of the Ephesians by the Phocaeans of Marseilles … others as Celtic Ar-lath, moist place, on account of its marshes." (Caird, p. 160.) 157. Phoenician traders Cook pp. 322-324. 158. Roman legionnairesCook pp. 152-153: Both Julius Caesar and Augustus Caesar visited Arles (the latter paid a two-year visit to Provence) (Cook, p. 241). According to some sources, the Emperor Constantine the Great considered moving his capital to Arles (see Ch. 30, n. 166) and in 418 CE the Byzantine emperor Honorius chose Arles as "a place of national assembly" because of its central location and easy accessibility (ibid., p. 161). As Cook points out, Arles not only felt the boots of Roman legions, it also filled those boots (ibid., p. 152). Many horsemen in the Imperial cavalry were recruited from the area. 159. Visigoth invaders Cook pp. 322-324. 160. Byzantine governors Cook pp. 322-324. 161. Saracen conquerors Cook pp. 322-324. 162. crusader armies Cook pp. 160-161: Cook points out a reference in the account of the English chronicler Roger de Hoveden (Howden) "describing the course of the English fleet to Palestine, say[ing] that it touched at St. Gilles, at Arles, and at Marseilles; all apparently being equally accessible [by sea]." The reference is to the Third Crusade, led by King Richard I of England "Lionheart" from 1189 to 1192. 163. The Carthaginian Hannibal Cook pp. 48-49: Cook reports that a "fierce battle" between Hannibal's (248-183/2 BCE; Carthaginian general) forces and the advance guard of the Roman general Scipio took place near Tarascon, only ten miles from Arles. The same two protagonists went on, of course, to fight one of the most famous battles in the history of warfare, Cannae, in 216 BCE. 164. "the Rome of Gaul" Pickvance, p. 13: Roma gallula. The Roman city of Arles was founded by Julius Caesar in 46 BCE. 165. a group of Jesus' familySilverman, pp. 51-52. 166. bequeathed a legacy in stone Cook pp. 236-237: Cook includes an elaborate description of Roman Arles, pp. 236-248. Among the major Roman buildings in Arles were a theater, a circus, a triumphal arch, a bridge, temples, public baths, and the arena, which was France's largest. The Romans also built substantial walls around the city. According to Druick and Zegers, Arles "was said to have been the favorite city of Constantine, who briefly entertained making it the empire's capital" (Druick and Zegers, p. 100). 167. "the great colorful multitudes" BVG B3, 4/9/1888.

Context:
BVG B3, 4/9/1888: "However, the crowd was magnificent, those great colourful multitudes piled up one above the other on two or three galleries, with the effect of sun and shade and the shadow cast by the enormous ring."
JLB 596, 4/12/1888: "But the crowd was magnificent, great multicoloured crowds. One on top of the other on 2, 3 tiers, with the effect of sun and shade and the shadow cast by the immense circle."

168. remains of a Roman theater Cook pp. 166-167: An earlier Greek theater on the same site was replaced by a Roman theater in the Greek style. The famous "Venus of Arles," Greek in origin, was found in the ruins of the theater in 1651. 169. "the most charming and touching" Pickvance, p. 16: Henry James's (1843-1916; American writer) overall assessment of Arles was more closely in line with Vincent's negative one: "As a city, indeed, Arles quite misses its effect in every way; and if it is a charming place, as I think it is, I can hardly tell the reason why." It gives one a sense of what kind of tourist James was (very different from Vincent) that he singles out for special criticism the city's coarsely pebbled streets, "paved with villainous little sharp stones, making all exercise penitential. ... the rugosities of its dirty lanes affect the feet like knife-blades." (ibid.) 170. A virtual island Caird, pp. 162-163: "Arles stands in a wilderness of vast lagoons at the mouth of the Rhône, and in ancient times it could only be reached by water, for the land was all covered with these meres to the foot of the Alpilles. In the time of the Romans and during the Middle Ages these great waters were navigated by the utriculares, or raftsmen, whose flat craft were made of extended skins. ... The raftsmen carried it over the shallow water round the city, and plied a roaring local trade as well." Cook colorfully compares the utriculares of Arles to the gondoliers of Venice, another city built at the throat of a delta and surrounded by lagoons: "The days of the 'utriculaires' passed away when the great lake from Arles to the sea disappeared, and these prehistoric vessels will never be seen again in Provence. Venice has preserved her gondolas, for her canals are with her still. Where the light rafts of early populations carried commerce and civilisation in all directions across the Camargue and the long lagoons of the Rhône delta, there is now only silence, abandonment, and fever." (Cook, p. 31.) 171. vast, triangular delta Cook, pp. 27-28: Cook equates Arles's relationship to the Rhône delta to that of Heliopolis on the Nile delta, and Venice on the Po delta. In all three cases, the cities "marked the bifurcation of the stream." 172. pushing the sea southward Cook, pp. 30-31: "It is the loss of the navigation of the lower Rhone that has brought down the imperial city of Arles from its old splendour to the pathetic ruin of her ancient greatness, which we know and love to-day. It is possible, even now, to imagine the watery plains which I have described between Arles and the sea." 173. overlooking busy quays Cook, p. 21: During Roman times, according to Cook, Arles was surrounded by a "vast triangular lake, communicating with the Rhône and with the sea ... its waves overpassed what now is the mouth of the Rhône, and dashed against the cliffs of Lunel or of Nîmes, or foamed upon the precipitous rocks of the Alpilles, north and east of Tarascon; above its waters the site of Arles showed slightly, the island of Montmajour rose higher ... " 174. a vista of waving sea grass Pickvance, pp. 12-13. 175. "This is a filthy town" BVG 482, 5/4/1888: We have altered the translation slightly.

Context:
BVG 482, 5/4/1888: " It is a filthy town this, with the old streets."
JLB 604, 5/4/1888: " It's dirty, this town, with its old streets!"

176. "Everything has a blighted"BVG 542, 9/24/1888: This passage is taken from a letter in September 1888, four months after the similar criticism with which it is joined in the text (see Ch. 30, n. 175). It was a critical interval. By the later date, Vincent was fully engaged in his effort to persuade both Theo and Gauguin about the attractiveness of Arles for his planned Studio of the South. For this reason, the later criticism requires a qualification that the previous one did not.

Context:
BVG 542, 9/24/1888: " Everything has a blighted, faded quality about it now. Still, if you look at it for a long time, the old charm re-emerges."
JLB 686, 9/23/1888 or 9/24/1888: " Now it all looks sickly and faded as far as character goes. But if you look at it for a long time, the old charm reveals itself."

177. "[They] all seem to me" BVG 470, 3/18/1888.

Context:
BVG 470, 3/18/1888: "Must I tell the truth and add that the Zouaves, the brothels, the adorable little Arlésiennes going to their first Communion, the priest in his surplice, who looks like a dangerous rhinoceros, the people drinking absinthe, all seem to me to be creatures from another world?"
JLB 588, 3/21/1888 or 3/22/1888: "Must I tell the truth and add that the Zouaves, the brothels, the adorable little Arlésiennes going off to make their first communion, the priest in his surplice who looks like a dangerous rhinoceros, the absinthe drinkers, also seem to me like creatures from another world?"

573 178. a patois almost unintelligible BVG 530, 9/1/1888.

Context:
JLB 672, 9/1/1888: "It makes enormous trouble for me that I don't speak the Provençal patois."

179. deep superstitions were objects Weber, p. 52. 180. Vincent took Daudet's caricature BVG 467, 3/9/1888. The only Tartarin book (from the series by Alphonse Daudet) that Vincent records reading is the second in the series, Tartarin sur les Alpes (Tartarin on the Alps) (1885). He writes about two weeks after arriving in Arles: "I've just read Tartarin sur les Alpes, which I greatly enjoyed" (JLB 583, 3/9/1888). But it is inconceivable that he didn't first read the original book, Aventures prodigieuses de Tartarin de Tarascon (The Fantastic Adventures of Tartarin of Tarascon) (1872). He probably read the two in quick succession (they are short books) immediately upon his arrival in Arles, or even on the train trip from Paris.

Context:
JLB 583, 3/9/1888: "I've just read Tartarin sur les Alpes, which I greatly enjoyed."

181. "simple and artless folk" BVG 514, 7/25/1888: Ironically, Vincent says this in the context of a criticism of two other painters in the area, Dodge MacKnight and Eugène Boch, who, Vincent believed, had "contaminated" the small town near Arles where they lived, Fontvieille. The irony, of course, is that the same simple and artless country folk laughed at and despised Vincent far more than either MacKnight or Boch. As always, Vincent identified contrary strains in the country folk with whom he fancied himself most at home. One minute he describes the natives of Provence as "Zola's small peasants, innocent and gentle beings" (JLB 650, 7/29/1888), the next minute he accuses them of systematically cheating foreigners, like himself (JLB 607, 5/10/1888), and disparages locals (like the postman Joseph Roulin) as "bloody nuisances," "village idlers," and "stiff collars" (JLB 650, 7/29/1888). This contradiction no doubt reflects the friction between his averred experience of country life and his actual experience.

Context:
BVG 514, 7/25/1888: "They contaminate the village; but for that, I'd go there to work often. What one ought to do there is not to talk to the civilized people; now they know the station master and a score of bores, and that is partly why they get nowhere. Naturally these simple and artless country folk laugh at them and despise them."
JLB 650, 7/29/1888: "So they contaminate the village; if it weren't for that, I'd go there often to work there. What one ought to do there is not talk to civilized people; but they know the stationmaster and a score of bloody nuisances, and that's largely why they don't do a damned thing. ... Naturally, these simple and naive people of the fields make fun of them, and despise them."

182. both bemused and disconcerted Vincent met the grocer immediately upon arriving in Arles (JLB 578, 2/24/1888). About a week later, on March 3, he was visited by the grocer and another local amateur artist, a magistrate, presumably in his hotel (JLB 583, 3/9/1888). Vincent reports this visit to Theo as if he were receiving a formal embassy. He writes positively about the magistrate ("seems kind and intelligent" [ibid.]), but is conspicuously silent about the grocer (whose name was Jules Armand]). (JLB indicate that there were two magistrates in Arles: Paul Marre and Eugène Giraud. It is unclear, however, which magistrate was the amateur artist. JLB identify the grocer as Jules Armand. [JLB 585, n. 8.]) That may be because Vincent had already complained about the quality of the canvas that he procured from Armand, and had proposed a trip to Marseille to find better (JLB 578, 2/24/1888). The direct evidence of rancor between the two men comes from the testimony of Armand's wife Joséphine to Coquiot about thirty years later in which she recalls Vincent as "mistrustful" and "aloof" primarily because he would not show his art to her husband: "He didn't want to show his pictures even to my husband and yet he was a painter himself" (Coquiot, p. 164). Oddly, this testimony is echoed fifty-five years later in the account of a 112-year-old woman still living in Arles who supposedly told an interviewer in 1987 that Vincent "was never content with the canvases that this lady sold to him," according to Rentchnick (n.p.). This cannot be Armand's widow, however, since she would have been thirteen in 1888. 183. egg yolks for sizing the canvas Peres, p. 27: Peres reports that egg yolk is the medium of the ground in Orchard with Blossoming Apricot Trees (F 555 JH 1380), one of the paintings for which Vincent is known to have used the canvas prepared by the grocer. We do not know if this was the grocer's usual practice, or if the reason for Vincent's unhappiness with the preparation related to the use of egg yolk as a binding medium in the ground. 184. "a horror and a humbug" BVG 464, 2/25/1888.

Context:
BVG 464, 2/25/1888: "The women here are beautiful, no humbug about that; but on the other hand the museum in Arles is a horror and a humbug, and ought to be in Tarascon. There is also a museum of antiquities, but these are genuine."
JLB 578, 2/24/1888: "The women really are beautiful here, it's no joke -- on the other hand, the Arles museum is dreadful and a joke, and fit to be in Tarascon -- there's also a museum of antiquities, they're genuine."

185. " méfiant" Coquiot, p. 164: Coquiot recorded this recollection of Vincent from the widow of Jules Armand, the grocer/artist who sold him paint supplies. " Oh! Vincent, un hommme tres originel, méfiant, tout rouge, frileux, avec des yeux bleus et une petite barbe rousse. Il ne voulait pas montrer ses toiles même 186. " frileux"Coquiot, p. 164. 187. "always looked as if"Tralbaut, pp. 269-270: We have slightly altered Tralbaut's translation. (See Ch. 30, n. 190.) 188. strange manner and bizarre dress Rentchnick, n.p. 189. " vraiment la laideur personnifiée" Rentchnick, n.p.: This is Rentchnick's summary of the testimony of a one hundred and twelve-year-old woman still living in Arles in 1987: " Van Gogh était vraiment la laideur personnifiée, bizarrement accoutré, de mauvais caractère. (Van Gogh was truly ugliness personified, oddly dressed, of bad character)." 190. "shouted abuse at [him]" Tralbaut, pp. 269-270: Tralbaut records this recollection of a "M. Jullian" who was seventeen at the time Vincent lived in Arles: "I was one of the 'flash lads' of the time. We were a gang of young people between sixteen and twenty, and like a lot of young imbeciles we used to amuse ourselves by shouting abuse at this man when he went past, alone and silent, in his long smock and wearing one of those cheap straw hats that you could buy everywhere. But he had decorated his with ribbons, sometimes blue, sometimes yellow. I remember -- and I am bitterly ashamed of it now -- how I threw cabbage -- stalks at him! What do you expect? We were young, and he was odd, going out to paint in the country, his pipe between his teeth, his big body a bit hunched, a mad look in his eye. He always looked as if he were running away, without daring to look at anyone." 191. "Up to the present" BVG 508, 7/5/1888. Vincent's failure to get along with the citizens of Arles any better than those of Etten or Nuenen may explain why he quickly dropped the idea of doing a series of paintings on the subject of the bullfighting arena as a sequel to the orchard series (JLB 594, 4/9/1888).

Context:
BVG 508, 7/5/1888: "When I came here I hoped it would be possible to make some connection with art lovers here, but up to the present I haven't made the least progress in people's affection. Often whole days pass without my speaking to anyone, except to ask for dinner or coffee. And it has been like that from the beginning."
JLB 636, 7/5/1888: "When I came here I had hoped it would be possible to create art lovers here -- so far, I haven't made a centimetre's progress into people's hearts. So, many days pass without my saying a word to anyone except to order supper or a coffee. And it's been like that from the start."

192. a twenty-nine-year-old DaneChristian Mourier-Petersen was born November 26, 1858. He is often mistakenly referred to in the literature as "Mourier Petersen" because Vincent struggled with his hyphenated last name (JLB 610, 5/14/1888) and never used his first name (see Ch. 30, n. 200). 193. "His work is dry" BVG 469, 3/14/1888.

Context:
BVG 469, 3/14/1888: "I have company in the evening, for the young Danish painter [Mourier-Peterson] who is here is a decent soul: his work is dry, correct and timid, but I do not object to that when the painter is young and intelligent."
JLB 585, 3/16/1888: "I have company in the evening, because the young Danish painter who's here is very nice; his work is dry, correct and timid, but I'm not averse to that when the person is young and intelligent."

194. "I talked to him a lot" BVG 488, 5/15/1888.

Context:
BVG 488, 5/15/1888: " I talked to him a lot about the Impressionists; he knew them all by name or from having seen their pictures, and he is very much interested."
JLB 610, 5/14/1888: " I've talked to him a lot about the Impressionists, all of whom he knew by name or from having seen their paintings, and he's very interested in the subject."

195. Vincent sent glowing accounts BVG 469, 3/14/1888.

Context:
JLB 585, 3/16/1888: "I have company in the evening, because the young Danish painter who's here [Mourier-Peterson] is very nice."

196. painting excursions BVG 476, 4/11/1888: Vincent wrote this, recalling one such trip on a windy day.

Context:
JLB 595, 4/11/1888: "It was so beautiful! My friend the Dane came to join me, and at risk and peril every moment of seeing the whole lot of it on the ground I carried on painting."

