Notes

Notes

 

Chapters

Chapters

368 1. Gérôme's The Prisoner JLB suggests that Vincent probably saw a reproduction of The Prisoner: "Goupil included a photograph in the series L'Oeuvre de J.-L. Gérôme, Goupil s.a. (no. 567), while the engraving The prisoner appeared in The Illustrated London News 56 (14 December 1872), between pp. 558-559. Ill. It is not possible to say for certain which version Van Gogh knew." (JLB 418, 12/28/1883; n. 1.)  2. "cramped" BVG 363, 3/26/1884.

Context:
BVG 363, 3/26/1884: "If I did not feel more strongly every day that I must earn some money, I should keep my studies quietly for myself, as Rappard does. But, as you say, we are not in Rappard's position -- but for all that I am getting more and more cramped."
JLB 438, 3/15/1884 - 3/19/1884: "Were it not the case that I feel more strongly by the day that I need something more, I would keep my studies quietly to myself. As Rappard does. But you say yourself that we're not in Rappard's position -- and with all that I'm becoming more and more hard pressed."

3. "consumed by a great" BVG 133, 7/1/1880. 

Context:
BVG 133, 7/1/1880: "Then there is the other kind of ne'er-do-well, the ne'er-do-well despite himself, who is inwardly consumed by a great longing for action who does nothing because his hands are tied, because he is, so to speak, imprisoned somewhere …"
JLB 155, 6/22/1880 - 6/24/1880: "Then there's the other idler, the idler truly despite himself, who is gnawed inwardly by a great desire for action, who does nothing because he finds it impossible to do anything since he's imprisoned in something …"

369 4. a caged birdBVG 133, 7/1/1880. (See Ch. 12, n. 491.) Vincent may have taken the inspiration for this image from his brother, who reported to their parents when he first moved to Paris in 1878 that his neighbor, an "industrious tailor," also kept birds (b0979 V/1962, "Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 5/17/1878). Pastor Dorus responded to his son's colorful account: "You stick your head out of the window for the first time in the morning and see the industrious tailor at work, encouraged by his birds to be content with his fate, though his room perhaps is no more for him than the cage is for his birds" (ibid.). 

Context:
JLB 155, 6/22/1880-6/24/1880: "In the springtime a bird in a cage knows very well that there's something he'd be good for; he feels very clearly that there's something to be done but he can't do it; what it is he can't clearly remember, and he has vague ideas and says to himself, 'the others are building their nests and making their little ones and raising the brood', and he bangs his head against the bars of his cage. And then the cage stays there and the bird is mad with suffering. 'Look, there's an idler', says another passing bird -- that fellow's a sort of man of leisure. And yet the prisoner lives and doesn't die; nothing of what's going on within shows outside, he's in good health, he's rather cheerful in the sunshine. But then comes the season of migration. A bout of melancholy -- but, say the children who look after him, he's got everything that he needs in his cage, after all -- but he looks at the sky outside, heavy with storm clouds, and within himself feels a rebellion against fate. I'm in a cage, I'm in a cage, and so I lack for nothing, you fools! Me, I have everything I need! Ah, for pity's sake, freedom, to be a bird like other birds!"

5. "Since I entered" Gérin, n.p.: Gérin quotes Jean Denis, the fifteen-year-old son of Vincent's landlord and sponsor in Petit Wasmes, Jean-Baptiste Denis. "I can see him again as if I was 15 years old again. He knelt down and said, 'My little Denis, since I entered the world, I have felt myself as in a prison. Everyone considers me worthless. But when I have something to do, I feel that I was born to do something that no one else can do. But what? But what? I dont know what.' And he began to cry."  6. "A justly or unjustly" BVG 133, 7/1/1880.

Context:
JLB 155, 6/22/1880-6/24/1880: "A reputation ruined rightly or wrongly, poverty, inevitability of circumstances, misfortune; that creates prisoners. You may not always be able to say what it is that confines, that immures, that seems to bury, and yet you feel I know not what bars, I know not what gates -- walls."

7. "One feels as if" BVG 173, 1/26/1882.

Context:
BVG 173, 1/26/1882: "But I am so angry with myself now because I cannot do what I should like to do, and at such a moment one feels as if one were lying bound hand and foot a the bottom of a deep, dark well, utterly helpless."
JLB 203, 1/26/1882: "But then I loathe myself so much for not being able to do what I'd like, and at such moments one feels as though one is bound hand and foot, lying in a deep, dark pit, powerless to do anything."

8. "I am bound" BVG 71, 7/8/1876: We have slightly altered the translation. 

Context:
BVG 71, 7/8/1876: " I am bound in different ways, some even humiliating, and these will become still worse in time; but the words engraved above the image of Christus Consolator, 'He has come to proclaim liberty to the captives' are true to this day."
JLB 86, 7/8/1876: " I have my bonds of various kinds, humiliating bonds some of them, and this will only get worse with time; but the words inscribed above Christus Consolator, 'He is come to preach deliverance to the captives', are still true today" (emphasis in original).

9. catalogues of famous prisons Vincent first mentions Les prisons de Paris by Paul Renouard in September 1882: "What beautiful things it contains" he writes (JLB 261, 9/9/1882). A few months later, he singles out one of these images in particular, a large print of the "Prison Mazas" (JLB 290, 12/3/1882), the large Paris prison that figured prominently in the coup d'état of December 2, 1851. The next year, he rhapsodizes to Van Rappard about another set of prison images, Prisons d'autrefois et d'aujourd'hui (Prisons of the Past and Present) by Jules Descartes Ferat (JLB 314, 2/13/1883).  10. scenes of convict life Paul Renouard's "Banc des Accusés" (JLB 290, 12/3/1882); Luke Fildes's "The Bashful Model" ("a scene in a prison yard where policemen are holding a thief or a murderer whose picture they want to take") (JLB 304, 1/25/1883); Félix Régamey's "Convicts, Outdoor Work" (one of his series American Prison Scenes) (JLB 314, 2/13/1883); "a sheet of medium size representing the treadmill in a prison" that Vincent attributes to "M.F." (JLB 359, 7/3/1883). JLB identifies the artist as Michael FitzGerald, who did a series of illustrations in Clerkenwell House of Correction in 1873, of which the treadmill is one. Eventually, Vincent also owned a copy of at least one of the series of illustrations that Gustave Doré did of life at London's infamous Newgate Prison, "The Exercise Yard." In the last year of his life, he did a painting based on this illustration, Prisoners Exercising (after Doré) (F 669 JH 1885, February, 1890, oil on canvas, 31.5 x 25.2 in., 80 x 64 cm., Moscow, Pushkin Museum), suggesting the indelibility of the subject matter in his imagination. 11. To his parents' horror b2495 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 7/5/1880: In response to a present of a book by Victor Hugo in 1880 when Vincent was in the Borinage (see Chapter 12), mother Anna wrote Theo: "Let's pray to God that everything will work out fine, we agree with what you write about Vincent, but is it really so positive, if reading books only leads to impractical results? And what ideas does the literature he reads put in his head? He sent us something by Victor Hugo, who is on the side of criminals and doesn't condemn those things that should be considered evil. What would become of the world if bad things were considered to be good? For the love of God, that can't be right."  12. from the petty crooks BVG 247, 11/24/1882. Among the other petty crimes in Zola's Pot-bouille (The Melting Pot), a character named Trublot steels sugar to give to Adèle, the cook. 

Context:
JLB 286, 11/24/1882: "I've finished the book by Zola, Pot-bouille. I thought the most powerful passage was the kitchen maid Adele (scruffy Breton) giving birth in the dark attic room."

13. Ut mine Festungstid BVG 268, 2/20/1883-2/24/1883. As a politically active student, Fritz Reuter had been condemned to death in 1833 on trumped-up charges of treason. The sentence was commuted to thirty years in prison, of which Reuter served only seven. Ut mine Festungstid (1862), Reuter's account of the last few years of his imprisonment, comprises the second volume of his larger autobiographical work, Olle Kamellen (Old Stories of Bygone Days), of which the masterpiece is generally considered Ut Mine Stromtid (During my Apprenticeship) (1862-1864). Surprisingly, Ut mine Festungstid is a storyteller's account, not a polemicist's -- and certainly not Hugo's. Reuter is often compared to Charles Dickens. According to JLB, "The original version [of Ut mine Festungstid] was in broad Mecklenburg dialect; Van Gogh would have read a Dutch translation which appeared under the general title Gedroogde kruiden. In this Ut mine Festungstid became Herinneringen uit mijne gevangenissen (printed in 1867, 1868, 1879 and 1883)" (JLB 306, 2/3/1883, n. 6). 

Context:
JLB 318, 2/20/1883 or 2/21/1883: "A week or so ago I was reading Fritz Reuter's 'Uit mijn gevangenistijd', in which he describes very amusingly how Fritz R. and others serving fortress sentences made life as agreeable as possible and secured various privileges from their 'field officer'. That book gave me the idea of tackling my landlord with a view to certain improvements that would make my work easier."

370 14. 5-Dec Hermans and Van Hoek, "Waneer vertrok Vincent van Gogh uit Drenthe, Venoord en waneer arriveerde hij in Noord-Brabant, Nuenen," n.p.: According to the elaborate calculations of Hermans and Van Hoek, Vincent left Veenoord on December 4, 1883, and arrived in Nuenen about 2:30 P.M. on Wednesday, December 5. They base the departure date on Vincent's description of the weather that accompanied his long walk from Veenoord to Hoogeveen: "on a stormy afternoon with rain, with snow" (JLB 409, 12/6/1883). According to the authors, meteorological data for 1883 show a heavy southwestern storm in Drenthe on December 4, with wind force 8 (39-46 mph) and 0.03 inches of precipitation, changing from snow to rain around 5:00 p.m. Van Heugten argues that Vincent arrived in Nuenen on December 4: "Originally it was thought that Van Gogh arrived in Nuenen on 5 December, but Dijk 1996, p. 103, has corrected this to 4 December" (Van Heugten, p. 30).

According to JLB 409, on or about 12/6/1883: "Van Gogh's journey from Drenthe to Nuenen began with a walk across the heath 'on a stormy afternoon with rain, with snow.' On the basis of the weather reports, this day can be identified as Tuesday, 4 December (KNMI). He could not have caught the train to Nuenen after his six-hour walk from Nieuw-Amsterdam to Hoogeveen since there were only two possibilities, at 8.15 or 11.39, whereas he writes of 'my long trudge across the heath on that stormy evening.' If he left by the early train on 5 December, he had a choice of two connections: one, via Utrecht, would have got him to Nuenen at 17.10; the other, via Nijmegen, at 15.50. (See Dijk and Van der Sluis 2001, pp. 183-184 and Tjeu Hermans and Jack van Hoek, 'Wanneer arriveerde Vincent van Gogh in Nuenen? Een reis van Veenoord naar Nuenen in December 1883', De Drijehornickels. Heemkundekring Nuenen 7-1 (1998), p. 69.) Vincent writes that he had 'just' received Theo's letter of 1 December in Nuenen. This letter from Paris, via Drenthe, could not reasonably have arrived before 5 or 6 December. We have consequently dated the letter on or about Thursday, 6 December 1883."

15. the last five miles Hermans and Van Hoek, "Waneer vertrok Vincent van Gogh uit Drenthe, Venoord en waneer arriveerde hij in Noord-Brabant, Nuenen," n.p.: The distance from the Eindhoven train station to Nuenen was "about 7.2 kilometers," or about 4.5 miles.  16. "given me freedom" BVG 347, 12/18/1883. 

Context:
BVG 347, 12/18/1883: "In short, my dear fellow, neither Father nor Tersteeg has given other than a spurious tranquillity to my conscience, and they have not given me freedom, not have they ever approved of my desire for freedom and plain truth and of my feeling of ignorance and darkness."
JLB 403, 11/5/1883: "Anyway, old chap, neither Pa nor Tersteeg has given me anything but false peace for my conscience, and they haven't made me free, nor even respected my desire for freedom and naked truth, and my feeling of ignorance and darkness."

17. thwarted him BVG 193, 5/14/1882: Referring to his family's successful resistance to his plan to marry Kee Vos, he writes: "True, they had the whip hand, they thwarted me in Amsterdam" (JLB 228, 5/16/1882). 

Context:
JLB 228, 5/16/1882: "True, they had the whip hand, they thwarted me in Amsterdam."

18. "I am no criminal" BVG 193, 5/14/1882. 

Context:
JLB 228, 5/16/1882: "I'm no blackguard, I do not deserve to be treated so dreadfully."

19. in his artistic ambitions Again and again, Vincent is aggressively defensive about his parents' (especially his father's) reaction to his art. Starting very early, he disparages their understanding of art in general: "I'll share and agree with Pa's view when Pa acquires an understanding of art, and that will never happen. The ministers often bring 'beauty' into a sermon, but then it's in their usual way and very heavy going." (JLB 234, 6/1/1882-6/2/1882.) "They'll never be able to grasp what painting is" (JLB 259, 8/26/1882). Soon, this general disparagement becomes a very specific and clearly painful resignation to the inevitability of their disapproval of his art in particular. "Whenever in the future, even more than now, they should see me slogging and toiling away at my work -- scratching out and altering -- now making a close comparison with nature, and then introducing a change so that they can no longer exactly recognize the spot or the figure, that will always be a disappointment to them. They'll be unable to understand that painting isn't done at a stroke, and they'll always fall back on the idea 'that I can't really do it', and that real painters work in a totally different way. In short, I dare not cherish any illusions and do fear that Pa and Ma will never take any real pleasure in it. ... To wish that it could be different is permissible, to expect it is in my view unwise." (ibid.)