197. pedigreed young companionVincent drops many hints of Mourier-Petersen's pedigree -- obviously an important inducement both to impose a relationship and to report that relationship to Theo: He began as a medical student (JLB 585, 3/16/1888); "he has enough money to have an easy time of it" (ibid.); he has good "manners" (JLB 594, 4/9/1888); he "is from a good family" (JLB 613, 5/26/1888); he has "a terrific accent" (JLB 623, 6/12/1888). It is probably no coincidence that the first mention of Vincent's sole aristocratic acquaintance in Paris comes in the context of Mourier-Petersen's impending departure from Arles for Paris: "my friend the Dane, who leaves for Paris on Tuesday, will give you 2 small paintings -- nothing much -- that I'd like to give to Mme the Countess De la Boissière at Asnières" (JLB 611, 5/20/1888). Vincent also conveys Mourier-Petersen's cultured good manners by reference to his learning: "he knows the works of Zola, De Goncourt and Guy de Maupassant" (JLB 585, 3/16/1888). Later, after Mourier-Petersen leaves Arles, Vincent takes a harsher, mocking view of his former companion's aristocratic ways (see Ch. 30, n. 201). 198. Mourier-Petersen left in May BVG 489, 5/20/1888. In mid-May, Vincent wrote: "my friend the Dane, who leaves for Paris on Tuesday" (JLB 611, 5/20/1888). In his chronology, Pickvance assigns Mourier-Petersen's departure to Tuesday, May 22.

Context:
JLB 611, 5/20/1888: "Would you do me a great favour: my friend the Dane, who leaves for Paris on Tuesday, will give you 2 small paintings -- nothing much -- that I'd like to give to Mme the Countess De la Boissière at Asnières."

199. "that idiot"BVG B10, 7/15/1888. In a letter to Bernard, Vincent re-told a story he had told Theo about an early conversation with Mourier-Petersen in which the latter dismissed the abbey of Montmajour, overlooking the Crau, as an uninteresting subject for art. (For the version of the story Vincent told Theo, see JLB 639, 7/13/1888. For more on the belated revelation of Vincent's animosity toward Mourier-Petersen, see Ch. 30, n. 203.) Elsewhere, Vincent describes Mourier-Petersen's art as "very poor" (JLB 594, 4/9/1888).

Context:
BVG B10, 7/15/1888: "I didn't say anything, but I thought it so astounding that I didn't even have the strength to give that idiot a piece of my mind."
JLB 641, 7/15/1888: "I said nothing myself, but I found that so astonishing that I didn't even have the strength to give that idiot a piece of my mind."

200. elliptical confessions of discordSee Ch. 30, n. 199 and n. 201. Vincent appears to have exaggerated his friendship with Mourier-Petersen in exactly the same way he exaggerated his relationship with Horace Livens in Antwerp. And for exactly the same reasons: to impress Theo that he was keeping "good company" -- an absolute requirement for stable living according to Anna van Gogh -- and to reassure Theo that he was avoiding the excesses of the past triggered (in Theo's opinion) by living too much alone. Vincent's exaggeration is revealed not just in the vitriol that emerges after Mourier-Petersen's departure from Arles in May 1888 (see Ch. 30, n. 201), but also in Vincent's surprising ignorance about his "friend" -- just as was the case with Livens. On the eve of Mourier-Petersen's departure, Vincent wrote Theo: "In the next few days you'll see the Danish painter who was here arrive in Paris, I don't know how to write his name (Moriés?)" (JLB 610, 5/14/1888). In a letter in June, after Theo had met Mourier-Petersen in Paris, Vincent referred to him by the correct spelling but mistook the first part of his last name for a first name: "Doesn't our friend Mourier have a terrific accent?" (JLB 623, 6/12/1888). This suggests that Vincent never knew, or never used, Mourier-Petersen's actual first name -- hardly a difficult one -- Christian. At the least, he was confused about the name and never bothered to clarify it. In his letters to Theo, Vincent mostly avoided his ignorance by referring to Mourier-Petersen as "the Danish painter" or simply "the Dane" -- except on two occasions when he mistakenly called him "the Swede" (JLB 613, 5/26/1888) and "our Swede Mourier" (JLB 625, 6/15/1888-6/16/1888). 201. and belated complaints Vincent's volte face seems to have been licensed by Theo's complaints about Mourier-Petersen when, on Vincent's recommendation, the latter came to stay in the rue Lepic apartment after leaving Arles (JLB 613, 5/26/1888; JLB 621, 6/5/1888 or 6/6/1888). In response to Theo's grievances in July, Vincent unloads a weight of bile against his former comrade. Whereas before he had portrayed Mourier-Petersen as a figure of well-meaning but cartoonish "regularity" -- "as a man he makes me think of those characters Pierre Loti creates" (JLB 613, 5/26/1888) -- now he mocked his accent ("Doesn't our friend Mourier have a terrific accent? He bropaply alvays trinks brendy viz vater" [sic] [JLB 623, 6/12/1888]) and accused him of outright stupidity. Vincent nicknamed the former (perhaps failed) medical student "Doctor Ox" and described him in tones simultaneously condescending and bitter: "I liked him well enough because, with his spectacles, he went naively and benignly about this wicked world, and because I presumed he had a heart that was purer than many a heart, and even with more of a leaning towards rectitude than many of the cleverest people have. And as I knew he hadn't been painting for very long it made not a bit of difference to me that his work was the very height of inanity." (JLB 625, 6/15/1888-6/16/1888.) We also hear for the first time about some mysterious "nervous trouble" that Mourier-Petersen has -- and presumably had throughout the time Vincent was seeing him in Arles: "according to what you write, has had a recurrence of his nervous trouble and is irritated by Paris" (ibid.). Later still, we learn that Vincent's young protégé refused to accompany him to the brothel district in Arles ("street of the good little ladies"), a truly grievous failing (JLB 683, 9/18/1888).

Hulsker reads the record in a diametrically opposite way, contending that Vincent's recommendation of Mourier-Petersen was "warm" and that Theo's belated revelation of the Dane's "nervous trouble" represents Vincent "taking his side" (Hulsker, p. 268). But why did Vincent not inform his nervous brother of Mourier-Petersen's condition before recommending that the two live together? Given all the evidence, the answer appears to be that Vincent calculated that the value of the fraternal bond created by his and Theo's serial friendship with Mourier-Petersen outweighed the obvious pitfalls and risks. That would also explain why Vincent repeatedly sent his "regards" to Mourier-Petersen in letters to Theo.

574 202. "As an art critic" BVG 477a, 4/21/1888: Vincent wrote this to Russell, not Theo. Since MacKnight was an acquaintance of Russell's, Vincent's real opinion was probably far harsher, as subsequent events proved (see Chapter 30).

Context:
BVG 477a, 4/21/1888: "I feel sure I shall prefer him as an artist to what he is as an art critic, his views as such being so narrow that they make me smile."
JLB 598, 4/19/1888: "I feel sure I'll prefer him as an artist to what he is as an art critic, his views as such being so narrow that they make me smile."

203. unrelieved loneliness Nagera comments: "What becomes almost unbearable at Arles is the feeling of loneliness. He deals with it as well as he can, he throws himself into his work." (Nagera, p. 106.) In support, Nagera quotes the passage from JLB 631, 6/25/1888 in Ch. 30, n. 191. 204. when prevented from working BVG 504, 7/7/1888: Vincent admits this in July 1888.

Context:
JLB 631, 6/25/1888: "If I'm alone, my word, I can't do anything about that -- then I have less need for company than for frantic work, and that's why I'm boldly ordering canvas and paints. And so I only feel life when I'm working at full stretch. And in company I'd feel a bit less need to do that, or rather, I'd work on more complicated things."

205. "inward suffering" BVG 564, 12/15/1888-12/31/1888: Vincent does not reveal until the end of 1888 that this was his state of mind upon his arrival in Arles in February.

Context:
BVG 564, 12/15/1888-12/31/1888: "When I came here myself last winter, tired out and almost stunned in mind, before ever being able to begin to recover I had a strain of inward suffering too."
JLB 726, 12/17/1888 or 12/18/1888: "As for me, coming here last winter, tired and almost fainting mentally, I too suffered a little inside before I was able to begin to remake myself."

206. "I must go and look" BVG 488, 5/15/1888.

Context:
BVG 488, 5/15/1888: " I must go and look for a new subject, so, thanking you again very heartily for writing so soon, with a handshake for you and Koning."
JLB 610, 5/14/1888: " I need to go and look for a new subject, so thanking you very warmly for writing to me so soon, handshake to you and to Koning."

207. Golden-Age vistas of Ruisdael BVG 496, 6/12/1888: This becomes a leitmotif of Vincent's descriptions of the area. "Here -- except for a more intense colour, it reminds one of Holland, it's all flat -- only one thinks more of the Holland of Ruisdael and Hobbema and Ostade rather than the Holland of today" (JLB 630, 6/23/1888). "I've already told you more than once how much the Camargue and the Crau -- apart from a difference in colour and the clearness of the atmosphere -- make me think of the old Holland of Ruisdael's day. It seems to me that these two sites in the flat countryside, covered with vines and stubble fields, seen from above, will give you an idea of it." (JLB 639, 7/13/1888.) "Many things in the landscape here often recall Ruisdael" (JLB 779, 6/9/1889). We take the references to Ruisdael to refer both to the flat delta farmland and the concomitantly big sky, another signature feature of Ruisdael's landscapes.

Context:
JLB 623, 6/12/1888: "If you saw the Camargue -- and many other places -- like me, you'd be very surprised to see that it has a character absolutely 208. Philips Koninck BVG 496, 6/12/1888. Vincent does not mention the Golden-Age panoramist Philips Koninck by name until June 1888, and then he gets the name wrong (Salomon Koninck, perhaps Philips's cousin, was a proto-Orientalist, not a landscapist; and neither Salomon nor Philips was a documented student of Rembrandt). However, as the passage clearly indicates, Vincent knew Philips Koninck's signature images ("vast flat landscapes") well (see also, JLB 392, 10/3/1883).

Context:
JLB 623, 6/12/1888: "I have a new subject on the go, green and yellow fields as far as the eye can see, ... just like a Salomon Koninck, you know, Rembrandt's pupil who made the vast flat landscapes."

209. the same cycle of seasons BVG 478, 4/21/1888: On the eve of Theo's trip to Holland at the end of April (partly to celebrate his thirtieth birthday on May 1, 1888), Vincent described an orchard painting he had done as a present for his brother and then imagined. Vincent had had moments like this before, when he imagined his family, especially Theo, under the same moon, sun, stars, or experiencing the same weather or season that Vincent was experiencing. It was a form of communing from far away, of bridging distance with imagination, that was most fully expressed in Hans Christian Andersen's set of tales, What the Moon Saw (1866), a work that Vincent knew and loved.

Context:
JLB 600, 4/20/1888: "You'll probably be in Holland then, and over there you'll perhaps see the same trees in blossom on that day."

575 210. fell under the same sun Vincent makes much of the sunlight in Arles, but always in contrast to the sunlight in Holland. "Many of the subjects here are just -- in character -- the same as in Holland -- the difference is in the colour. There's sulphur everywhere where the sun beats down." (JLB 610, 5/14/1888.) "Here -- except for a more intense colour, it reminds one of Holland" (JLB 630, 6/23/1888). "The Camargue and the Crau -- apart from a difference in colour and the clearness of the atmosphere -- make me think of the old Holland of Ruisdael's day" (JLB 639, 7/13/1888). Mauron beautifully articulates the nexus of North-South associations that was inevitably triggered whenever Vincent noticed anything about Provence: "It suffices for the time being to go back to the letter to Wil (summer of 1887) [JLB 574, October 1887] in order to see what dream of the future Vincent opposes to this lived experience. It opposes heat to cold, health to sickness, enthusiasm to depression, fraternity in the common struggle to the wickedness of men, youth to ossification, cheerful colours to dullness, the Southern palette to the Northern, pagan laughter to Christian melancholy, Bel-Ami and La Joie de vivre to the Bible and the Tropics to Holland." (Mauron, p. 159.) 211. "I keep thinking of Holland" BVG 512, 7/19/1888.

Context:
JLB 644, 7/17/1888-7/20/1888: "I keep thinking of Holland, and across the twofold remoteness of distance and time gone by these memories have a kind of heartbreak in them."

212. he set aside his paintboxBVG 480, 5/1/1888: Most of the works from this period (April-May 1888) are only loosely dated, so it would be difficult to establish an absolute cessation in his painting if it were not for Vincent's own admission. Clearly, the cessation did not last long, however. In the first week of May, Vincent backed away somewhat from his ostentatiously magnanimous recusal from painting (see Ch. 30, n. 213) and announced a new regime: "But by the end of this year I'm inclined to believe I'd have gained both my quite decent establishment and my health. And my occupation while waiting would above all be to spend every day drawing, with two or three paintings a month in addition." (JLB 603, 5/4/1888.)

Context:
JLB 602, 5/1/1888: "I've just sent you a roll of small pen drawings, a dozen I think. That way you'll see that even though I'd stopped painting I haven't stopped working."

213. "a method that I had" BVG 478, 4/21/1888: Vincent tries to put a positive spin on this turn to drawing and away from painting. "Not being, fortunately for me, one of those people whose only love in this world is paintings," he boasts unconvincingly (JLB 601, 4/25/1888). He uses the excuse that he has run out of money for paint ("believing that an artistic thing can be made at less cost than a painting requires -- I've started a series of pen drawings"), and expresses uncharacteristic concern for Theo's financial straights (ibid.). "If a month or a fortnight comes when you feel hard up," he wrote in early April, "let me know -- then I'll turn my hand to doing drawings and that will cost us less" (JLB 594, 4/9/1888). At the end of the month, when he heard that Theo was having yet another falling-out with his employers at Goupil (Boussod & Valadon), Vincent reported back immediately: "I immediately stopped doing paintings and I've carried on with a series of pen drawings ... I said to myself that a falling-out with those gentlemen [at Goupil] could make lower expenses on my part desirable for you" (JLB 601, 4/25/1888).

But lack of funds had never deterred him in the past from pursuing his art and métier of choice. In similar previous situations, he had responded to Theo's pleas of tight times or job troubles with intensified demands for more money -- or irrational demands for Theo to quit his job. Ultimately, the question of why Vincent turned to drawing at this time is bound up with the question of why, this time, he did not fight Theo over funding. And the answer is the same: a resurgence of fraternal feeling brought on by their separation and his subsequent loneliness. Vincent concurrently tested an argument that his drawings would be more saleable because they were done "in the style of Japanese prints" (JLB 594, 4/9/1888). But the issue of salability, like the issue of Theo's finances, had never been determinative in the past. Only the surge of brotherly longing made them so this time.

Context:
BVG 478, 4/21/1888: "It is a method that I had already tried in Holland some time ago, but I hadn't such good reeds there as here."
JLB 600, 4/20/1888: "It's a process I already tried in Holland in the past, but I didn't have as good reeds there as here."

214. the rocky Alpine heights BVG 490, 5/26/1888. Vincent did eventually turn to the subject of the abbey ruins on the nearby promontory known as Montmajour, but not until late May and, even then, only in two half-hearted drawings (Ruins of Montmajour [F 1423 JH 1433] and Ruins of Montmajour [F 1417 JH 1434]) that he sent Theo with this description: "They're views taken from a rocky hill from which you can see in the direction of the Crau ... [They] will give you an idea of the ruin that crowns the rocks" (JLB 613, 5/26/1888). In contrast, he famously lavished his attention on the view of the Crau farmland from the heights of Montmajour. (Vincent bragged that he went "50 times that I've been to Montmajour to look at this flat view" [JLB 639, 7/13/1888].)

Context:
JLB 613, 5/26/1888: "They're views taken from a rocky hill from which you can see in the direction of the Crau ... [They] will give you an idea of the ruin that crowns the rocks."

215. a pair of pollard willows Landscape with Path and Pollard Trees, F 1499 JH 1372, March 1888, pencil, pen, brown ink, 10 by 13.8 inches, 25.5 by 35 cm., Van Gogh Museum, Amsterdam. Pickvance identifies a painting (Path Through a Field with Willows [F 407 JH 1402]) that tracks the drawing with suspicious precision (Pickvance, p. 57). He lists its present location is unknown (ibid.). 216. a lone farmhouse standing Farmhouse with Wheat Field along a Road, F 1415 JH 1408, April 1888, pencil, pen, reed pen, brown ink, 10 by 13.6 inches, 25.5 by 34.5 cm., Van Gogh Museum, Amsterdam. A painting, Farmhouse in a Wheat Field (F 408 JH 1417), shows the same farmhouse from the same angle, but with a wider view. 217. a single traveler on a tree-lined Farmhouse in a Wheat Field, F 408 JH 1417, May 1888, oil on canvas, 17.7 by 19.7 inches, 45 by 50 cm., Van Gogh Museum, Amsterdam. 218. for his pen to obsess over This is both a description of the drawings' style and a comment on Vincent's explosive productivity. In late April he announced that he had "carried on with a series of pen drawings" (JLB 601, 4/25/1888). Only about a week later he wrote that he had already sent Theo "a roll of small pen drawings, a dozen I think" (JLB 602, 5/1/1888). 219. He used the sturdy reeds BVG 478, 4/21/1888.

Context:
JLB 600, 4/20/1888: "It's a process I already tried in Holland in the past, but I didn't have as good reeds there as here."

220. "the way you would" BVG 478, 4/21/1888.

Context:
BVG 478, 4/21/1888: "These drawings were made with a reed sharpened the way you would a goose quill …"
JLB 600, 4/20/1888: "These drawings are done with a reed cut the same way as you'd cut a goose quill."

221. he raised the horizon The most obvious examples are Meadow with Flowers (F 1474 JH 1407) and Farmhouse with Wheat Field along a Road (F 1415 JH 1408), but a number of drawings from this period place the horizon at or above the middle of the image (Landscape with Path and Pollard Trees [F 1499 JH 1372], Field with Factory [F 1500 JH 1373], Ploughman in the Fields near Arles [F 1517 JH 1374] Field with Houses under a Sky with Sun Disk [F 1506 JH 1375], Orchard with Arles in the Background [F 1516 JH 1376] The Langlois Bridge at Arles Seen from the Road [F 1470 JH 1377], The Rhone with Boats and a Bridge [F 1472 JH 1404] Canal with Bridge and Woman Washing [F 1473 JH 1405], Farmers Working in the Field [F 1090 JH 1406] Public Gardens with Benches [F 1487 JH 1410], Public Garden with Vincent's House in the Background [F 1513 JH 1412], Field of Grass with a Round Clipped Shrub [F 1421 JH 1414], and Field with Flowers [F 1416r JH 1415]). 222. he and Rappard had drawnMarsh with Water Lillies (F 845 JH 07) and Marsh (F 846 JH 08). 223. ever said a kind word"Don't you think they're beautiful, those pen drawings of the old tower that Vincent sent you? It comes to him so easily." (b2248 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 12/8/1883.). As to the nostalgic nature of this imagery. 224. Vincent had seen similar Of course, Vincent had also seen similar bridges in numerous depictions of his homeland. De Leeuw, Sillevis, and Dumas describe one, The Drawbridge (1875), by the Hague School painter Jacob Maris, and sees many parallels to and influences on Vincent's Langlois bridge images: "During the 1870s Jacob Maris repeatedly succeeded in transforming apparently simple motifs into powerful subjective impressions; painters of the previous generation had never dared to present ordinary subjects with such simplicity. ... One is tempted to conclude that the uncompromising simplicity of Van Gogh's Bridge at Arles of 1888 would be inconceivable without similar works of the Hague School." (De Leeuw, Sillevis, and Dumas, p. 207.) 225. built by Dutch engineers Silverman, p. 51. 226. to Dutch specifications Tralbaut, p. 228. 576 227. The Réginelle Bridge The name of the bridge also appears in the literature as "Réginel." 228. Arles to Port St. Louis Clébert and Richard, p. 69. 229. the bridge in mid-March BVG 469, 3/14/1888.

Context:
JLB 585, 3/16/1888: "As far as work goes, I brought home a no.15 canvas today, it's a drawbridge, with a little carriage going across it, outlined against a blue sky -- the river blue as well, the banks orange with greenery, a group of washerwomen wearing blouses and multicoloured bonnets. And another landscape with a little rustic bridge and washerwomen as well."

230. Not just the bridge De Leeuw, Sillevis, and Dumas, p. 207: In their essay about Jacob Maris's painting The Drawbridge (1875), De Leeuw, Sillevis, and Dumas comment on Maris's success at "transforming apparently simple motifs into powerful subjective impressions," then adds: "One is tempted to conclude that the uncompromising simplicity of Van Gogh's Bridge at Arles of 1888 would be inconceivable without similar works of the Hague School." 231. he rendered the bridge BVG 469, 3/14/1888. The first surviving painting of the Langlois Bridge is The Langlois Bridge at Arles with Women Washing (F 397 JH 1368, March 1888, oil on canvas, 21.3 by 25.6 inches, 54 by 65 cm., Kröller-Müller Museum, Otterlo). Vincent describes it as "a drawbridge" (JLB 585, 3/16/1888).

Silverman lists "nine images of this same bridge over a six week period, including four oil paintings (The Langlois Bridge at Arles with Women Washing [F 397 JH 1368], The Langlois Bridge at Arles with Road alongside the Canal [F 400 JH 1371], The Langlois Bridge at Arles [F 570 JH 1421]) one watercolor (The Langlois Bridge at Arles [F 1480 JH 1382]), three drawings (The Langlois Bridge at Arles Seen from the Road [F 1470 JH 1377], Drawbridge with Lady with Parasol [F 1471 JH 1420], Field with Flowers [F 1416r JH 1415 (v) ]), and one letter sketch (Drawbridge with Walking Couple [F B2 JH 1370]) (JLB 587, 3/18/1888)" (Silverman, pp. 51-53).

Context:
JLB 585, 3/16/1888: "As far as work goes, I brought home a no.15 canvas today, it's a drawbridge, with a little carriage going across it, outlined against a blue sky -- the river blue as well, the banks orange with greenery, a group of washerwomen wearing blouses and multicoloured bonnets. And another landscape with a little rustic bridge and washerwomen as well."

232. bearing his perspective frame BVG 469, 3/14/1888: Not only do many of Vincent's works from this period show the tell-tale pencil lines of the perspective grid, but Vincent also launches into an elaborate justification for this device -- a device that was largely eschewed by avant-garde painters who saw a fundamental contradiction between the mandate of the new art to look for a deeper reality within, and the reality-based demands of perspective. Vincent's defense of his continued reliance on the perspective frame even while pursuing what he calls "a new art of colour [and] drawing," paradoxically and defiantly invokes the past (JLB 585, 3/16/1888).

Context:
JLB 585, 3/16/1888: "I made my last three studies with the help of the perspective frame you know about. I attach importance to the use of the frame, because it doesn't seem unlikely to me that several artists will use it in the not too distant future, just as the old German and Italian painters, certainly, and, I'm inclined to believe, the Flemish artists too, used it. The modern use of this tool may differ from the use people made of it in the past -- but -- isn't it also true that with the process of painting in oils we nowadays achieve very different effects from those of the inventors of the process, J.[Jan] and Hubert van Eyck? This is to say that I still hope not to work for myself alone. I believe in the absolute necessity of a new art of colour, of drawing and -- of the artistic life. And if we work in that faith, it seems to me that there's a chance that our hopes won't be in vain."

233. from the north bankThe "north" bank here refers to the town side of the canal, which actually ran diagonally from northwest to southeast, on the south side of Arles. Works drawn or painted from the "north" bank are The Langlois Bridge at Arles with Women Washing (F 397 JH 1368), The Langlois Bridge at Arles Seen from the Road (F 1470 JH 1377), The Langlois Bridge at Arles (F 1480 JH 1382), The Langlois Bridge at Arles (F 571 JH 1392), Drawbridge with Lady with Parasol (F 1471 JH 1420) and The Langlois Bridge at Arles (F 570 JH 1421). Of these, only the last two in the series (Drawbridge with Lady with Parasol [F 1471 JH 1420] and The Langlois Bridge at Arles [F 570 JH 1421]) show the bridge from downriver of the canal (i.e., looking from the southeast); the others all show it from upriver (i.e., looking from the northwest). Works drawn or painted from the "south" bank are Drawbridge with Walking Couple (F B2 JH 1370) and The Langlois Bridge at Arles with Road alongside the Canal (F 400 JH 1371), as well as the lost painting from which Two Lovers (F 544 JH 1369) is a fragment. All of these are painted from the "east" side of the canal (i.e., looking from the southeast). 234. Langlois Clébert and Richard, p. 68: According to Clébert and Richard, the bridge was referred to as the "pont de Langlois" because of "the patronym of the old pontier of the maritime services [who was] appointed to maintain its operation." This is obviously the name that Vincent heard the locals use, although he misheard it as "pont de l'Anglais" (JLB 595, 4/11/1888; JLB 597, 4/13/1888; JLB 600, 4/20/1888; JLB 620, 6/5/1888). 235. the steeper south bankSee Ch. 30, n. 233. 236. drew it from the westSee Ch. 30, n. 233. 237. and from the eastSee Ch. 30, n. 233. 238. and from straight on The Langlois Bridge at Arles Seen from the Road, F 1470 JH 1377, March 1888, pen, reed pen, 14 by 18.5 inches, 35.5 by 47 cm., Staatsgalerie-Graphische Sammlung, Stuttgart. 239. the bridge's mechanism Field with Flowers, F 1416r JH 1415, c. May 9-10, 1888, reed pen, 12.4 by 21.9 inches, 43.5 by 55.5 cm., Rhode Island School of Design, Providence. 240. sent a bold sketch of it BVG B2, 3/18/1888: Drawbridge with Walking Couple, F B2 JH 1370, March 1888, sketch in letter, Van Gogh Museum, Amsterdam.

Context:
JLB 587, 3/18/1888: "At the top of this letter I'm sending you a little croquis of a study that's preoccupying me as to how to make something of it -- sailors coming back with their sweethearts towards the town, which projects the strange silhouette of its drawbridge against a huge yellow sun."

241. "sailors with their sweethearts" BVG B2, 3/18/1888.

Context:
BVG B2, 3/18/1888: "At the top of this letter I sent a small sketch of a study that am preoccupied with to make something of -- sailors with their sweethearts going up to the town which is profiled by the strange silhouette of its drawbridge on a huge yellow sun."
JLB 587, 3/18/1888: "At the top of this letter I'm sending you a little croquis of a study that's preoccupying me as to how to make something of it -- sailors coming back with their sweethearts towards the town, which projects the strange silhouette of its drawbridge against a huge yellow sun."

242. a newspaper obituary of MauveBVG 472, 3/30/1888. (See Ch. 30, n. 56.)

Context:
JLB 591, 4/1/1888: "I received from our sister a piece in Dutch dedicated to Mauve's memory, with his portrait (really good, the portrait), the text poor and saying nothing -- pretty etching. But something or other grabbed hold of me and made my throat tight with emotion, and I wrote on my painting Souvenir de Mauve Vincent & Theo."

243. "Something" BVG 472, 3/30/1888.

Context:
BVG 472, 3/30/1888: " Something -- I don't know what -- took hold of me and brought a lump to my throat, and I wrote on my picture Souvenir de Mauve Vincent Theo."
JLB 591, 4/1/1888: "But something or other grabbed hold of me and made my throat tight with emotion, and I wrote on my painting Souvenir de Mauve Vincent & Theo."

244. known of his cousin's deathSee Ch. 30, n. 245. 245. he had coldly calculatedBVG 467, 3/9/1888. Vincent's only mention of Mauve's death to Theo before this involves a plot to pry a response out of the recalcitrant Tersteeg in early March: "we'll send Mrs. Mauve a painting in memory of Mauve with a letter as well from us both in which, if Tersteeg doesn't reply, we won't say a word against him but we'll make it understood that we don't deserve to be treated as though we were dead" (JLB 583, 3/9/1888). In short, Vincent proposes sending a letter of condolence to his cousin Jet not for nostalgic, or even family reasons, but for purposes of commercial advantage in the chess game with the wily gérant.

The only reactions to Mauve's death in Vincent's letters (which supports the inference that he heard about it soon after Mauve died on February 5, 1888; that is, while Vincent was still living with Theo in Paris) come in late March and early April after he received a letter from Wil enclosing the Dutch obituary and a portrait of his former teacher. He responds to Wil with this tortured "tribute": "I can't really write about Mauve, I think about him every day, and that's all there is to it. It has affected me very badly but personally, as a human being, he was perhaps very different from what people sometimes said, that's to say deeper in life itself than in art perhaps, and I loved him as a human being -- now I find it so hard to imagine that those who penetrate to the heart of life, who by the way judge themselves as if it were another, and deal with others with as little embarrassment as if they were dealing with themselves, I find it so hard to imagine that such people cease to exist." (JLB 579, 2/24/1888.)

It is hard to imagine a more convoluted or non-committal eulogy. At its core it appears to be yet another complaint about the way Mauve treated him in The Hague: how he held Vincent to an unfairly demanding standard and treated him "unceremoniously." The opening comment ("I think about him every day, and that's all there is to it") sounds, at best, dismissive; at worst, hostile. And even the most seemingly forthright sentiment -- "I loved him as a human being" -- is designed primarily to disguise the more important, implied qualification: "... but not as an artist" (ibid.). On the same day he wrote Wil, Vincent wrote Theo in the same ambivalent spirit: "I received from our sister a piece in Dutch dedicated to Mauve's memory, with his portrait (really good, the portrait), the text poor and saying nothing -- pretty etching" (JLB 591, 4/1/1888). He informs Theo that he has dedicated a painting to his former mentor (Pink Peach Tree in Blossom (Reminiscence of Mauve), F 394 JH 1379, March 1888, oil on canvas, 28.7 by 23.4 inches, 73 by 59.5 cm., Kröller-Müller Museum, Otterlo) but adds coolly: "I don't know what they'll say about it back home, but that's neither here nor there to us. It seemed to me that in memory of Mauve we needed something that was both tender and very cheerful and not a study in a more serious key than that." (ibid.) Finally, he adds a fragment of poetry that suggests his feelings for Mauve have not been thawed by death: " 'Don't believe that the dead are dead. / While there are people still alive / The dead will live, the dead will live.'" (ibid.) To underscore the point, he closes with this tart note: "That's how I feel the thing, no sadder than that" (ibid.).

Over the course of the subsequent week, however, Vincent's tone seems to change. "Mauve's death was a rude shock for me," he wrote on April 9 (JLB 594, 4/9/1888), making a new, contrary claim that the painting he designated as a "souvenir" (JLB 591, 4/1/1888) for Mauve was, in fact, "painted with a certain passion" (JLB 594, 4/9/1888). But this is hardly heartfelt. It comes only as Vincent begins to wage his new campaign to win over Tersteeg and, with him, the Dutch market, to the brothers' enterprise. Vincent says as much in the intervening letter, as he discusses his grand plan (see Ch. 30, n. 59) to distribute his paintings to various recipients in Holland: "Thinking of Mauve, J.H. [Jan Hendrik], Weissenbruch Tersteeg, our mother and Wil, in the past few days, I've felt more emotion than perhaps reasonable, and it calms me down to say to myself that we'll do some paintings for there" (JLB 592, 4/3/1888).

The primary sentiments here are the ones that Vincent refused to deal with directly because they always threatened to overwhelm him: guilt and regret. Thus, Mauve's death was, in fact, "a rude shock" in the same way his father's death was: because it denied Vincent of any chance of reconciliation. As long as Mauve was alive, Vincent could still imagine that someday he might be of use to his cousins Vincent and Theo in their new endeavor on behalf of the Petit Boulevard. Inevitably, Mauve's death only added fuel to Vincent's impossible determination to reconcile with another old enemy and father-surrogate, H.G. Tersteeg.