As Vincent himself acknowledges, this defensiveness about his art masks a much deeper and broader despair about his parents' approval, and, no doubt, their love: "They'll find it difficult to understand my state of mind, and not know what drives me when they see me do things that seem strange and peculiar to them -- will blame them on dissatisfaction, indifference or nonchalance, while the cause lies elsewhere" (ibid.). Vincent's worst fears seemed to be confirmed in February 1883 when he sent a gift of a drawing for his father's birthday and, even though Vincent tried to make it in a way that would please him, Dorus made no comment on it. "I sent Pa a drawing that I did after he made some comments about the first old man in the lithograph. Not because I entirely agreed with Pa, but I thought, now that I know how you would like it to be, I'll try and make it for you. Yet I fear I haven't succeeded. One doesn't always manage to please people when one does one's best. Pa didn't write that he didn't like it, but that was what came across anyway. It may indeed be that it's no good." (JLB 306, 2/3/1883.) 

20. "closed their ears" BVG 335, 10/22/1883. 

Context:
BVG 335, 10/22/1883: "For oneself one must not doubt that it is the way of nature, and that one works against nature only by not changing. There is an old saying, They have ears but they hear not, they have eyes but they see not, they have a heart but feel not; their heart is hardened, and they have closed their ears and eyes because they do not want to hear and do not want to see."
JLB 398, 10/22/1883: "For oneself, one must have no doubt, it's only natural, and it's only by not changing that one goes against nature. There's an old saying -- they have ears but they hear not, they have eyes but they see not, they have a heart but they understand not; their heart is waxed gross and they have closed their eyes and ears because they DO not WANT to hear and DO not WANT to see." (Emphasis in original.)

21. their absurd gossipBVG 312, 8/17/1883: In his increasing paranoia, Vincent assumed that his parents, especially his father, traded grievances against him with people like H. H. Tersteeg, either directly or through Uncle Cent. This may be a sidelong reference to Theo's "absurd" suspicion that Sien's child, Willem Hoornik, was fathered by Vincent, a suspicion that Vincent's father apparently shared (JLB 375, 8/18/1883). (See Ch. 18, n. 360.) 

Context:
JLB 375, 8/18/1883: "But I sincerely wish that people would forgive me such failings rather than talk about them."

22. laughed at BVG 343, 12/1/1883: One can hear Vincent's bitterness and paranoia toward his family in this comment after he has finally conceded defeat in the effort to convince Theo to join him in Drenthe: "I think you'll find the future hostile in Paris. Again, if I'm wrong you can all laugh at me and I'll laugh about it myself." (JLB 408, 12/1/1883; emphasis added.) 

Context:
JLB 408, 12/1/1883: "I think you'll find the future hostile in Paris. Again, if I'm wrong you can all laugh at me and I'll laugh about it myself. If it's just my nerves deluding me, well then, it's my nerves -- but I fear you all too effectively have a fatality against you." (Emphasis in original.)

23. his delusionsBVG 343, 12/1/1883. (See Ch. 21, n. 22.) 

Context:
BVG 343, 12/1/1883: "Once again, if I am wrong, you can laugh at me, all of you -- and I myself shall join in this laughter. If it is only my nerves that are deluding me, well then, it is my nerves -- but I am afraid fatality is too effectively against you."
JLB 408, 12/1/1883: "Again, if I'm wrong you can all laugh at me and I'll laugh about it myself. If it's just my nerves deluding me, well then, it's my nerves -- but I fear you all too effectively have a fatality against you." (Emphasis in original.)

24. "thinking me a person" BVG 212, 7/6/1882. 

Context:
BVG 212, 7/6/1882: "However, it is my greatest longing to keep peace, and to convince Father and Mother that they would do well not to oppose me, thinking me a person who is always dreaming and incapable of action."
JLB 244, 7/6/1882: "Nonetheless, it is my ardent desire to keep the peace and to convince Pa and Ma that it wouldn't be right if they were to turn against me, in the belief that I was someone who only dreamed and didn't know how to act."

25. He compared himself BVG 350a, 12/15/1883-12/31/1883: Vincent professes not to compare himself to Jean-Léon Gérôme's prisoner -- "In no way do I, for example, confuse my own fate with more aggravated misery like that of the prisoner" -- but nevertheless draws an unmistakable parallel between the prisoner's dilemma and his own: "the man lying shackled is in a bad way to be sure, but in my view it's better to be him than that other fellow who's lording it over him and tormenting him" (JLB 418, 12/28/1883). 

Context:
JLB 418, 12/28/1883: "As to me, I'm bound to misfortune and failure, it's damned hard sometimes, but there it is. I still don't envy the so-called fortunate and eternally successful ones, since I see too much behind it. Take the Prisonnier by Gérôme -- the man lying shackled is in a bad way to be sure, but in my view it's better to be him than that other fellow who's lording it over him and tormenting him. I say this to point out to you the extremes of circumstances. In no way do I, for example, confuse my own fate with more aggravated misery like that of the prisoner. Nevertheless, in our society one also sees a je ne sais quoi of what I refer to." (Emphasis in original.)

26. "I am chained" BVG 350a, 12/15/1883-12/31/1883.

Context:
BVG 350a, 12/15/1883-12/31/1883: "As for me, I am chained to misfortune and failure; it is damned hard at times, but never mind, for all that I do not envy the so-called fortunates and the ever successful, as I can see through it too much."
JLB 418, 12/28/1883: "As to me, I'm bound to misfortune and failure, it's damned hard sometimes, but there it is. I still don't envy the so-called fortunate and eternally successful ones, since I see too much behind it."

27. "To my way" BVG 350a, 12/15/1883-12/31/1883. 

Context:
BVG 350a, 12/15/1883-12/31/1883: "Take 'The Prisoner' by Gérôme -- the man lying fettered is most certainly in an unpleasant situation, but to my way of thinking he is in a better condition than the fellow who has the upper hand and is harassing him."
JLB 418, 12/28/1883: "Take the Prisonnier by Gérôme -- the man lying shackled is in a bad way to be sure, but in my view it's better to be him than that other fellow who's lording it over him and tormenting him" (emphasis in original).

28. "it is better" BVG 350a, 12/15/1883-12/31/1883. The usual translations of this obscure passage are particularly frustrating. Harrison's (which follows Bonger's exactly) is typical: "There are moments in life when it is better that the blow is dealt, even if it be a hard blow, rather than that one is forced into the position of one who is spared by the world, I think." We have substituted our own translation to simplify the syntax and clarify the underlying point, which is -- no matter how it is translated -- an extraordinary expression of Vincent's self-abusively defiant attitude toward an unloving family and an increasingly hostile world. 