Context:
JLB 583, 3/9/1888: "If he doesn't reply, he'll hear people talking about us all the same, and we'll make sure he has nothing to fault in what we do. For example, we'll send Mrs. Mauve a painting in memory of Mauve with a letter as well from us both in which, if Tersteeg doesn't reply, we won't say a word against him but we'll make it understood that we don't deserve to be treated as though we were dead."

246. reopened all the old woundsSee Ch. 30, n. 245. 577 247. painted a birthday present

There is a dispute as to which painting Vincent intended for Theo's birthday present. Pickvance believes it was Orchard in Blossom (F 406 JH 1399) (Pickvance, p. 53). Tralbaut proposes Blossoming Pear Tree (F 405 JH 1394), making an elaborate argument from the symbology of the image: "In this canvas, which is entitled pear-tree in blossom, one is at once struck by a stump on the right of the tree, a trunk that has been cut off some three feet above the ground so that it is shorn of all the branches that would carry its leaves and blossom. There is thus a painful contrast between the two trees, one of which is at the height of its fertility and beauty, while the other is mutilated and will never come into flower or leaf. … when one recalls that this picture was intended for Theo, it is hard to avoid the conclusion that it is a symbolic portrait of the two brothers." (Tralbaut, pp. 225-226.) It is not necessary to accept all of Tralbaut's conjecture about the "psychology of creation" to acknowledge that Vincent, who was always acutely sensitive to metaphor, saw the parallel between these side-by-side trees, with their very different destinies, and the brothers' own disparate fortunes (ibid.).

248. "a frenzy of impastos" BVG 478, 4/21/1888.

Context:
BVG 478, 4/21/1888: "It's absolutely clear, and done all at once. A frenzy of impastos of the faintest yellow and lilac on the original white mass."
JLB 600, 4/20/1888: "It's entirely bright and done entirely in one go, a riot of impastos barely tinged with yellow and lilac in the first white clump."

249. "seeing the same trees" BVG 478, 4/21/1888.

Context:
BVG 478, 4/21/1888: "You will probably be in Holland by then, and perhaps you will be seeing the same trees in flower there on that very day."
JLB 600, 4/20/1888: "You'll probably be in Holland then, and over there you'll perhaps see the same trees in blossom on that day."

250. began to conceive an image BVG 470, 3/18/1888: The image first took shape not at the site, but in his room.

Context:
JLB 588, 3/21/1888 or 3/22/1888: "I've worked at home on the study of which I've made a croquis in Bernard's letter [JLB 587, 3/18/1888]."

251. all the ghosts of Holland BVG 472, 3/30/1888: Mauve's obituary inspires Vincent to a stanza of poetry that suggests the ghost of his father haunted him still. JLB cite the poem: "The opening and closing lines of the song that Miarka, the central character in Jean Richepin's Miarka, la fille 252. "convince Tersteeg that I" BVG 473, 4/2/1888: Interestingly, Vincent says this is his goal vis- 253. "continual fever" BVG 474, 4/9/1888.

Context:
BVG 474, 4/9/1888: "I am in a continual fever of work."
JLB 594, 4/9/1888: "I have a constant fever for work."

254. On a large canvas Only a fragment of this painting survives. It is Two Lovers (F 544 JH 1369, March 1888, oil on canvas, 12.8 by 9.1 inches, 32.5 by 23 cm., Private collection). The conception and colors are known from a labeled sketch that Vincent sent in a letter to Bernard (JLB 587, 3/18/1888). The size of the canvas is based on the size of the fragment in relation to the letter sketch of the larger image. 255. secured against the spring mistral It is not certain from Vincent's letters when, or if, he took this painting to the site to work on it. He clearly formulated the conception for it in his room in mid-March (JLB 588, 3/21/1888 or 3/22/1888). A week later, he complained about bad weather preventing him from working on it in situ: "Had some trouble with the sunset with figures and a bridge that I was talking to Bernard about. As the bad weather prevented me from working on the spot, I completely worked this study to death trying to finish it at home." (JLB 589, 3/25/1888.) This passage suggests that he did do some work "on the spot" but had been forced to finish the painting at home. Given Vincent's procedure in the past, the incommodiousness of his hotel room, and the many working trips he made into the countryside during this period, it seems inevitable that he at least tried to work on the painting en plein air. 256. "I want to get colors" BVG 470, 3/18/1888.

Context:
JLB 588, 3/21/1888 or 3/22/1888: "My aim was to give it colours like stained glass, and a design of solid outlines."

578 257. a huge golden sunBVG B2, 3/18/1888. In the short description that accompanies the sketch of the painting that he sent to Bernard (see Ch. 30, n. 254), Vincent mentions "the strange silhouette of [the] drawbridge against a huge yellow sun" (JLB 587, 3/18/1888). On the sketch, he wrote the word "jeune" (yellow) over the cartoon sun.

Context:
JLB 587, 3/18/1888: "At the top of this letter I'm sending you a little croquis of a study that's preoccupying me as to how to make something of it -- sailors coming back with their sweethearts towards the town, which projects the strange silhouette of its drawbridge against a huge yellow sun."

258. a sketch for BernardDrawbridge with Walking Couple, F B2 JH 1370, c. March 15, 1888, sketch in letter JLB 587, size unknown, Van Gogh Museum, Amsterdam. 259. wind and rain drove Vincent BVG 470, 3/18/1888. In mid-March, Vincent reported "rain and wind these past few days" (JLB 588, 3/21/1888 or 3/22/1888). A week later, he reported, "Had some trouble with the sunset with figures and a bridge that I was talking to Bernard about. As the bad weather prevented me from working on the spot, I completely worked this study to death trying to finish it at home." (JLB 589, 3/25/1888.)

Context:
JLB 588, 3/21/1888 or 3/22/1888: "Rain and wind these past few days, I've worked at home on the study of which I've made a croquis in Bernard's letter."

260. "completely ruined it"BVG 471, 3/24/1888. 

Context:
BVG 471, 3/24/1888: "The bad weather prevented my working on the spot, and I've completely ruined it by trying to finish it at home."
JLB 589, 3/25/1888: "As the bad weather prevented me from working on the spot, I completely worked this study to death trying to finish it at home."

261. he tried again and againBVG 471, 3/24/1888. After admitting that he "completely worked" his first attempt "to death" (see Ch. 30, n. 260), Vincent reports: "I started the same subject again immediately afterwards on another canvas, but as the weather was quite different, in a grey palette and without figures." (JLB 589, 3/25/1888.) This next try is generally thought to be The Langlois Bridge at Arles with Road alongside the Canal (F 400 JH 1371, March 1888, oil on canvas, 23 by 28.7 inches, 58.5 by 73 cm., Van Gogh Museum, Amsterdam) -- a thinly-painted and unremarkable picture with no apparent relationship to the ambitious vision he described and sketched for Bernard in JLB 587 (3/18/1888). Most obviously, there are no figures on the foreground path and no giant sun at the horizon. The sky is gray.

Context:
JLB 589, 3/25/1888: "However, I started the same subject again immediately afterwards on another canvas, but as the weather was quite different, in a grey palette and without figures."

262. the weather failed to cooperate BVG 472, 3/30/1888. Vincent's failure to return to the subject of the bridge immediately seems to have been the result of two factors: the bad weather (he reports at the end of March that "there are 3 windy days for one still one") and his preoccupation with finishing his series of orchard paintings before the blossoms fall -- a goal that takes up the days of good painting weather (JLB 591, 4/1/1888).

Context:
JLB 591, 4/1/1888: "Only the days are all good now, not in terms of the weather, on the contrary, there are 3 windy days for one still one, but as for the subjects of orchards in blossom."

263. a copy of the very first versionBVG 476, 4/11/1888: This is how Vincent first characterizes it. The painting referred to is generally cited as The Langlois Bridge at Arles (F 571 JH 1392). While it does follow the outlines of its predecessor The Langlois Bridge at Arles with Women Washing (F 397 JH 1368), it is certainly not a replica (see text).

Context:
JLB 595, 4/11/1888: "So, after supper I started on the same painting I intend for Tersteeg, 'The Langlois bridge', for you. And I'd really like to make a repetition of that one for Jet Mauve too."

264. he filled the familiar outlines Tralbaut uses first-hand testimony to underscore the important point that Vincent imposed these colors on the image of the bridge: "Rozelaar Green, the painter, once remarked to Jean de Beucken, the author of Un Portrait de Vincent, that: 'Vincent thought Provence was very colourful. It isn't. But as he was a genius he was right.' Anyone who has lived in Provence long enough to know it well can confirm that one never sees the brilliant colours there that Vincent has imagined. This is true of the three versions of 'le pont de langlois.' Neither the stones nor the wooden structure were ever so dazzlingly fresh in colour." (Tralbaut, p. 228.) 265. "an odd thing"BVG 473, 4/2/1888: Vincent describes the image this way in mulling which of his paintings he should send to Tersteeg. This description is generally regarded as referring to The Langlois Bridge at Arles with Women Washing (F 397 JH 1368), even though the "yellow carriage" and "grass very green" would seem to point not to that painting, but to the (presumably) later The Langlois Bridge at Arles (F 571 JH 1392) (JLB 592, 4/3/1888).

Context:
BVG 473, 4/2/1888: "Oh well, he will have a picture of mine in his own collection. I have been turning it over in my mind these days and I have found an odd thing, not like what I generally do."
JLB 592, 4/3/1888: "Ah well, he'll have one of my paintings in his own collection -- I've been thinking about it these past few days and I've found a funny thing of a kind I'm not going to do every day."

266. a fantastic schemeSee Ch. 30, n. 54. 267. one for sister Wil BVG 473, 4/2/1888.

Context:
JLB 592, 4/3/1888: "Let's suppose we also gave our sister some study or other."

268. George Hendrik Breitner BVG 473, 4/2/1888.

Context:
JLB 592, 4/3/1888: "Let's suppose I dedicate a study to Breitner (I have one exactly like the study I exchanged with L. Pissarro and Reid's one, oranges, foreground white, background blue)."

269. a museum in The Hague BVG 473, 4/2/1888.

Context:
JLB 592, 4/3/1888: "Let's suppose we gave the modern museum in The Hague, since we have so many memories in The Hague, the 2 Montmartre landscapes exhibited at the Independents' (Vegetable Gardens in Montmartre: La Butte Montmartre [F 350 JH 1245]; Vegetable Gardens at Montmartre [F 316 JH 1246])."

270. "He will have a picture"BVG 473, 4/2/1888; emphasis added. We justify the emphasis on the basis of the number of times Vincent repeats this vow in the same letter and in other letters. (See Ch. 30, n. 273.)

Context:
BVG 473, 4/2/1888: "Oh well, he will have a picture of mine in his own collection. I have been turning it over in my mind these days and I have found an odd thing, not like what I generally do."
JLB 592, 4/3/1888: "Ah well, he'll have one of my paintings in his own collection -- I've been thinking about it these past few days and I've found a funny thing of a kind I'm not going to do every day."

271. would be the Langlois bridgeBVG 476, 4/11/1888: In the second quarter of April, Vincent indentified the picture he had selected to win Tersteeg's favor. It is generally presumed that this refers to the first version of the Langlois bridge Vincent is known to have painted in March (The Langlois Bridge at Arles with Women Washing [F 397 JH 1368]) and that the version he painted for Theo in April was The Langlois Bridge at Arles (F 571 JH 1392). However, as pointed out in Ch. 30, n. 249, the description Vincent gives of the painting he picked for Tersteeg ("the drawbridge with a little yellow carriage and group of washerwomen, a study in which the fields are a bright orange, the grass very green, the sky and the water blue" [JLB 592, 4/3/1888]) does not match up comfortably with The Langlois Bridge at Arles with Women Washing (F 397 JH 1368), but evokes instead The Langlois Bridge at Arles (F 571 JH 1392). There are at least two possibilities: the literature is incorrect and The Langlois Bridge at Arles (F 571 JH 1392) is the painting described in JLB 592 (4/3/1888); or there was yet another version of the image, since lost, that resembled more closely The Langlois Bridge at Arles (F 571 JH 1392) and it was this picture that he designated for his former boss in The Hague.

Context:
JLB 595, 4/11/1888: "So, after supper I started on the same painting I intend for Tersteeg, 'The Langlois bridge,' for you."

272. "Tersteeg will not refuse" BVG 473, 4/2/1888.

Context:
BVG 473, 4/2/1888: "Believe me, Tersteeg will not refuse the picture; I have made up my mind that this one, and the one for Jet Mauve, must go to Holland."
JLB 592, 4/3/1888: "Rest assured that Tersteeg won't refuse the painting, and that it's a firm decision that that one and the one for Jet Mauve will go to Holland."

273. "revenge" BVG 473, 4/2/1888. "I continue every day to feel that we're obliged to do something in Holland," Vincent writes in early April (JLB 592, 4/3/1888). By "Holland," of course, he means Tersteeg; and he admits to having written some letters (undoubtedly addressed to the gérant) that he "later destroyed" -- almost certainly because even he considered them, on re-reading, too angry and vituperative (ibid.). Then he lays out a "plan of attack" on Tersteeg that he describes as "a loud and clear reply to certain muffled insinuations treating us more or less as if we were already dead, and a revenge for your trip last year when the welcome they gave you was lacking in warmth &c. Enough." (ibid.; emphasis in original.) This is nothing more than a bitter summary of his grievances against Tersteeg -- grievances that he thinks Theo should share on account of Uncle Cent's failure to support Theo's plan to set himself up as an independent dealer in 1886 ("your trip last year when the welcome they gave you was lacking in warmth &c." [ibid.]).

Context:
BVG 473, 4/2/1888: "But it would be a clear response to certain clumsy insinuations, treating us as though we were already dead, and a revenge for your trip last year, when there was so little warmth and all that in the welcome you got. Enough."
JLB 592, 4/3/1888: "But it would be a loud and clear reply to certain muffled insinuations treating us more or less as if we were already dead, and a revenge for your trip last year when the welcome they gave you was lacking in warmth &c. Enough." (Emphasis in original.)

274. he crated it and shipped it Pickvance, p. 293: The work was included in the first batch of twenty-six paintings that Vincent sent Theo in early May 1888. 275. "It only needs a frame" BVG 473, 4/2/1888: Actually, Vincent's instructions are even more detailed. "It just needs a frame designed specially for it, in royal blue and gold like this [...]" he writes, inserting a drawing in the margin, "[...] the flat part blue, the outer strip gold. If necessary, the frame can be of blue plush, but it would be better to paint it." (JLB 592, 4/3/1888.)

Context:
BVG 473, 4/2/1888: " It only needs a frame specially designed for it in royal blue and gold, in this fashion the mount blue, the outside moulding gold; if necessary the frame could be in blue plush, but it would be better painted."
JLB 592, 4/3/1888: " It just needs a frame designed specially for it, in royal blue and gold like this, the flat part blue, the outer strip gold. If necessary, the frame can be of blue plush, but it would be better to paint it."

276. the same splendid treatmentSee Chapter 23. 277. "As far as the Impressionists'" BVG 476, 4/11/1888: We have added a punctuation mark to the translation.

Context:
BVG 476, 4/11/1888: "More especially since, as far as the Impressionists' cause is concerned, there is little fear now that we shall not win."
JLB 595, 4/11/1888: "All the more so since, as far as the cause of Impressionism goes, we have little to fear at the moment of not winning through."

278. and a Gauguin BVG 466, 3/3/1888. After receiving a plaintive letter from Gauguin, who was sick and "hard up" by creditors in Pont-Aven, Vincent not only wrote Russell encouraging him to buy a Gauguin work, but also petitioned Theo: "Would you risk buying the seascape from him for the firm? If that were possible he would be out of difficulties for the time being." (JLB 582, 3/2/1888.) Then, in what seems a pressuring tactic, he informs Theo that he has sent Russell's address to Gauguin and Gauguin's to Russell "so that if they wish they can make direct contact," the unmistakable implication being that Theo would miss out on a commission if he didn't act quickly (JLB 583, 3/9/1888).