Context:
BVG 350a, 12/15/1883-12/31/1883: "There are moments in life when it is better that the blow is dealt, even if it be a hard blow, rather than that one is forced into the position of one who is spared by the world, I think."
JLB 418, 12/28/1883: "It seems to me that there are those moments in life when it's better that the blow should fall, albeit it hard, than that one should be liable to be spared by the world" (emphasis in original).

29. banishing him at Christmastime BVG 345, 12/6/1883-12/7/1883. 

Context:
JLB 410, 12/7/1883: "Which was that we were going along in the very best of ways until the moment when Pa banned me from the house -- not just in a passion but also 'because he was tired of it.'"

30. a grievous error BVG 345, 12/6/1883-12/7/1883. 

Context:
JLB 410, 12/7/1883: "Their friendly reception desolates me -- to me, the way they make the best of it, without recognizing the mistake, is even worse, if possible, than the mistake itself" (emphasis in original).

31. grown hard of hearing BVG 193a, 12/15/1883-12/31/1883: We believe Vincent is alluding to his father's hearing problems when he writes, "And because I won't give in on the issue of the woman [Sien] and want to say that clearly, make it audible to even the deafest of ears" (JLB 418, 12/28/1883). Pa's hearing problems date from as early as 1875, according to family letters, and appear to have been related to an ear infection. In February of that year, Anna reported to Theo, "Pa's hearing is not as bad as it was, but still too bad to remain this way. We will wait for the good season, and if it still stays this way Pa will consult a well known ear doctor. So in daily life a stranger wouldn't notice, but Pa misses quite a bit of what happens around him, what is being said, I dislike it the most inside the house, but we just hope." (b2324 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 2/25/1875.) By April, Dorus's hearing appears to have returned after a procedure by the ear doctor: "And now that the deafness is over and perhaps more air can get through the ear he picked one up [a cold] right away, but we hope it will pass soon, not hearing was worse. I was very glad the doctor was successful." (b2331 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 4/16/1875.) The Van Goghs believed that Dorus's poor hearing made him less susceptible to winter colds. ("Pa is bothered by the cold wind and has an old-fashioned cold; you remember we always said that Pa was less susceptible to normal colds because of his deafness" [ibid.].) 

Context:
JLB 418, 12/28/1883: "So you have power over me -- you, above all, in conjunction with many others, none of whom are able to agree with me. And yet you will not get me to renounce her -- with all your financial power. And because I won't give in on the issue of the woman and want to say that clearly, make it audible to even the deafest of ears …" (Emphasis in original.)

32. doomed all of his efforts BVG 345, 12/6/1883-12/7/1883. 

Context:
JLB 410, 12/7/1883: "It should have been understood then that this was something so important to my succeeding or not succeeding that it was made ten times more difficult for me because of it -- almost intolerable" (emphasis in original).

33. Dorus refused to take back BVG 345a, 12/7/1883-12/8/1883. 

Context:
JLB 411, 12/8/1883: "Yes, but I can't take back anything I did then, I've always done everything for your own good, and I've always acted on my sincere opinion."

34. "unjust … arbitrary" BVG 345, 12/6/1883-12/7/1883. 

Context:
JLB 410, 12/7/1883: "I'm heartbroken about the fact that when I come back now, after an absence of two years, the reception at home was as friendly and kind as could be, yet at bottom nothing, nothing, nothing has changed in what I have to call blindness and stupidity to the point of desperation when it comes to understanding the situation."

35. His father's self-righteousness BVG 345a, 12/7/1883-12/8/1883: Vincent offers this as a direct quote. 

Context:
BVG 345a, 12/7/1883-12/8/1883: "Enough, so I was standing before a barrier of implacability indeed -- although Father tried to divert my reasoning and to confuse the issue, and to prevent my pursuing the subject. But I did not allow myself to be diverted, and I said, 'Pa, here I am faced by your self-righteousness, which was and is fatal, for you as well as for me.'"
JLB 411, 12/8/1883: "Enough, so I was faced with an iron barrier of irreconcilability indeed, although Pa tried to mask it, tried to lead me around it and to divert me from pursuing it. But I didn't allow myself to be put off by this, and said -- Pa, this is about your self-righteousness, which was and is fatal for you and for me."

371 36. "fatal" BVG 345a, 12/7/1883-12/8/1883. 

Context:
BVG 345a, 12/7/1883-12/8/1883: "But I did not allow myself to be diverted, and I said, 'Pa, here I am faced by your self-righteousness, which was and is fatal, for you as well as for me.'"
JLB 411, 12/8/1883: "But I didn't allow myself to be put off by this, and said -- Pa, this is about your self-righteousness, which was and is fatal for you and for me."

37. "Do you expect me" BVG 345a, 12/7/1883-12/8/1883: This is another direct quote. 

Context:
BVG 345a, 12/7/1883-12/8/1883: "Then Father said, ' Do you expect me to kneel before you?'"
JLB 411, 12/8/1883: "Then Pa said, ' did you think I would go down on my knees to you?'"

38. "not to waste my breath" BVG 345a, 12/7/1883-12/8/1883. 

Context:
BVG 345a, 12/7/1883-12/8/1883: "And then I said that I took this very ill of Father, and that I thought it coarse of Father only to look at it that way, and that I should not waste my breath on the subject any longer."
JLB 411, 12/8/1883: "I said I took it very ill of Pa, thought it extremely crude, that Pa saw only that in it, and that I wouldn't waste my breath on it any longer" (emphasis in original).

39. heaping blame In his account of the argument to Theo, Vincent claims that he did not press his father to admit "fault" in the events of two years before: "Pa doesn't have to tell me that he acted badly towards me, but Pa should have learnt what I learnt in those two years -- that it was a great mistake in itself, and that it should have been redressed immediately without asking whose fault it was" (JLB 411, 12/8/1883). "I said to Pa, that it was a mistake that we quarrelled so seriously two years ago that the house has been barred to me since then -- (whose fault it was doesn't even matter that much; it would have been in accordance with Pa's own principles -- if he had maintained them consistently -- that the quarrel itself should have been avoided -- avoided come what may)" (ibid.).

To assuage his brother (and avoid blame for the current flare-up), Vincent tries vainly to distinguish between blame for the fight that led to his expulsion and blame for the dispute that precipitated the fight: i.e., Kee Vos. Vincent lays the first entirely on his father and conveniently never mentions the second, which clearly belongs to him. Indeed, he insists that the second is not relevant. "I haven't said a word to Pa and Ma about the real question of two years ago," he writes, referring to Kee (ibid.; emphasis in original). "I did touch on it indirectly, though; I told Pa that in my view it was a great mistake that at a certain point (two years ago) I was forced to leave the house" (ibid.). According to Vincent, this only constitutes "touch[ing] on the past" and therefore does not open up the question of the substance of their previous disagreement (ibid.). But this is patently disingenuous, as Vincent immediately and indiscriminately pins all the blame for their problems in Etten on his father: "Pa eternally descends into petty-mindedness instead of being more open, more liberal, broader, more humane. It was minister's vanity that drove things to extremes then, and it's still the same minister's vanity that will still cause more mischief in the present and the future." (ibid.)