The news that Russell did buy a Guillaumin and "2 or 3 Bernards" frustrated and emboldened Vincent (JLB 602, 5/1/1888; emphasis in original). After putting off a letter to Gauguin in hopes that Russell would come through, he finally informs him in late May, urging patience: "The deal with Russell hasn't come off yet, but Russell has bought some Impressionists all the same, Guillaumin and Bernard and -- wait for your moment -- he'll come of his own accord, but I couldn't press the point further, having had two refusals, but always with a promise for the future" (JLB 616, 5/28/1888-5/29/1888). Russell finally writes in July, apologizing for not having had the time to go and look at the Gauguins at Theo's gallery: "In short, he's not refusing to buy one, but is making it understood that he wouldn't want poorer quality than ours. You see that this is in any case better than nothing at all." (JLB 650, 7/29/1888.) He concludes by suggesting that they "give up on R[ussell] for the time being, ... And the same for Guillaumin." (ibid.) (This last refers to an earlier effort to pressure Russell into buying another Guillaumin, which was similarly aborted [JLB 604, 5/4/1888].)

But only a week or so after "giving up," Vincent is again turning over in his mind strategies for approaching Russell to buy a Gauguin from Theo in a passage that gives a good sense of how Vincent brought his full obsessiveness to the project of selling: "If we were to push Russell, perhaps he'd purchase the Gauguin that you bought, and if there was no other way of coming to Gauguin's aid, what would have to be done? When I write to him at the same time as I send the drawings, naturally it will be to get him to make up his mind. I'll say to him, look, you like our painting so much, but I believe that we'll see even better by the artist; why don't you act like us, who have faith in the whole man just as he is, and who find everything he does good. I then want to add, of course it would be all the same to us to let you have the large painting, if necessary, but as Gauguin in his interests should we not keep it until his prices have tripled or quadrupled -- which will happen -- we believe?" (JLB 652, 7/31/1888; emphasis in original.) Note how the argument combines lofty artistic imperatives and promises of commercial success -- exactly the same hybrid claims he has been making on behalf of his own art for so long.

Context:
JLB 582, 3/2/1888: "I can do nothing about this business from my end except write to Russell, which I'll do this very day."

279. "only those pictures" BVG 473, 4/2/1888.

Context:
BVG 473, 4/2/1888: "Since Tersteeg has written you, 'Send me some Impressionists, but only those pictures that you yourself think the best,' and on your part you sent a picture of mine in that batch, I find myself in the not very easy position of having to convince Tersteeg that really I am a true Impressionist of the Petit Boulevard, and that I intend to keep this position."
JLB 592, 4/3/1888: "With Tersteeg having written to you 'send me some Impressionists, but only paintings you yourself think are among the best,' and you having for your part included one of my paintings in this consignment, I'm in the uncomfortable position of convincing Tersteeg I really am an Impressionist of the Petit Boulevard and that I expect to retain that position."

579 280. rejecting Vincent's advocacyBVG 471, 3/24/1888. Theo's rebuff was quite explicit in the case of Bernard. Vincent had written his brother in March: "If you included the little head of a Breton woman by our friend Bernard in your consignment, that wouldn't be a bad idea" (JLB 589, 3/25/1888). According to Pickvance, the consignment Theo sent included works by Degas and Gauguin, in addition to the one by Vincent (see Ch. 30, n. 62) (Pickvance, p. 42). Also according to Pickvance's chronology, Tersteeg returned the entire consignment to Paris unsold on June 9 (ibid.).

Context:
JLB 589, 3/25/1888: "If you included the little head of a Breton woman by our friend Bernard in your consignment, that wouldn't be a bad idea."

281. returned unsold in JuneSee Ch. 30, n. 280. 282. The painting that Theo sent Stolwijk and Thomson, p. 139: Stolwijk and Thomson report on a "recently published letter, apparently in Theo's hand, [that] mentions a self portrait by 'V. van Gogh' sent to the London firm of Laurie & Co. with a Corot." According to Stolwijk and Thomson, "neither of these paintings have been traced, leaving the arrangement mysterious." Jansen points out that "[this] may have been one of the very few successes at the time, even if we don't know which painting it was or who bought it" (correspondence with the authors, March 2011). But, of course, it would not have seemed a success to Vincent at the time unless he received word of a sale, which he must not have or it would undoubtedly have been trumpeted in his letters. 283. Seurat BVG 468, 3/10/1888. When Vincent hears that Theo has sold a Seurat, he writes: "Congratulations on buying the Seurat -- with what I send you you'll have to try to make an exchange with Seurat as well" (JLB 584, 3/10/1888). There is no indication in the letters or in Theo's collection that this exchange ever took place.

Context:
JLB 584, 3/10/1888: "Congratulations on buying the Seurat -- with what I send you you'll have to try to make an exchange with Seurat as well."

284. Pissarro BVG 474, 4/9/1888: As in the case of Seurat, the news that Theo has sold a work by Camille Pissarro immediately prompts Vincent to propose an exchange with him. Again, the record holds no evidence that such an exchange took place any time soon thereafter.

Context:
JLB 594, 4/9/1888: "Bravo for Pissarro, he's right, I think. I hope he'll do an exchange with us one day."

285. Russell Vincent is the first to mention the idea of an exchange with Russell: "When I write to Russell myself, I'll talk about his paintings and I'll ask him to do an exchange with me" (JLB 589, 3/25/1888). (The letter in which Vincent "talks about" [i.e., flatters] Russell's pictures and proposes an exchange is JLB 598, 4/19/1888.) On May 1, Vincent writes Theo that he has received a letter from Russell who "also writes that he'll exchange studies" -- as if the idea were originally Russell's (JLB 602, 5/1/1888). But subsequent events make clear who was pushing the plan. More than a month later, Vincent has to prompt Russell: "Very soon I intend sending over some studies to Paris and then you can, if you like, choose one for our exchange" (JLB 627, 6/17/1888). When he has still not heard from Russell at the beginning of July, Vincent lays elaborate plans to coerce him into compliance by sending him a selection of works: "I've written to Russell that for our exchange I'd send him my consignment rolled up, straight to his home, if I knew he was in Paris. This way he should in any case reply to me in the next few days. ... I told Russell that he was perfectly at liberty to take what he might want, and from the first consignment too. And that I was only waiting for a categorical answer to know whether he wanted to choose at his home or yours. That in the first case, if he wanted to see them at his home -- you'd send him some orchards too. And that you'd have all of them brought back, once he'd made his choice. So he can't say anything to that. (JLB 638, 7/10/1888 or 7/10/1888.)

The months of pleading and plotting take their toll on Vincent's opinion of Russell. In June, he writes to Theo criticizing Mourier-Petersen's dependence on the Australian painter: "He's placing huge hopes in Russell (I believe), he's looking for an adviser and a teacher -- now -- no need to tell you that Russell will perhaps not be everything he needs" (JLB 625, 6/15/1888-6/16/1888; emphasis in original). In July, revealing for the first time a wounded rancor, Vincent digresses caustically on the subject of Christian charity: "we probably know, don't we, that the English, the Yankees &c. have this in common with the Dutch, that their charity -- is very Christian" (JLB 638, 7/10/1888 or 7/10/1888). At the same time, he gripes that Russell has not yet responded to his offer, forcing Vincent to write again "while at the same time thinking I'd do better to wait for his reply" (JLB 637, 7/8/1888 or 7/9/1888). He plans an expedition to see two friends of Russell's in nearby Fontveilles, confiding to Theo that "just why I'll go and see his friends MacKnight and Boch, to be able to talk about them and have an opportunity to say something to him before he replies to me" (ibid.). But he waits only a week before trying again to ratchet up the pressure on Bernard, this time by doing some drawings specifically for exchange: "I'm working on some drawings for Bernard so that he'll send me some of his" (JLB 640, 7/15/1888). Vincent also mentions his work for his friend Russell: "I'm working hard for Russell. I thought I'd do a series of drawings after my painted studies for him; I have a conviction that he'll look favourably on them, and that, I hope at least, will further prompt him to do a deal." (JLB 652, 7/31/1888; emphasis in original.)

This is the last time Vincent refers to the exchange with Russell. It may have happened, or Vincent may have just given up. (See Stolwijk and Thomson, p. 161.) The failure to consummate this exchange with Russell had to be especially galling since Russell had bought works by both Guillaumin and Bernard (JLB 602, 5/1/1888).

286. Gauguin, BernardBVG 490, 5/26/1888: In late May, Vincent asks Theo to take some of the drawings he has sent from Arles and arrange exchanges. We take this to mean that there had been no exchanges with either of these artists since a not-yet-reported exchange with Gauguin when Vincent was still in Paris and a possible exchange with Bernard, also around the time of the Du Chalet hanging (JLB 640, 7/15/1888). Later in 1888, Vincent finally succeeds in arranging exchanges (of self-portraits) with both Bernard and Gauguin.

Context:
JLB 613, 5/26/1888: "I prefer to believe that Bernard or Gauguin will exchange drawings with us."

287. even the talentless Koning BVG 478, 4/21/1888: Koning appears to have first proposed an exchange in April. But at the end of May, the exchange had still not happened, obviously discombobulating Vincent: "What happened in the end to the exchange Koning was going to make with me? He asked me for two of my drawings for one of his studies; I accepted, saying that he should give you the study -- but I've had no reply to that. If it's the case that friend Koning has changed his mind and would prefer not to exchange anything -- it goes without saying that I would in no way insist on it." (JLB 614, 5/27/1888.) But insist he does, somewhat indignantly, in a letter to Koning a few days later: "It surprised me somewhat not to have heard whether our exchange went ahead, I hope so" (JLB 618, 5/29/1888-5/30/1888). This snub must have rankled especially, both because Vincent had assumed a mentor role to the young Dutchman and because Koning was staying in Theo's apartment and could clearly be considered in the brothers' debt.

Context:
JLB 600, 4/20/1888: "Have had a letter from Koning for which please thank him -- I'll be very glad to exchange the two drawings with him for a study of his that you will choose and keep in the collection."

288. Vincent's persistent importuning See, e.g., Ch. 30, n. 266 and n. 447. 289. "a great enough concern" Kahn, p. 176: Here is the entire passage referring to Vincent in the April 1888 issue of La Revue Indépendante: "M. Van Gogh has vigorously brushed some large landscapes without a great enough concern for the value and exactitude of his tones. A polychromatic multitude of books nearly resembles an oriental tapestry; a fine motif for a study, perhaps, but not a pretext for a painting." 290. the same weight of guiltBVG 492, 5/28/1888: Evidence that guilt over the money Theo sent followed Vincent to Arles is inferential at first, then explicit. In May, when Theo falls ill, Vincent readily accepts part of the blame. As Theo's condition worsens, Vincent's guilt increases exponentially. He blames Theo's employer, Boussod & Valadon, for exacerbating his health problem (see Ch. 30, n. 344), but blames himself and his drain on Theo's purse for pushing his brother to take on added responsibilities at work -- something that he equates with suicide in light of Theo's poor health. "I'd feel it was my fault, telling myself that it's my needs for money that are driving you to it. No -- it's not good." (JLB 617, 5/29/1888 or 5/30/1888.) "You'll understand -- it would grieve me to drive you to earn money, ... But don't wear yourself out now, either for me or for others." (JLB 615, 5/28/1888.) This equation, inevitably, makes Vincent an accomplice to suicide -- or worse -- as he himself admits: "don't you also see that -- devotion -- living for others -- is a mistake if it's complicated by suicide -- since in that case one truly makes murderers of one's friends" (ibid.). By the end of the month, the guilt has become so overwhelming that Vincent offers to accompany Theo to America and, even more delusionally, offers to go back to work for Goupil "at my previous salary" (JLB 615, 5/28/1888). More typically, he offers again the promise of rescuing Theo with the ultimate success of his painting project: "Then I say to myself that nevertheless we can begin to hope that soon I'll be selling one or two paintings a month -- BECAUSE THINGS WILL GET BETTER" (JLB 617, 5/29/1888 or 5/30/1888; emphasis in original).

Context:
JLB 615, 5/28/1888: "And I blame myself for wearing you out like this -- me -- with my constant needs for money."

291. Theo's money disappearedDespite the substantial stipend from Theo (see Ch. 30, n. 293); and despite not having to pay for most of his supplies (see Ch. 30, n. 295); and despite the fact that his room and board amounted to only 25 francs a month (JLB 603, 5/4/1888) -- about fifteen-percent of the money Theo sent; despite all of this, Vincent was virtually always broke. In early May, he had to ask Theo for 100 francs because "I'd also like to have some drawers made" and to "have to have almost all my clothes cleaned and mended" (ibid.). It is a sign of how disconnected Vincent was that he would consider this sufficient justification for such a large supplement. As for where this money was going, one can speculate that it was to purchases or activities that he dared not report to Theo. 292. "Worse luck" BVG 467, 3/9/1888. Vincent confirms this to Bernard: "I regret that living here isn't as cheap as I'd hoped" (JLB 587, 3/18/1888). In a letter in June, he appears to claim that life in Arles was actually more expensive than in Paris (JLB 620, 6/5/1888).

Context:
BVG 467, 3/9/1888: " Worse luck, I can hardly manage to live any cheaper than in Paris, I must figure it at 5 francs a day."
JLB 583, 3/9/1888: " Unfortunately I'm hardly managing to live more cheaply than in Paris, I need to allow 5 francs a day."

293. sent the same 150 francs Soon after arriving, Vincent figured that his expenses in Arles were "5 Fr. a day" or 150 francs a month -- coincidentally the maximum amount Theo had paid him in the past. Not only did Theo undoubtedly give Vincent money when he left Paris to help him get started in Arles, he began sending the thrice-monthly 50-franc payments promptly around the first of March (JLB 582, 3/2/1888). A second payment arrived on March 10, but for twice the usual amount ("Thanks for your letter and the 100-franc note enclosed with it"), suggesting that Theo was already supplementing Vincent's regular stipend (JLB 584, 3/10/1888). The third installment that month arrived early -- apparently a surprise to Vincent. "I thank you very much for your letter, which I hadn't even dared to expect so soon as regards the 50-franc note you included with it" (JLB 585, 3/16/1888). Theo's payments in April are harder to track, but around April 21 Vincent wrote: "Thanks for today's letter and for the 100-franc note it contained. About the previous letter containing 50 francs, I received it as well." (JLB 600, 4/20/1888.) This indicates that Vincent received at least 160 francs that month, and, since Theo surely did not miss the first-of-the-month payment, it may suggest that Vincent received more than 200 francs in April. 294. teachers made 75 francs Rewald, p. 216: Rewald cites Mauron's observation: "Before the first World War a schoolmaster was paid 75 francs a month as a starting salary. I am not certain whether [Stéphane] Mallarmé, as an English teacher, ever received more than the allowance van Gogh enjoyed [from Theo]." 295. extravagant supplies BVG 475, 4/4/1888: In early April, at the height of Vincent's campaign in the orchard groves, he placed a vast order for paint and canvas with his brother, complaining variously about both the inadequacy of local suppliers and the poor quality of materials he was receiving from previous sources in Paris like Tanguy's. (In fact, as Theo learned only later, Vincent's credit with Tanguy had run out.) As usual, Vincent tries to bluster his brother with business talk. Vincent includes both the full list, which includes over one hundred tubes of paint (of various sizes) and ten yards of canvas, and a shorter "Urgent" list of about forty tubes of paint, adding frantically: "for Christ's sake get the paint to me without delay" (JLB 593, 4/3/1888). Theo did exactly as he was asked, apparently sending not just the "urgent" order, but the entire order almost immediately. Within a week or so, Vincent wrote back: "It's awfully good of you to have sent me the complete order of colours" (JLB 595, 4/11/1888).