Two weeks later, Vincent reveals more clearly the true plenary nature of his initial demand for vindication: "You can see how Pa is from what he followed up with, for instance, after saying that he can't take back anything of what he did before" (JLB 415, 12/18/1883; emphasis added). This demand to "take back" a previous offense is far more typical of Vincent than the limited agreement he claims to have requested: i.e., that quarreling, regardless of the merits of the case, had been a mistake. 

40. "narrow-mindedness" BVG 345a, 12/7/1883-12/8/1883. We have removed the emphasis in original. 

Context:
BVG 345a, 12/7/1883-12/8/1883: "Look, brother, in my opinion Father is forever lapsing into narrow-mindedness, instead of being bigger, more liberal, broader and more humane."
JLB 411, 12/8/1883: "So brother, in my view Pa eternally descends into petty-mindedness instead of being more open, more liberal, broader, more humane" (emphasis in original).

41. "clergyman's vanity" BVG 345a, 12/7/1883-12/8/1883. 

Context:
BVG 345a, 12/7/1883-12/8/1883: "It was clergyman's vanity that carried things to extremes at the time; and it is still that same clergyman's vanity that will cause more disasters now and in the future."
JLB 411, 12/8/1883: "It was minister's vanity that drove things to extremes then, and it's still the same minister's vanity that will still cause more mischief in the present and the future."

42. "carrying things" BVG 345a, 12/7/1883-12/8/1883: We have slightly altered the translation. 

Context:
BVG 345a, 12/7/1883-12/8/1883: "It was clergyman's vanity that carried things to extremes at the time; and it is still that same clergyman's vanity that will cause more disasters now and in the future."
JLB 411, 12/8/1883: "It was minister's vanity that drove things to extremes then, and it's still the same minister's vanity that will still cause more mischief in the present and the future."

43. "causing disasters"BVG 345a, 12/7/1883-12/8/1883: We have slightly altered the translation. (See Ch. 21, n. 41.) 

Context:
BVG 345a, 12/7/1883-12/8/1883: "It was clergyman's vanity that carried things to extremes at the time; and it is still that same clergyman's vanity that will cause more disasters now and in the future."
JLB 411, 12/8/1883: "It was minister's vanity that drove things to extremes then, and it's still the same minister's vanity that will still cause more mischief in the present and the future."

44. "Basically there has been" BVG 345, 12/6/1883-12/7/1883. 

Context:
BVG 345, 12/6/1883-12/7/1883: "I am sick at heart about the fact that, coming back after two years' absence, the welcome home was kind and cordial in every respect, but basically there has been no change whatever, not the slightest, in what I must call the most extreme blindness and ignorance as to the insight into our mutual position."
JLB 410, 12/7/1883: "I'm heartbroken about the fact that when I come back now, after an absence of two years, the reception at home was as friendly and kind as could be, yet at bottom nothing, nothing, nothing has changed in what I have to call blindness and stupidity to the point of desperation when it comes to understanding the situation."

45. "In Father's mind" BVG 345, 12/6/1883-12/7/1883: Vincent desperately wants to hear from his father an acknowledgment of error; for his father to say, "Vincent, you were right." But that, of course, will never happen. Why? Because Dorus is as stubborn as Vincent. Indeed, the line -- "There wasn't then, nor is there now any trace, any hint of a shadow of a doubt in Pa as to whether he did the right thing then" -- sounds exactly, exactly like Vincent himself (JLB 410, 12/7/1883). 

Context:
JLB 410, 12/7/1883: "There wasn't then, nor is there now any trace, any hint of a shadow of a doubt in Pa as to whether he did the right thing then."

46. Throughout a sleepless night BVG 345, 12/6/1883-12/7/1883. 

Context:
JLB 410, 12/7/1883: "I lay awake half the night, Theo, after I'd written to you yesterday evening."

47. "They think they did" BVG 345, 12/6/1883-12/7/1883. 

Context:
JLB 410, 12/7/1883: "They think that THEY DIDN'T DO ANYTHING then, and for me that's going too far" (emphasis in original).

48. "hardness, like iron" BVG 345, 12/6/1883-12/7/1883. We have slightly altered the translation. 

Context:
BVG 345, 12/6/1883-12/7/1883: "If I had not had the same feeling at the time which I now have again, namely that notwithstanding all good intentions, notwithstanding all the kindness of the reception, notwithstanding anything you like, there is a certain hardness in Father, like iron, an icy coldness -- something that gives the impression of dry sand or glass or tinplate -- for all his outward gentleness -- if, as I said, I had not had this feeling already, I should not have resented it so much."
JLB 410, 12/7/1883: "If I hadn't felt the same then as I feel again now, that despite all the good intentions, despite all the friendliness of the reception, despite whatever you will, there's a certain steely hardness and icy coldness, something in Pa that grates like dry sand, glass or tin -- despite all his outward mildness -- if I hadn't already, I say, felt it then as I do now, I wouldn't have taken it so badly then."

49. "icy coldness" BVG 345, 12/6/1883-12/7/1883. 

Context:
BVG 345, 12/6/1883-12/7/1883: "If I had not had the same feeling at the time which I now have again, namely that notwithstanding all good intentions, notwithstanding all the kindness of the reception, notwithstanding anything you like, there is a certain hardness in Father, like iron, an icy coldness -- something that gives the impression of dry sand or glass or tinplate -- for all his outward gentleness -- if, as I said, I had not had this feeling already, I should not have resented it so much."
JLB 410, 12/7/1883: "If I hadn't felt the same then as I feel again now, that despite all the good intentions, despite all the friendliness of the reception, despite whatever you will, there's a certain steely hardness and icy coldness, something in Pa that grates like dry sand, glass or tin -- despite all his outward mildness -- if I hadn't already, I say, felt it then as I do now, I wouldn't have taken it so badly then."

50. "sand or glass" BVG 345, 12/6/1883-12/7/1883. 

Context:
BVG 345, 12/6/1883-12/7/1883: "If I had not had the same feeling at the time which I now have again, namely that notwithstanding all good intentions, notwithstanding all the kindness of the reception, notwithstanding anything you like, there is a certain hardness in Father, like iron, an icy coldness -- something that gives the impression of dry sand or glass or tinplate -- for all his outward gentleness -- if, as I said, I had not had this feeling already, I should not have resented it so much."
JLB 410, 12/7/1883: "If I hadn't felt the same then as I feel again now, that despite all the good intentions, despite all the friendliness of the reception, despite whatever you will, there's a certain steely hardness and icy coldness, something in Pa that grates like dry sand, glass or tin -- despite all his outward mildness -- if I hadn't already, I say, felt it then as I do now, I wouldn't have taken it so badly then."

51. "Father does not know" BVG 345, 12/6/1883-12/7/1883. 

Context:
JLB 410, 12/7/1883: "Pa doesn't know remorse as you and I and everyone who is human does."

52. "I again feel" BVG 345, 12/6/1883-12/7/1883. 

Context:
BVG 345, 12/6/1883-12/7/1883: "I am sick at heart about the fact that, coming back after two years' absence, the welcome home was kind and cordial in every respect, but basically there has been no change whatever, not the slightest, in what I must call the most extreme blindness and ignorance as to the insight into our mutual position. And I again feel almost unbearably disturbed and perplexed."
JLB 410, 12/7/1883: "I'm heartbroken about the fact that when I come back now, after an absence of two years, the reception at home was as friendly and kind as could be, yet at bottom nothing, nothing, nothing has changed in what I have to call blindness and stupidity to the point of desperation when it comes to understanding the situation."

53. "Now I am again" BVG 345, 12/6/1883-12/7/1883. 

Context:
JLB 410, 12/7/1883: "Now I'm once again in almost unbearable indecision and inner conflict."

54. "I feel in everything" BVG 345, 12/6/1883-12/7/1883. 

Context:
BVG 345, 12/6/1883-12/7/1883: "Instead of a ready understanding and a certain eager contribution to my, and indirectly their own, well-being I feel in everything a hesitation and delay which paralyze my own ardor and energy like a leaden atmosphere."
JLB 410, 12/7/1883: " I sense a procrastination and hesitancy in everything, which paralyzes my own passion and energy like a leaden atmosphere."

55. "There is a je ne sais quoi" BVG 345, 12/6/1883-12/7/1883. 

Context:
BVG 345, 12/6/1883-12/7/1883: "I have decided to go and see Rappard, and tell him that I myself should be agreeable to staying at home, but that notwithstanding all the advantages this would have, there is a je ne sais quoi in Father which I am beginning to look upon as incurable and which makes me listless and powerless."
JLB 410, 12/7/1883: "I've decided to go to Rappard and tell him that I would like it too if I could be at home, but that against all the advantages that this would have there's a je ne sais quoi with Pa that I'm afraid I'm beginning to think is incurable, and that makes me apathetic and powerless" (emphasis in original).

56. "irreconcilable down to" BVG 345, 12/6/1883-12/7/1883: Vincent delivers this unwelcome news to his brother with a thick cushion of rhetoric and a thin coating of regret: "My compassion both for Pa and for myself tells me 'irreconcilable? never' -- until eternity there's a chance, one has to believe in the chance of an ultimate reconciliation. But the latter, oh why is it sadly probably 'an illusion'?" (JLB 410, 12/7/1883; we have combined elements of both translations; emphasis in original.) 

Context:
BVG 345, 12/6/1883-12/7/1883: "My masculine intellect tells me that I must consider it an irrevocable, fatal fact that in the depth of our souls Father and I are irreconcilable."
JLB 410, 12/7/1883: "My intellect as a man tells me that I have to regard it as an unalterable fact of fate that Pa and I are irreconcilable down to the deepest depths."

57. searching for clearer insight BVG 344, 12/5/1883. 

Context:
BVG 344, 12/5/1883: "I thought that perhaps my going back home might give me a clearer insight into questions of how to act."
JLB 409, 12/6/1883: "I thought that being at home again might give me a more accurate insight into the question of what I should do."

58. good intentions BVG 345, 12/6/1883-12/7/1883. Elsewhere, Vincent dismisses his father's good intentions as, at best, irrelevant: "Should you tell me that Pa doesn't mean it so harshly, that may be so, but what someone means is one thing, and how it actually turns out is another. Pa's opinions, however, are undoubtedly well-intentioned &c. &c. -- but … for my part I hope that His Hon. won't adopt any new opinions like those." (JLB 415, 12/18/1883.) 

Context:
BVG 345, 12/6/1883-12/7/1883: " Good intentions, opinions, in reality all this is less than nothing."
JLB 410, 12/7/1883: " Good intentions, opinions, in fact that's less than nothing" (emphasis in original).

59. "every day of which" BVG 345, 12/6/1883-12/7/1883. 

Context:
BVG 345, 12/6/1883-12/7/1883: "Two years, every day of which was a day of distress to me; for them -- everyday life, as if nothing had happened, as if nothing could happen -- the burden did not weigh on them."
JLB 410, 12/7/1883: "Two years, every day a day of worry for me, for them -- normal life -- as if nothing had happened or nothing would happen."

60. "everyday life" BVG 345, 12/6/1883-12/7/1883. 

Context:
BVG 345, 12/6/1883-12/7/1883: "Two years, every day of which was a day of distress to me; for them -- everyday life, as if nothing had happened, as if nothing could happen -- the burden did not weigh on them."
JLB 410, 12/7/1883: "Two years, every day a day of worry for me, for them -- normal life -- as if nothing had happened or nothing would happen."

61. again would be impossible BVG 345, 12/6/1883-12/7/1883. 

Context:
BVG 345, 12/6/1883-12/7/1883: "I see now what I saw then -- then I spoke flatly against Father -- now I speak, and in all respects I speak, however it may turn out flatly against Father again, because he is unwilling, because he makes it impossible."
JLB 410, 12/7/1883: "I see now what I saw then, I spoke out four-square AGAINST Pa then, I speak now in any event, whatever may come of it, AGAINST PA again, as being UNwilling, as making it IMPOSSIBLE" (emphasis in original).

62. obstinate and stupid BVG 345a, 12/7/1883-12/8/1883. A few weeks later, Vincent's language is bolder: "I feel what Pa and Ma instinctively think about me (I don't say reasonably)" (JLB 413, 12/15/1883; emphasis in original). By the time he flees in a rage to The Hague at Christmastime, Vincent is eager to shock Theo with his frankness: "In short, that is Pa -- that is 'a minister'. Inexpressibly desperate for me to talk to him." (JLB 415, 12/18/1883; emphasis in original.) 

Context:
JLB 411, 12/8/1883: "I pointed out how, if Pa hadn't been so steely and obstinate and in short unintelligent then, your help would have been effective, whereas now your help wasn't effective and we've only half succeeded."

63. "Nothing, nothing at all" BVG 345, 12/6/1883-12/7/1883. We have slightly altered the translation of Vincent's frustrated outburst, but there is no doubt that it was triggered by the realization that his parents' attitude toward him had not changed at all since his last, disastrous stay at home. 