Context:
JLB 593, 4/3/1888: "… if you place it with Tasset & Lhote, rue Fontaine, you'll do well -- since they know me -- to tell them that I expect a discount at least equivalent to the cost of carriage, which I'll be glad to pay myself -- they don't have to cover carriage, we'll pay it, but in that case the discount should be 20%. If they're willing to give you it -- as I'm inclined to believe -- they can supply me until further notice, and so this is a big order for them." (Emphasis in original.)

296. " sans le sou" BVG 475, 4/4/1888.

Context:
BVG 475, 4/4/1888: " Haven't a cent at the moment, as I told you before."
JLB 593, 4/3/1888: "Am without a sou for the moment, as I was telling you before."

297. "I must reach the point" BVG 474, 4/9/1888. Vincent repeated the same guilty sentiment in the next letter: "I'm spending so much we mustn't lose sight of the fact that we've got to try to get some back, of this money that's quickly slipping away" (JLB 595, 4/11/1888). Another way in which the old patterns of Vincent's dependence on Theo return in Arles is the way in which Vincent extends further and further the day of reckoning. By early May, he is pushing the promise to support himself into subsequent years: "If we dare believe, and I'm sure of it, that Impressionist paintings will go up in value, we've got to do lots of them and keep the prices up. All the more reason why we should calmly take care of the quality of the thing and not waste time. And after a few years, I can see the possibility that the capital laid out will come back into our hands, if not in cash, then in value." (JLB 602, 5/1/1888; emphasis added.)

Just as that passage shows the frantic elaboration typical of Vincent's promises of success, the following passage shows Vincent's tendency to escalate promises the longer they go unfulfilled: "If you put aside what's best in the consignment -- and if you were to think of these paintings as a payment on my part to be deducted from what I owe you -- Then the day when, from my side, I would have contributed something like 10 thousand francs in this way, I would feel more at ease" (JLB 607, 5/10/1888). Here again, he feels required to temper any expectations he has raised by adding, "I am still far from that."

Context:
JLB 594, 4/9/1888: "We must reach the point where my paintings are worth what I spend and even exceed that, seeing that so much has been spent already. Ah well, we'll get there. Not everything I do is a success, of course, but the work's getting along."

298. "not being so keen" BVG 479, 4/24/1888.

Context:
BVG 479, 4/24/1888: " Not being so keen as all that on my pictures, I could leave them alone without repining overmuch."
JLB 601, 4/25/1888: " Not being so very attached to my paintings I'd leave them there without grumbling too much."

299. offered to relocate from Arles BVG 479, 4/24/1888. It appears that Vincent is suggesting -- and readying himself for -- a permanent move, not the "visit" to Marseille he had proposed to Bernard at the beginning of April (JLB 596, 4/12/1888) and mentioned again mid-month (JLB 599, 4/19/1888).

Context:
JLB 601, 4/25/1888: "Being forced, determined anyway, to move, do you want or rather do you think it more suitable, to go to Marseille now? ... I've also bought 3 strong cloth shirts and two pairs of sturdy shoes, with the idea of moving."

300. put more effort into dealing BVG 479, 4/24/1888: Vincent does not rule out additional painting. In the same letter, he further justifies the move to Marseille by suggesting, "I can do a series of seascapes there like the orchards in blossom series here" (JLB 601, 4/25/1888). But clearly, to Theo, he portrayed business opportunities in Marseille as being the primary reason for leaving Arles. He encourages Theo to visit Marseille to address "business regarding the Impressionists" (JLB 602, 5/1/1888) and presses his need for better clothes in order to "see people" in Marseille (JLB 603, 5/4/1888). Of course, as soon as Vincent finds the Yellow House and, almost simultaneously, strikes on the idea of inviting Gauguin to share it with him, the plan to move to Marseille vanishes.

Context:
JLB 601, 4/25/1888: "In Marseille I would be more willing to try to obtain a showcase for the Impressionists, if you for your part would give me an assurance that you'd supply it, this showcase, with Impressionist paintings if people ask you to exhibit them. Which will be easy."

580 301. bought new shoes and clothes BVG 479, 4/24/1888.

Context:
JLB 601, 4/25/1888: "I've also bought 3 strong cloth shirts and two pairs of sturdy shoes, with the idea of moving."

302. "In view of the business" BVG 480, 5/1/1888.

Context:
BVG 480, 5/1/1888: "But in view of the business I count on doing at Marseilles, I want to be well turned out, and I mean to buy nothing but good stuff."
JLB 602, 5/1/1888: "But in view of the fact that I plan to do business in Marseille, I definitely want to be well turned out, and I don't intend to buy anything but good quality."

303. "They consider it a duty" BVG 485, 5/10/1888.

Context:
BVG 485, 5/10/1888: "Foreigners are exploited here, and from their point of view the natives are in the right; they consider it a duty to get whatever they can."
JLB 607, 5/10/1888: "Foreigners are exploited here and -- for their part, the people around here aren't wrong -- it's considered a duty to get all you can out of them."

304. He accused merchants BVG 502, 6/23/1888. "The people here, in order to make me pay pretty high rates for EVERYTHING" (JLB 601, 4/25/1888; emphasis in original). This passage refers specifically to his landlord, but elsewhere Vincent complains in more general terms: "Foreigners are exploited here and -- for their part, the people around here aren't wrong -- it's considered a duty to get all you can out of them" (JLB 607, 5/10/1888). Vincent also complained that merchants refused to extend him credit: "Yesterday I went to visit some furniture dealers to see if I could rent a bed, &c. Unfortunately they do not rent, and even refused to sell on terms of paying so much per month. This is rather awkward." (JLB 603, 5/4/1888; emphasis in original.) Exactly the same thing had happened in Drenthe -- to disastrous effect.

Context:
JLB 630, 6/23/1888: "The negligence, the lazy carelessness of people here is indescribable and one is really put out by the least things. That's the reason I'll have to go to Marseille one of these days, to be able to get what I need from over there."

305. cooks of spiting himBVG 539, 9/17/1888. (See Ch. 30, n. 327.)

Context:
JLB 683, 9/18/1888: "He's sometimes crazy and mean, but I'm certainly not the one who has the right to blame him for that, because I know the same neurosis too much myself, and I know that he wouldn't blame me either."

306. clerks of cheating himBVG 502, 6/23/1888. (See Ch. 30, n. 327.)

Context:
JLB 630, 6/23/1888: "The negligence, the lazy carelessness of people here is indescribable and one is really put out by the least things. That's the reason I'll have to go to Marseille one of these days, to be able to get what I need from over there."

307. officials of misleading himBVG B7, 6/18/1888. (See Ch. 30, n. 326.)

Context:
JLB 628, 6/19/1888: "I beg a thousand pardons for not having put enough stamps on the letter; and yet I did stamp it at the post office and this isn't the first time that it's happened here, that when in doubt, and asking at the post office itself, I've been misled about the postage" (emphasis in original).

308. "It would be feeble of me" BVG 486, 5/10/1888.

Context:
BVG 486, 5/10/1888: "I consider that I am after all a workman, and not a coddled foreigner travelling for pleasure, and it would be feeble of me to let myself be exploited as such."
JLB 608, 5/10/1888: "In short, I believe I'm a worker and not a soft foreign tourist here to enjoy himself, and it would be lack of energy on my part to let myself be exploited like that."

309. impervious to his complaints BVG 524, 8/14/1888. Indifference -- particularly infuriating to someone as intense as Vincent -- was a major theme of his criticism of the Arlesians: "people are getting a little slack here, slipping a little too much onto the downward slope of carelessness, indifference" (JLB 626, 6/16/1888-6/20/1888). "I don't find the southern gaiety here that Daudet talks about so much, on the contrary, an insipid affectation, a sordid carelessness" (JLB 630, 6/23/1888).

Context:
JLB 660, 8/13/1888: "… you don't get very far with the people."

310. "The indifference, the lazy" BVG 502, 6/23/1888: We have altered the translation slightly.

Context:
BVG 502, 6/23/1888: " The carelessness, the lazy happy-go-lucky ways of the people here are beyond belief; you have trouble getting the most trifling things."
JLB 630, 6/23/1888: " The negligence, the lazy carelessness of people here is indescribable and one is really put out by the least things."

311. Nothing enraged him more BVG 482, 5/4/1888: Vincent admits to staying in his room for fear that he will get into a fight if he goes out. A few days later, he grumbles: "I really don't consider myself defeated, and besides, if I'd had my health, which I hope to get back here, that and many other things wouldn't happen to me" (JLB 606, 5/7/1888). The implication here is that the locals have taken advantage of his illness -- a charge he makes explicit against his landlord.

Context:
JLB 604, 5/4/1888: "I'm very keen to see something of that for myself, but for the very reason that I don't want to get all worked up I'll do it when my nerves are settled."

312. "foolish and vicious" BVG 539, 9/17/1888. Vincent admits this (and excuses it) in a defense of Bernard.

Context:
BVG 539, 9/17/1888: "Bernard has so much temperament! He is sometimes foolish and vicious, but I certainly have no right to reproach him with that, because I myself know the same disorder of the nerves only too well, and I know that he will not reproach me either."
JLB 683, 9/18/1888: "Bernard is actually so temperamental!! He's sometimes crazy and mean, but I'm certainly not the one who has the right to blame him for that, because I know the same neurosis too much myself, and I know that he wouldn't blame me either."

313. "bores" BVG 514, 7/25/1888: Criticizing MacKnight's largesse and, ironically, his fraternizing with the locals, Vincent offers some bitter corrective.

Context:
BVG 514, 7/25/1888: "What one ought to do there [in the village of Fontvielles, where MacKnight had a studio] is not to talk to the civilized people; now they know the station master and a score of bores, and that is partly why they get nowhere. Naturally these simple and artless country folk laugh at them and despise them. But if they did their work without taking up with these village loungers with their starched collars, then they could go into the peasants' homes and let them earn a few pence."
JLB 650, 7/29/1888: "What one ought to do there [in the village of Fontvielles, where MacKnight had a studio] is not talk to civilized people; but they know the stationmaster and a score of bloody nuisances, and that's largely why they don't do a damned thing. I've already said that to Mourier, who once used to believe that MacKnight got on highly intelligently with the 'man of the fields.' Naturally, these simple and naive people of the fields make fun of them, and despise them. On the contrary, if you do your work there without worrying about the village idlers with their stiff collars, then you can go into the homes of the peasants, enabling them to earn a few sous."

314. "loungers"BVG 514, 7/25/1888. (See Ch. 30, n. 313.)

Context:
BVG 514, 7/25/1888: "But if they did their work without taking up with these village loungers with their starched collars, then they could go into the peasants' homes and let them earn a few pence."
JLB 650, 7/29/1888: "On the contrary, if you do your work there without worrying about the village idlers with their stiff collars, then you can go into the homes of the peasants, enabling them to earn a few sous."

315. "loafers" BVG 539, 9/17/1888. Vincent may have painted some of these loafers in his depictions of the river and the bridge referred to, such as The Bridge at Trinquetaille (F 426 JH 1468, June 1888, oil on canvas, 25.6 by 31.9 in., 65 by 81 cm., Collection Joseph Hackmey, Israel).

Context:
BVG 539, 9/17/1888: ""I mean to laugh at ambition and fame, as I do at those street arabs, and at the loafers on the banks of the Rhône and in the Rue du Pont d'Arles."
JLB 683, 9/18/1888: "I have the firm intention of thumbing my nose at ambition and fame, like these kids and these ruffians from the banks of the Rhône and rue du Bout d'Arles."

316. "swine" BVG 514, 7/25/1888: Vincent refers to the landlord of his fellow painter Dodge MacKnight with this merciless portrait.

Context:
BVG 514, 7/25/1888: "I think that McKnight [sic] has civilized and converted to civilized Christianity his brute of a landlord. Anyway the swine and his worthy spouse, when you go there, shake hands with you -- it is in a café, of course -- when you ask for drinks, they have a way of refusing money -- 'Oh! I could not take money from an artiss' -- with two ses."
JLB 650, 7/29/1888: "I believe that MacKnight has civilized and converted to civilized Christianity his lout of a landlord. At least, when you go there that scoundrel and his worthy spouse shake your hand -- it's in a café, of course -- when you ask for a drink they have ways of refusing the money, 'Oh, I couldn't take money from an artiss' (with two s's)."

317. Even the prostitutes of Arles BVG 482, 5/4/1888: Which is not to say that Vincent stopped going to the brothels, as he admits in a letter in early May. Speaking about the new messiah of painters, the "Bel-ami of the south," he writes: "This painter of the future, I can't imagine him living in small restaurants, working with several false teeth and going into Zouave brothels like me." One possible explanation for this apparent contradiction, for which there is ample evidence in the record, is that Vincent was beginning to suffer from hyposexuality -- the diminishment of sexual appetite typical of those who suffer temporal lobe epilepsy. "But with my temperament, to lead a wild life and to work are no longer compatible at all, and in the given circumstances I'll have to content myself with making paintings" (JLB 602, 5/1/1888). Vincent has many excuses for this withdrawal: his studio is not private enough (ibid.), his blood is too thin (JLB 599, 4/19/1888), the "moral standards" of the Arlesians are "less inhuman and contrary to nature" than in Paris (JLB 602, 5/1/1888), his disease requires him to impose a healthy regimen of "[c]old water, air, good simple food, wear the right clothes, sleep in a good bed and don't have worries" (JLB 603, 5/4/1888), and the whores are "in decline" (JLB 604, 5/4/1888). Vincent recommends that Theo promise his doctor "not to see women except in case of necessity, but as little as possible," and given Vincent's solidarity with his brother, it is hard to imagine that he did not follow the same advice (JLB 611, 5/20/1888).

In what could be an admission, he favorably cites the brothers' friend Félix Ziem for the startling proposition that "man becomes ambitious the moment he can't get a hard-on. Now, while it's more or less the same to me whether or not I can get a hard-on, I protest when it must inevitably lead me to ambition." (JLB 638, 7/10/1888 or 7/10/1888; emphasis in original.) He repeats the same sexually defensive sentiment in a different formulation only two weeks later: "If a painter ruins his character by working hard at painting, which makes him sterile for many things, for family life, &c. &c." (JLB 650, 7/29/1888). At one point, perhaps in response to an admission by Theo, he may have opened up about his own impotence -- albeit by implication: "True what you say about De Braekeleer. Have you heard that he was suffering from a brain disease that's supposed to have reduced him to helplessness??? I've heard that, but wasn't it temporary?" (JLB 604, 5/4/1888.)

Even in his letters to Bernard, which are filled with exaggerated brothel braggadocio, there are indications of waning activity, if not interest. "At present I'm still keeping very quiet and very calm, because first I have to get over a stomach ailment" (JLB 599, 4/19/1888). In defense of noble savages, Vincent denounces the "frightful white man" for "his hypocrisy, his greed and his sterility" (JLB 612, 5/22/1888). And he complains explicitly that "[p]ainting and fucking a lot aren't compatible; it weakens the brain, and that's what's really damned annoying" (JLB 628, 6/19/1888). By August, he offers this contrary wisdom on the subject: "If we want, ourselves, to get a hard-on for our work, we must sometimes resign ourselves to fucking only a little, and for the rest to be, according as our temperament demands, soldiers or monks" (JLB 655, 8/5/1888; emphasis in original). There is also a hint of fretful hyposexuality in one of Vincent's letters to his sister Wil around the same time: "You see what I've found, my work, and you also see what I haven't found, everything else that's part of life. And the future? Either become wholly abstracted from whatever isn't the work or ... I dare not elaborate on that 'or' because becoming nothing but a work machine, unfit for and indifferent to all the rest ... I sometimes regret getting older and uglier than is in my interest." (JLB 626, 6/16/1888-6/20/1888.)

Context:
JLB 604, 5/4/1888: "This painter of the future, I can't imagine him living in small restaurants, working with several false teeth and going into Zouave brothels like me."