Context:
BVG 345, 12/6/1883-12/7/1883: "If I had now noticed some eagerness to do as the Rappards did, with the best results, and as we began here with good results too -- if I had noticed that Father had also realized that he ought not to have shut his house to me, then I should have felt some confidence in the future. Nothing, nothing of all that. In Father's mind there was not then, there is not now, the faintest shadow of a doubt that what he did was the right thing."
JLB 410, 12/7/1883: "If I had now seen that there was any WILLINGNESS to do as the Rappards did with the best results and as we began here, also with good results, if I had now seen that Pa had also realized that he should not have barred the house to me, I would have been reassured about the future. Nothing, nothing of all that. There wasn't then, nor is there now any trace, any hint of a shadow of a doubt in Pa as to whether he did the right thing then." (Emphasis in original.)

64. "I am not" BVG 345a, 12/7/1883-12/8/1883. 

Context:
BVG 345a, 12/7/1883-12/8/1883: "In character I am rather different from the various members of the family, and essentially I am not a 'Van Gogh.'"
JLB 411, 12/8/1883: "In character I'm quite different from the various members of the family, and I'm actually not a 'Van Gogh.'"

65. as unutterably hopeless BVG 348, 12/21/1883. 

Context:
JLB 415, 12/18/1883: "In short, that is Pa -- that is 'a minister'. Inexpressibly desperate for me to talk to him." (Emphasis in original.)

66. for The Hague BVG 346, 12/17/1883: "I'm going from here to Rappard's. And from Rappard's perhaps to Mauve's." (JLB 413, 12/15/1883.) As it was winter, Mauve would have been at his studio in The Hague, not his summer house in Laren. 

Context:
JLB 413, 12/15/1883: "I'm going from here to Rappard's. And from Rappard's perhaps to Mauve's. My plan, then, is to try to do everything in calmness, in order."

67. for Utrecht BVG 345, 12/6/1883-12/7/1883: "I've decided to go to Rappard," Vincent writes only a day or two after arriving in Nuenen (JLB 410, 12/7/1883). 

Context:
JLB 410, 12/7/1883: "I've decided to go to Rappard and tell him that I would like it too if I could be at home, but that against all the advantages that this would have there's a je ne sais quoi with Pa that I'm afraid I'm beginning to think is incurable, and that makes me apathetic and powerless" (emphasis in original).

68. with his parents BVG 345, 12/6/1883-12/7/1883. The emphasis is justified by Vincent's evident pain in comparing the welcome Van Rappard receives from his family to the hostility Vincent feels from his. 

Context:
JLB 410, 12/7/1883: "If I had now seen that there was any WILLINGNESS to do as the Rappards did with the best results and as we began here, also with good results, if I had now seen that Pa had also realized that he should not have barred the house to me, I would have been reassured about the future. Nothing, nothing of all that. There wasn't then, nor is there now any trace, any hint of a shadow of a doubt in Pa as to whether he did the right thing then." (Emphasis in original.)

69. seemed preferable BVG 344, 12/5/1883. 

Context:
JLB 409, 12/6/1883: "Drenthe is superb, but staying there depends on many things -- depends on whether one has the money for it, depends on whether one can endure the loneliness. Pa would consider that question settled, I believe, with a conclusion that one would reach in a conversation, but for my part I'm in no hurry to make a decision about it, and I'll have to see what I think about it, for instance, when I've been here for a week or so. However, for the time being I'm in the dark as to what I should do in this respect."

70. "Old fellow" BVG 345a, 12/7/1883-12/8/1883. 

Context:
BVG 345a, 12/7/1883-12/8/1883: "Well, old fellow, try to help me get away from here if you can."
JLB 411, 12/8/1883: "Well old chap -- if you can, see to it that I can get away from here -- regards and believe me."

372 71. his father's study Stokvis, p. 36: Stokvis quotes a witness "who used to know the family of Rev. Van Gogh very intimately, but who wanted to remain unnamed": "These arguments usually took place in the clergyman's study."  72. "hypocrite" BVG 348, 12/21/1883: To his brother, Vincent softens this accusation: "There's an eternal opposition in Pa between what he says and what he does" (JLB 415, 12/18/1883). He goes on to attribute this disjunction between word and deed to thoughtlessness rather than hypocrisy: "Pa himself is usually not aware of it, consequently one is often unable to decide to what extent he wanted to do what he actually did. ... Pa doesn't always know what he's doing; even though he watches his words terribly systematically, his actions are very haphazard." (ibid.; emphasis in original.) But this sounds like Vincent's gibberish for "I can't reason with Pa," which is code for "Pa doesn't agree with me, and he should!" In his heated discussions with his father, this accusation no doubt came out without this unconvincing sugar coating.  73. "Jesuit" BVG 348, 12/21/1883: This comes as the conclusion to an escalating series of accusations directed not only at his father but at other "Jesuits" like Tersteeg and Uncle Cor who preach "this sophistry of conciliation with irreconcilability" (JLB 415, 12/18/1883). 

Context:
BVG 348, 12/21/1883: "Vivre tout haut is simply one's duty -- one should not act like the Jesuits and their kind."
JLB 415, 12/18/1883: "Live life to the full is simply a duty -- one mustn't behave like the Jesuits and their kind."

74. "violent passions" BVG 345a, 12/7/1883-12/8/1883: This accusation is naïve at best, disingenuous at worst -- the Bible can be invoked to support virtually any proposition or "opinion." 

Context:
BVG 345a, 12/7/1883-12/8/1883: "I told Father that in the Bible itself maxims can be found by which we may test our 'convictions,' to see whether they are reasonable and just. And that Father was too much in the habit of omitting to do so, and of flying into a violent passion, in my opinion very unjustly and very arbitrarily -- very reprehensibly -- not as regards his 'conviction' but as regards his conscience."
JLB 411, 12/8/1883: "I told Pa that terms may be found in the Bible itself to judge whether our 'opinions' are fair and just. And that Pa was all too much in the habit of failing to do this and going on hot-headedly -- in my view very unjustly, very arbitrarily, very reprehensibly -- according to his 'opinion' -- not -- according to his conscience." (Emphasis in original.)

75. dismal prospects BVG 347, 12/18/1883: Vincent's arguments with his father in this regard clearly remind him of his arguments with Tersteeg. Adding Uncle Cor to the conspiracy against him, Vincent resorts to a patent distortion of the facts: "Pa and Tersteeg, and come to that [Cor] ... all the influences of the past, increasingly took me out of nature" (JLB 403, 11/5/1883; emphasis in original). In fact, it has always been a part of Vincent's "nature" to care about earning money. Indeed, he will return to that ambition again and again over the rest of his life -- the next time only six weeks after writing this letter. 