318. other than alcohol BVG 474, 4/9/1888: At the same time Vincent protests that he has cut back on his consumption of alcohol in Arles (compared to Paris), he confirms that he is still indulging. The next month, he complains that "the wine is just as bad [as in Paris], but I only drink very little of it," and, as a result, "my blood is improving instead of being ruined" (JLB 602, 5/1/1888). However, Vincent sends a contrary signal in the very next letter -- a hint that he is, in fact, drinking heavily again: "Monticelli was physically more vigorous than I am, I think, and if I had the strength I would live like him, one day at a time. But if he became paralyzed, and without being that much of a drinker -- all the more reason why I couldn't withstand it." (JLB 603, 5/4/1888; emphasis added.) The construction, as translated, suggests that Monticelli had at least two advantages over Vincent: one, that he had a stronger constitution than Vincent; and, two, that he was not "much of a drinker" like Vincent. In the same letter, Vincent makes it very clear that he drinks in order to avoid "reflecting" -- i.e., reflecting on his situation: "When I stopped drinking, when I stopped smoking so much, when I started reflecting on things again instead of trying not to think -- my God, what melancholias and what dejection. Working in this magnificent nature kept up my morale, but there too, after a certain amount of effort I didn't have the strength." (ibid.) The last line suggests that he has increased his drinking again in order to medicate the "melancholias and what dejection" caused by "reflecting."

Context:
JLB 594, 4/9/1888: "The air here is definitely doing me good, I could wish you deep lungfuls of it. One of its effects is quite funny, one small glass of cognac goes to my head down here, so without having recourse to stimulants to get my blood circulating, my constitution won't be taxed so much all the same."

319. "worn-out" BVG B5, 5/20/1888. This passage suggests Vincent's deep experience in the street-search for prostitutes in Arles: "the women of our boulevard -- le petit -- usually sleep alone at night because they screw 5 or 6 times during the day or the evening and -- late at night it's that honourable carnivore, their pimp, who comes to collect them and take them home, yes, but he doesn't sleep with them (only rarely). The worn-out and haggard woman usually goes to bed alone, and sleeps a leaden sleep." (Emphasis in original.)

Context:
BVG B5, 5/20/1888: "The worn-out stupefied woman usually goes to bed alone and sleeps a leaden sleep."
JLB 612, 5/22/1888: "The worn-out and haggard woman usually goes to bed alone, and sleeps a leaden sleep."

320. "stupefied"BVG B5, 5/20/1888. (See Ch. 30, n. 319.)

Context:
BVG B5, 5/20/1888: "The worn-out stupefied woman usually goes to bed alone and sleeps a leaden sleep."
JLB 612, 5/22/1888: "The worn-out and haggard woman usually goes to bed alone, and sleeps a leaden sleep."

321. "in their decadence" BVG 482, 5/4/1888. As of May 1888, Vincent is still ambivalent on the issue of Arlesian women in general (as opposed to Arlesian prostitutes): Even this ambivalence represents a step back from his unmitigated enthusiasm when he arrived: "The women really are beautiful here, it's no joke" (JLB 578, 2/24/1888). By September, Vincent is equally unambiguous in the opposite direction: "I believe that the town of Arles was once infinitely more glorious for the beauty of its women, for the beauty of its traditional dress. Now it all looks sickly and faded as far as character goes." (JLB 686, 9/23/1888 or 9/24/1888.) Of course, he continues to argue the legendary beauty of the Arlésiennes to friends like Bernard and Gauguin: in the former case, to entertain; in the latter, to entice.

Context:
BVG 482, 5/4/1888: "As for the women of Arles that there's so much talk about -- there is, isn't there? -- do you want to know my real opinion of them? They are, no question about it, really charming, but no longer what they must have been. As things are now, they are more often like a [Pierre] Mignard [I (Le Romain)] than a Mantegna, for they are in their decadence. That doesn't prevent them from being beautiful -- very beautiful, and I am talking now only of the type in the Roman style -- rather boring and commonplace. But what exceptions there are!"
JLB 604, 5/4/1888: "As for the Arlésiennes they talk about so much, don't they, do you know what I think of them, in short? Certainly, they're truly charming, but it's not what it must have been once. And there you are, it's often more Mignard than Mantegna, since they're in decline, but be that as it may, it's beautiful, really beautiful, and here I'm only talking about the Roman type -- a bit boring and ordinary. But what exceptions!"

322. "going into the hands of people" BVG 485, 5/10/1888.

Context:
BVG 485, 5/10/1888: "Only it is discouraging to work hard and to see one's subsidy going into the hands of people whom one loathes."
JLB 607, 5/10/1888: "But it's discouraging to work hard and see your profit going into the hands of people you detest."

323. He fought with booksellers BVG 502, 6/23/1888.

Context:
JLB 630, 6/23/1888: "I'll need a book, A B C D du dessin by A.[ Armand] Cassagne. I requested it at the bookshop here, and after waiting a fortnight they tell me they need the name of the publisher, which I don't know. If you could send me it I'd be very pleased. The negligence, the lazy carelessness of people here is indescribable and one is really put out by the least things."

324. and brothel keepers BVG 518, 8/6/1888: Vincent does not admit this incident directly, but it is buried, not very deeply, beneath the surface of this rumination on loneliness and the tendency of lonely people, like himself, to frequent spots where other "homeless" people congregate in Arles, namely night cafés and brothels.

Context:
JLB 656, 8/6/1888: "This way the 'night prowlers' can find a refuge when they don't have the price of a lodging, or if they're too drunk to be admitted. All these things, family, native country, are perhaps more appealing in the imagination of such as us -- who do fairly well without a native country, as well as a family -- than in any reality. It always seems to me that I'm a traveller who's going somewhere and to a destination. If I say to myself, the somewhere, the destination don't exist at all, that seems well argued and truthful to me. When he kicks somebody out, the brothel-keeper has a logic of the same kind, argues well, too, and is always right." (Emphasis added.)

325. the grocer who suppliedBVG 475, 4/4/1888. Vincent admits to Theo that he "lost all patience" with the man, Jules Armand -- clearly code for an altercation (JLB 593, 4/3/1888; see Ch. 30, n. 182).

Context:
JLB 593, 4/3/1888: "The colourman here made absorbent canvas for me, but he's so lazy about doing it that I've decided to have everything sent from Paris or Marseille, and give up -- having lost all patience -- the idea of getting him to do it."

326. with postal clerks BVG 505, 7/8/1888. Vincent reports the same problem to Bernard: "I beg a thousand pardons for not having put enough stamps on the letter; and yet I did stamp it at the post office and this isn't the first time that it's happened here, that when in doubt, and asking at the post office itself, I've been misled about the postage. You can't imagine the carelessness, the nonchalance of the people here." (JLB 628, 6/19/1888; emphasis in original.) There is an imputation in this passage that the postal clerks were purposely misleading him, out of malice and/or mischievousness.

Context:
JLB 637, 7/8/1888 or 7/9/1888: "They quibbled with me at the post office, saying that the drawings I was sending you were too big to be sent that way."

327. He fought with restauranteurs BVG 480, 5/1/1888. One hears echoes of Daudet's cartoonish view of the Midi in Vincent's bitter, sarcastic riff on his difficulties in obtaining suitable food: "Yet it's not hard to boil potatoes. Impossible. And no rice or macaroni either, or else it's ruined with fat or they don't do it, and make the excuse: it's for tomorrow, there's no room on the stove, &c. It's silly but true all the same that that's why my health is poor." (JLB 602, 5/1/1888.)

Context:
JLB 602, 5/1/1888: "So, if I had some very strong broth, that would get me going right away, it's dreadful, I've never been able to get even any of the very simple things I've asked those people for. And it's the same everywhere in these little restaurants." (Emphasis in original.)

328. local teenagers who taunted him Tralbaut, pp. 269, 270: Tralbaut cites the testimony of a Arlesian named "Julian" who was seventeen at the time Vincent was in Arles: "'We were a gang of young people between sixteen and twenty, and like a lot of young imbeciles we used to amuse ourselves by shouting abuse at this man when he went past, alone and silent, in his long smock and wearing one of those cheap straw hats that you could buy everywhere ... I remember -- and I am bitterly ashamed of it now -- how I threw cabbage-stalks at him!" We take "cabbage stalks" to refer to left-over, inedible, or unused vegetable scraps. 329. "street arabs" BVG 539, 9/17/1888.

Context:
BVG 539, 9/17/1888: "This afternoon I had a select public -- four or five hooligans and a dozen street arabs, who were especially interested in seeing the paint come out of the tubes."
JLB 683, 9/18/1888: "This afternoon I had a select audience ... of 4 or 5 pimps and a dozen kids who found it particularly interesting to watch the colours come out of the tubes."

330. complained about the terrible food BVG B4, 4/21/1888: In April, he wrote of the "bad food" in a letter to Bernard (JLB 599, 4/19/1888).

Context:
JLB 599, 4/19/1888: "So see that your blood's good beforehand; with the bad food here it's difficult to regain that."

331. "regular poison" BVG 488, 5/15/1888.

Context:
BVG 488, 5/15/1888: "It was mainly their bad food which kept me down, and their wine, which was regular poison."
JLB 610, 5/14/1888: "It was their bad food more than anything that made it drag on, and their wine, which was real poison."

332. the lack of heat BVG 467, 3/9/1888. In early March, he wrote, "I haven't yet been able to work in comfort and in the warm" (JLB 583, 3/9/1888).

Context:
JLB 583, 3/9/1888: "But that doesn't count, as I haven't yet been able to work in comfort and in the warm."

333. "nest of microbes BVG 480, 5/1/1888.

Context:
BVG 480, 5/1/1888: "In a southern town I feel I have no right to complain of it, since these offices are few and dirty, and one cannot help thinking of them as nests of microbes."
JLB 602, 5/1/1888: "In a southern town I think you'd be wrong to complain about it, because these facilities are few and far between, and dirty, and you can't help thinking of them as nests of germs."

334. "tricks"BVG 480, 5/1/1888. When Vincent moved out of the Carrel building at the end of April, he celebrated: "I have my independence from petty squabbles over guest-houses, which are ruinous and depress me" (JLB 602, 5/1/1888). Apparently, one such "squabble" with the owners, Albert Carrel and his wife Cathérine Carrel-Garcin, was over their raising the cost of room and board when Vincent was sick, probably in March (see Ch. 30, n. 135): "for their present bill they're basing themselves on a period when I was paying them more (when I was ill and had asked them for better wine)" (JLB 608, 5/10/1888). Why Vincent thinks the Carrels should not have charged him more for better wine is not clear.

Context:
BVG 480, 5/1/1888: "This will remain the studio and the storehouse for the whole campaign, as long as it lasts in the South, and now I am free of all the innkeepers' tricks: they're ruinous and they make me wretched."
JLB 602, 5/1/1888: "The studio, the store, will remain here for the whole of the campaign here in the south, and that way I have my independence from petty squabbles over guest-houses, which are ruinous and depress me."

335. "They're ruinous" BVG 480, 5/1/1888.

Context:
BVG 480, 5/1/1888: "This will remain the studio and the storehouse for the whole campaign, as long as it lasts in the South, and now I am free of all the innkeepers' tricks: they're ruinous and they make me wretched."
JLB 602, 5/1/1888: "The studio, the store, will remain here for the whole of the campaign here in the south, and that way I have my independence from petty squabbles over guest-houses, which are ruinous and depress me."

336. Carrel made a covered terrace BVG 478, 4/21/1888.

Context:
JLB 600, 4/20/1888: "If you prefer them to continue to dry here, that's not bad perhaps. At the moment they're on a covered terrace to dry."

337. to dry his paintingsBVG 478, 4/21/1888. (See Ch. 30, n. 338.)

Context:
JLB 600, 4/20/1888: "If you prefer them to continue to dry here, that's not bad perhaps. At the moment they're on a covered terrace to dry."

338. use as a fair-weather studioBVG B4, 4/21/1888: Curiously, Vincent does not mention this use of the terrace to Theo (see Ch. 30, n. 337), suggesting either that he was romanticizing his accommodations for Bernard, or that he was avoiding questions from Theo about the cost of the additional space. It is the use of this space that triggers the final confrontation with the landlord Carrel.

Context:
JLB 599, 4/19/1888: "You'll find that you'll enjoy seeing the blue down here, and feeling the sun. I now have a terrace for a studio."

339. yet another failure BVG 484, 5/7/1888.

Context:
JLB 606, 5/7/1888: "I say to myself you've still received none of my work and I've already spent so much money."

581 340. "I see [the future] bristling" BVG 480, 5/1/1888. In the very next letter, he reiterated the same sentiments of helplessness and hopelessness, but prefaced by an oddly upbeat claim: "Working in this magnificent nature kept up my morale, but there too, after a certain amount of effort I didn't have the strength" (JLB 603, 5/4/1888).

Context:
BVG 480, 5/1/1888: "I don't see the whole future black, but I do see it bristling with difficulties and sometimes I ask myself if they won't be too much for me."
JLB 602, 5/1/1888: "It's not in black that I see the future, but I see it bristling with many difficulties, and at times I wonder if these won't be stronger than I am."

341. "ash-colored" BVG W4, 6/22/1888: This description is a cross between Vincent's current self-image and his recollection of a self-portrait he painted toward the end of his stay in Paris (Self-Portrait in front of the Easel [F 390 JH 1356]). In June 1888, he writes his sister Wil: "Since I'm now so occupied with myself, I'd also like to see if I can't make my own portrait in writing" (JLB 626, 6/16/1888-6/20/1888). But this leads him back to the earlier portrait -- "an impression of mine, which is the result of a portrait that I painted in the mirror, and which Theo has" (ibid.). Vincent conflates the self-portrait in words with the recollected one in paint: "[A] pink-grey face with green eyes, ash-coloured hair, wrinkles in forehead and around the mouth, stiffly wooden, a very red beard, quite unkempt and sad, but the lips are full, ... You'll say that this is something like, say, the face of -- death -- in Van Eeden's book" (ibid.). The reference is to De kleine Johannes (Little Johannes) (1887) by Frederik van Eeden. The story, a mythic journey to enlightenment, loosely tracks Vincent's. (For an overwrought working-out of the parallels between Vincent and Van Eeden's Johannes, see Druick and Zegers, p. 93). Also, Vincent's "own portrait in writing" of late June comes about six months after the painting of Self-Portrait in front of the Easel (F 522 JH 1356). While it provides a helpful insight into his self-image at the later date, we believe Druick and Zegers should not use it as a guide to Vincent's state of mind or creative intentions vis-a-vis the earlier painting.)

Context:
BVG W4, 6/22/1888: "A pinkish-gray face with green eyes, ash-coloured hair, wrinkles on the forehead and around the mouth, stiff, wooden, a very red beard, considerably neglected and mournful …"
JLB 626, 6/16/1888-6/20/1888: "… a pink-grey face with green eyes, ash-coloured hair, wrinkles in forehead and around the mouth, stiffly wooden, a very red beard, quite unkempt and sad …"

342. "stiff and wooden"BVG W4, 6/22/1888. (See Ch. 30, n. 341.)

Context:
BVG W4, 6/22/1888: "A pinkish-gray face with green eyes, ash-coloured hair, wrinkles on the forehead and around the mouth, stiff, wooden, a very red beard, considerably neglected and mournful …"
JLB 626, 6/16/1888-6/20/1888: "… a pink-grey face with green eyes, ash-coloured hair, wrinkles in forehead and around the mouth, stiffly wooden, a very red beard, quite unkempt and sad …"

343. an exchange with Bernard BVG B4, 4/21/1888. Bernard opens the discussion in mid-April by sending Vincent a set of sonnets which clearly invoked Christian imagery. Vincent quotes a line from one of the poems: "Tordu sur sa croix en spirale" (Twisted on his cross in a spiral) (JLB 599, 4/19/1888; emphasis in original). Vincent comments that this "is a very, very good rendering of the exaggerated thinness of the mystical Christs," but, at this early point in their correspondence, does not rise to Bernard's bait (ibid.). Instead, he quickly switches to a more secular image of quiet suffering that he has often used in the past: "why not add to it that the anguished expression of the martyr is like the eye of a broken-hearted cab horse?" (ibid.). By summer, as part of his campaign on behalf of the Yellow House and the Studio of the South, Vincent will engage Bernard much more actively on the subject of Christ and the Bible, as discussed in Chapter 30.

Context:
JLB 599, 4/19/1888: "Twisted on his cross in a spiral is a very, very good rendering of the exaggerated thinness of the mystical Christs; why not add to it that the anguished expression of the martyr is like the eye of a broken-hearted cab horse?" (emphasis in original).

344. Theo had fallen ill againVincent first heard of this latest relapse in late April, probably in the form of vague but familiar complaints from Theo. He immediately responded with a full fusillade of advice on his brother's treatment and doctors: "I think Gruby's in the right in these cases: eat well, live well, see few women, in a word live in anticipation just as though one already had a brain disease and a disease of the marrow, not to mention neurosis, which really does exist. Certainly that's taking the bull by the horns, which isn't a bad policy. And Degas -- does that and is successful. [See Ch. 30, n. 129.] All the same, don't you feel, as I do, it's awfully hard? And in short doesn't it do us a tremendous amount of good to listen to the wise advice of Rivet and Pangloss, those splendid optimists of the true and jovial Gallic race who leave you your self-esteem?" (JLB 603, 5/4/1888.)

By mid-May, Theo's condition had obviously worsened and he had consulted Gruby: "What you write about your visit to Gruby has upset me, but at the same time it reassures me that you went there. Have you considered that your lethargy -- a feeling of extreme lassitude -- could have been caused by this heart condition, and that in that case potassium iodide couldn't be blamed for these periods of stupefied exhaustion?" (JLB 611, 5/20/1888.) With inevitable fraternal solidarity, Vincent compares Theo's problems to his own and assumes that his brother should follow the same therapeutic regimen, regardless of what his doctors say: "If you remember how stupefied I was myself this winter, to the point of being quite incapable of doing anything whatsoever, apart from a little painting, although I wasn't taking potassium iodide at all. So if I were you, I'd have it out with Rivet if Gruby tells you not to take it. And it will in any case -- I have no doubt about it -- be your intention to be friends with both the one and the other. ... I think potassium iodide purifies the blood and the whole system, doesn't it -- will you be able to do without it? Anyway, you'll have to have a straight talk about it with Rivet, who shouldn't be jealous." (ibid.)

Partly because he believed in the connectedness of mind and body, and partly because of his own existential crisis, Vincent strains to see Theo's problems as metaphysical as well as physical. "And perhaps in the final account your heart condition comes partly from there; it wouldn't greatly surprise me. We no longer rebel against things, we're not resigned either -- we're ill and it's not going to get any better -- and we can't do anything specific about it. I don't know who called this condition being struck by death and immortality." (ibid.)

For the same reasons, Vincent prefers Gruby's behavioral cure to Rivet's medicinal cure: " Now you, your lungs are good -- but but but -- -- -- a year of Gruby first, and then you'll see the danger you're in now. At present you've had over 10 years of Paris, which is more than is good." (JLB 615, 5/28/1888.) Vincent acknowledges the progressive nature of Theo's disease (and his own) at this time: "with Gruby you'll last, but unfortunately for us père Gruby himself won't last, because he's getting old and when we need him the most he won't be there any more" (JLB 613, 5/26/1888). Over the next few letters, Vincent's anxiety about Theo's condition was exacerbated by various trips that his employers asked Theo to make, especially one to America (JLB 615, 5/28/1888). He warns that "travelling wears you out, and most of all, it unsettles the brain more than can be good for you" (JLB 617, 5/29/1888 or 5/30/1888). "The proposal by those gentlemen to have you make short trips overseas is wearing you out. ... It seems to me that what those gentlemen are demanding of you could, however, be reasonable if they first agreed to give you a year's leave (on full salary) to regain your health. ... After that you'd go off with your blood and your nerves more settled, and fit to do new business over there." (JLB 615, 5/28/1888.) In this sabbatical year, however, Vincent suggests that Theo continue to work on behalf of the brothers' joint enterprise: "You'd devote that year to going to see all the Impressionists and connoisseurs of the Impressionists at their homes again" (ibid.). Among the forces driving this flood of concern over Theo's illness is Vincent's horror that he, ultimately, is responsible for it (see Ch. 30, n. 290).

345. "death and immortality"BVG 489, 5/20/1888. (See Ch. 30, n. 344.)

Context:
BVG 489, 5/20/1888: "I do not know who it was who called this condition -- being struck by death and immortality."
JLB 611, 5/20/1888: "I don't know who called this condition being struck by death and immortality."

346. led only to melancholy BVG B7, 6/18/1888. Vincent apparently had an attack of melancholy sometime around the first of May 1888. He reported it to Bernard about a month later: "dear God, I had come to a state in which my own blood was no longer working at all, but literally not at all, as they say. But after 4 weeks down here it got moving again." (JLB 628, 6/19/1888.) He adds this strange bit of mind-over-matter medical wisdom: "at that same time I had an attack of melancholy like yours, from which I would have suffered as much as you were it not that I welcomed it with great pleasure as a sign that I was going to recover -- which happened too" (ibid.). It is interesting that, more than a year and half later, at the end of his confinement in a mental asylum inSaint-Rémy, Vincent acknowledges that he ignored warning signs of his affliction: "When I was first ill I couldn't accept the idea that I had to go into an asylum. And now at present I admit that I should have been treated earlier, but it's human to err in that." (JLB 831, 12/23/1889.)

Context:
JLB 628, 6/19/1888: "… dear God, I had come to a state in which my own blood was no longer working at all, but literally not at all, as they say. But after 4 weeks down here it got moving again, but, my dear pal, at that same time I had an attack of melancholy like yours, from which I would have suffered as much as you were it not that I welcomed it with great pleasure as a sign that I was going to recover -- which happened too."

347. "Loneliness, worries, difficulties"BVG 489, 5/20/1888. As he did earlier in May (see Ch. 30, n. 340), Vincent prefaces this outpouring of melancholy with a contrary claim to serenity: "I feel fine here in that respect, but here, since I have work and nature, and if I didn't have that I'd become melancholy" (JLB 611, 5/20/1888; emphasis in original). But this is only after he has rented the Yellow House and lighted on the idea of inviting Gauguin to Arles -- an idea that completely rejuvenated him. The description of despair that follows speaks unequivocally in the first person and of recent experience.

Context:
JLB 611, 5/20/1888: "… loneliness, worries, vexations, the need for friendship and fellow-feeling not sufficiently met, that's what's very bad, the mental emotions of sadness or disappointments undermine us more than riotous living: us, that is, who find ourselves the happy owners of troubled hearts."

348. "infectious foolishness" BVG B8, 6/23/1888: In response to Bernard's arguments on behalf of religious imagery, Vincent batters at the pillars of his former faith. This is probably the "folly" Vincent has in mind when he writes Theo in late May in response to news of the death of the concierge of Theo's apartment building, whom Vincent surely knew: "For our part, we have to try not to be ill, because if we were -- we're more isolated than, for example, the poor concierge who's just died -- these people have a circle of people around them -- and see the comings and goings of the household and live in stupidity. But we're alone there with our thoughts and would sometimes wish to be stupid." (JLB 617, 5/29/1888 or 5/30/1888; emphasis in original.)

Vincent expressed his disdain for religion's promise of an afterlife in a strange parable about the "May bug," a large European scarab-like beetle. "Now I know that it's fairly impossible for the white potato or salad grubs that turn into May bugs later to be capable of forming credible ideas about their future overground existence. And that it would be rash of them to undertake overground studies to throw light on this question, since the gardener or others interested in salad and vegetables would immediately trample them underfoot as being harmful insects. But for parallel reasons I have little faith in the rightness of our human ideas concerning our future life." (JLB 579, 2/24/1888.) This image both echoes Hamlet's famous "bunghole" speech and eerily anticipates Metamorphosis (1915) by Franz Kafka (1883-1924; German writer), the story of a man who wakes up one morning transformed into a giant vermin (ungeziefer).

Context:
BVG B8, 6/23/1888: "But the consolation of that deeply saddening Bible, which arouses our despair and indignation, which seriously offends us and thoroughly confuses us with its pettiness and infectious foolishness -- the consolation it contains like a stone inside a hard rind and bitter pulp, is Christ."
JLB 632, 6/26/1888: "But the consolation of this so saddening Bible, which stirs up our despair and our indignation -- thoroughly upsets us, completely outraged by its pettiness and its contagious folly -- the consolation it contains, like a kernel inside a hard husk, a bitter pulp -- is Christ."

349. "can lead us to the creation" BVG B3, 4/9/1888.

Context:
BVG B3, 4/9/1888: "The imagination is certainly a faculty which we must develop, one which alone can lead us to the creation of a more exalting and consoling nature than the single brief glance at reality -- which in our sight is ever changing, passing like a flash of lightning -- can let us perceive."
JLB 596, 4/12/1888: "Certainly -- imagination is a capacity that must be developed, and only that enables us to create a more exalting and consoling nature than what just a glance at reality (which we perceive changing, passing quickly like lightning) allows us to perceive."

350. Zola's messianic mandate Druick and Zegers, pp. 121-122: Druick and Zegers helpfully cite a relevant passage in L'oeuvre: "'You'll come into your own yet, old fellow ... You're bound to. The art of the future is going to be your art. These chaps are where they are now because you've made them.' 'What the hell's the use of having "made" them, if I haven't "made" myself? ... You know as well as I do it was too much for me, and that's just what I can't stomach.' A despairing gesture was enough to indicate his train of thought -- his inability to be the genius of his own artistic creed, his frustration at being the forerunner who sows the idea but cannot reap the glory, his despair at seeing himself robbed ... before he ... had had the strength to produce the masterpiece that would be a landmark of contemporary painting." (Druick and Zegers, p. 345.) 351. the sublime "it" See Chapter 11. 352. He preached to all Vincent's arguments both prophesying and advocating an artistic/religious "revolution" on behalf of the new art appear first in a letter to Wil from the second half of 1887, while Vincent was still in Paris: "If the spoken or written word is to remain the light of the world, it's our right and our duty to acknowledge that we live in an age in which it's written in such a way, spoken in such a way that in order to find something as great and as good and as original, and just as capable of overturning the whole old society as in the past, we can safely compare it with the old upheaval by the Christians" (JLB 574, October 1887). Interestingly, it appears next in another letter to Wil, this time from Arles: "You can get an idea of the change in painting if you think, say, of the colourful Japanese pictures that one sees everywhere, landscapes and figures" (JLB 590, 5/30/1888). That summer, he wrote Bernard about the coming "renaissance" in art (JLB 622, 6/7/1888) and declared: "I have no doubt that we'll again see an incarnation of this society" (JLB 655, 8/5/1888). For his cautious brother, talk of revolution was confined to a review of a book by Leo Tolstoy: "It seems that in the book Ma religion, Tolstoy suggests that whatever may occur in the way of a violent revolution, there will also be a private, secret revolution in people, from which a new religion, or rather, something altogether new, will be reborn, which will have no name but which will have the same effect of consoling, of making life possible, that the Christian religion once had" (JLB 686, 9/23/1888 or 9/24/1888). 353. "revolution" BVG 542, 9/24/1888.

Context:
BVG 542, 9/24/1888: "It seems that in the book, My Religion, Tolstoy implies that whatever happens in a violent revolution, there will also be an inner and hidden revolution in the people, out of which a new religion will be born, or rather, something completely new which will be nameless, but which will have the same effect of consoling, of making life possible, as the Christian religion used to."
JLB 686, 9/23/1888 or 9/24/1888: "It seems that in the book Ma religion, Tolstoy suggests that whatever may occur in the way of a violent revolution, there will also be a private, secret revolution in people, from which a new religion, or rather, something altogether new, will be reborn, which will have no name but which will have the same effect of consoling, of making life possible, that the Christian religion once had."

354. "And so, if we believe" BVG 489, 5/20/1888.

Context:
JLB 611, 5/20/1888: "But you see, if we believe in the new art, in the artists of the future, our presentiment doesn't deceive us. When good père Corot said a few days before he died: last night I saw in my dreams landscapes with entirely pink skies, well, didn't they come, those pink skies, and yellow and green into the bargain, in Impressionist landscapes? All this is to say there are things one senses in the future and that really come about."

355. conception of apocalyptic reincarnation BVG W4, 6/22/1888. Vincent specifically renounces the idea of a "new" art, but also rejects a return to the old art: "we're neither founders of something new," he explains to Wil, "nor called upon to be preservers of something old" (JLB 626, 6/16/1888-6/20/1888).

Context:
JLB 626, 6/16/1888-6/20/1888: "But this doesn't concern us, we're neither founders of something new nor called upon to be preservers of something old."

582 356. "impose it on humanity"Sund, p. 169. (See Ch. 30, n. 146.) 357. a letter from Bernard BVG 480, 5/1/1888: Vincent tells this story as if it is just coincidence that he and Bernard both took houses about the same time. But given how competitive Vincent was with Bernard (as he was with Anthon van Rappard, especially about his studio), it is equally possible -- and more consistent with Vincent's character -- that he received the letter from Bernard telling him about the house in Saint-Briac and immediately set out in search of a comparable situation. Although Vincent makes it sound as if he suddenly came upon the house in late April, in fact he must have passed it often in the two previous months. It sat at the fork between a major thoroughfare, the avenue de Montmajour, and the road to the post office, the impasse Lamartine. We know from his letters that he made dozens of trips to the Montmajour abbey and paid many visits to the post office, all of which would have taken him directly past the Yellow House. Vincent also admits later that he had taken walks in the park that the house faced, the Place Lamartine, "almost every day" with Mourier-Petersen (JLB 683, 9/18/1888). Why did the idea suddenly dawn?

Context:
JLB 602, 5/1/1888: "In fact, Bernard writes me that he too has a whole house, but he has it for nothing. What luck." (Emphasis in original.)

358. contemplated escaping to Marseille BVG 479, 4/24/1888: Vincent clung to the idea of moving to Marseille until late April. He mentions it as still an option in a letter dated April 24: "Being forced, determined anyway, to move, do you want or rather do you think it more suitable, to go to Marseille now?" Sometime between this letter and the next, dated May 1 (JLB 602, 5/1/1888), he made the final decision to commit to the Yellow House and to Arles.

Context:
JLB 601, 4/25/1888: "Being forced, determined anyway, to move, do you want or rather do you think it more suitable, to go to Marseille now? I can do a series of seascapes there like the orchards in blossom series here. And I've also bought 3 strong cloth shirts and two pairs of sturdy shoes, with the idea of moving."

359. far side of a public parkSee Ch. 30, n. 357. 360. he saw a dilapidated house BVG 570, 1/9/1889: Vincent does not tell Theo this until six months later, in January 1889, after Gauguin had come and gone, when the landlord of the Yellow House tried to evict him, presumably because of the ear incident in December. He no doubt withheld this information in May 1888 because Theo would have immediately been alarmed about the potential cost of making the house habitable. Given how little money Vincent had, and given the landlord's reported stinginess, it is highly probable that Vincent agreed to fix up the house (with his own money) as a kind of security deposit when he agreed to rent it in late April, without having consulted his brother first. (See Chapter 31.)

Context:
JLB 738, 1/9/1889: "That worries me a little, for I'm not much inclined to have myself turned out of this house almost shamefully when it was I who had it repainted inside and out and had gas put in &c., in short who made habitable a house that had been locked up and uninhabited for quite a long time, and which I took on in very poor condition."

361. It was painted yellow BVG 480, 5/1/1888: Note that Vincent agrees to take the house without asking Theo.

Context:
JLB 602, 5/1/1888: "It's painted yellow outside, whitewashed inside."