Context:
JLB 403, 11/5/1883: "I come to the following conclusion. What Pa and Tersteeg held up to me as Duty was a Spectre of duty. They essentially said (not in so many words) 'earn money and your life will become straight'. Millet says to me: put your life straight (at least try to do that first, and to wrestle with the naked truth) and EVEN earning money will sort itself out, and in that, too, you won't be dishonest." (Emphasis in original.)

76. cruelty of his father's BVG 350a, 12/15/1883-12/31/1883: Vincent levels this accusation at Theo as well as his father. 

Context:
BVG 350a, 12/15/1883-12/31/1883: "I tell you without reserve that you have this much in common with Father, who often acts in the same way, that you are cruel in your worldly wisdom."
JLB 418, 12/28/1883: "I'll tell you straight out what I think about that -- that in common with Pa, who often acts thus, you are cruel in your worldly wisdom" (emphasis in original).

77. family's lack of support BVG 332, 10/12/1883: In Drenthe, when he first proposes going home to stay with his parents, Vincent frets about the reception his art will receive, saying that he can only succeed "if there's patience at home, a realization of the necessities, if above all, when it comes to models for me, even the family cooperates" (JLB 395, 10/12/1883-10/13/1883). In a letter a few months earlier, he worried that his parents would not take his drawings seriously because they would expect them to be likenesses: "But they must know that it's serious, which they might not see for themselves if the likeness isn't exact" (JLB 361, 7/11/1883).

It was not until mid-1885 that Vincent finally confessed (to Van Rappard) the overwhelming anxiety he felt about his parents' reaction to his art when he returned to Nuenen in December 1883: "I've had the same sort of unpleasantness [i.e., no confidence in his art] for a whole series of years with a whole series of people. When I sometimes protested that I didn't deserve it, it just got worse and worse, and people didn't want to hear a word about it -- my parents and the whole family [emphasis added] ... went so far in their condemnation of everything I did that in the last few years, instead of wasting more time trying to persuade them, in my turn I, who have no time to waste, simply turned my back on them as well. And let people say, think, do anything they like without taking any notice of it at all." (JLB 517, 7/16/1885; emphasis in original.) 

Context:
JLB 395, 10/12/1883-10/13/1883: "If it's a question of our having to earn, I can see a chance in this way -- if there's patience at home, a realization of the necessities, if above all, when it comes to models for me, even the family cooperates. As to the question of models, they'd definitely have to do what I wanted, have to trust that I had my reasons for it. If I were to say to Ma or to Wil or Lies, pose for me, it would have to happen. I wouldn't make any unreasonable demands, of course."

78. his gentleman friend Rappard The unfavorable comparison of the Van Goghs to the Van Rappards is a recurrent motif of the letters from this period. "If I had now seen that there was any WILLINGNESS to do as the Rappards did with the best results and as we began here, also with good results, if I had now seen that Pa had also realized that he should not have barred the house to me, I would have been reassured about the future. ... It's damned sad, brother, the Rappards acted intelligently, but here!!!!!!" (JLB 410, 12/7/1883; emphasis in original.) "I pointed [Pa] to the example of the Rappard family in contrast to the Van Gogh family. I pointed out how Rappard also has differences with his father about this or that, but that they always avoid extremes not only for the world but also for themselves and, although he doesn't earn a penny from his work (which is nonetheless very sound, very fine even), Rappard can still always face the world with dignity, also in so far as equipment and studio &c. are concerned. And how the family makes sure there are no debts anywhere with colourmen &c." (JLB 411, 12/8/1883.)

The thrust of this passage is that Van Rappard's parents pay all of his expenses even though he, like Vincent, doesn't earn any money from his art. The theme is an old one: how Vincent is being cheated of his family entitlement. He goes on to use Van Rappard in other ways: To support his desire (and right) to stay at home. ("Rappard ... points out that he thought it a great misfortune for me that I couldn't be at home" [JLB 413, 12/15/1883]. "I agree with Rappard when he tells me -- 'stay at home for a long time' -- he insists on it" [JLB 415, 12/18/1883; emphasis in original]. "Rappard writes to me, 'I regarded it as your greatest misfortune that you couldn't be at home'" [ibid.; emphasis in original]). And, somewhat contrarily, in his attacks on his parents for not being supportive enough ("Rappard says to me, 'a human being isn't a lump of peat, in so far as a human being can't bear to be thrown up in the loft like a lump of peat and be forgotten there'" [JLB 413, 12/15/1883]). In militating for a studio at home, Vincent reports that "it worked very well for Rappard" (JLB 415, 12/18/1883).

Eventually, Theo responded to this stream of damning comparisons to the Rappards with a scolding letter pointing out the obvious: that the Rappards were rich (JLB 413, 12/15/1883). (Vincent recalls this lesson a few months later: "Were it not the case that I feel more strongly by the day that I need something more, I would keep my studies quietly to myself. As Rappard does. But you say yourself that we're not in Rappard's position." [JLB 438, 3/15/1884-3/19/1884.]) Of course, as Vincent must have argued, he had two uncles who were, indeed, rich. 

79. "face the world"BVG 345a, 12/7/1883-12/8/1883. 

Context:
BVG 345a, 12/7/1883-12/8/1883: "I pointed out that at times Van Rappard also has a difference of opinion with his father about this or that, but that they always avoid extremes, not only for the world's benefit but also for their own sakes, and that Rappard, though he does not earn a cent from his work (which for all that is very sound and even very beautiful), can always face the world in a dignified manner, also as regards his outfit and studio and such things."
JLB 411, 12/8/1883: "I pointed out how Rappard also has differences with his father about this or that, but that they always avoid extremes not only for the world but also for themselves and, although he doesn't earn a penny from his work (which is nonetheless very sound, very fine even), Rappard can still always face the world with dignity, also in so far as equipment and studio &c. are concerned."

80. "I am not content" BVG 347, 12/18/1883: We have slightly altered the translation. Emphasis in original.

Context:
BVG 347, 12/18/1883: "In what respect am I wrong for wanting this to be brought about thoroughly and conclusively and for not being content with a sham or a too half-hearted reconciliation? Reconciliation with mental reservations, conditions, etc., bah! It just won't do."
JLB 413, 12/15/1883: "In what respect am I wrong when I want it to be through and through and conclusive and am not content with a sham or too feeble a reconciliation? Reconciliation with reservations, conditions etc., bah! -- I refuse to accept it." (Emphasis in original.)

81. "We have always" BVG 347, 12/18/1883: Vincent puts this in quotations. 

Context:
BVG 347, 12/18/1883: "Father says, 'We have always been good to you,' etc., and I say, 'Oh, really, you may be satisfied, I am not.'"
JLB 413, 12/15/1883: "Pa says 'we've always been good after all' &c. I say -- really? -- are you satisfied? I'm not."

82. "I don't think" b2247 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 11/30/1883; quoted in Van Gogh-Bonger, in Van Gogh, p. xxxv. We have chosen to use Bonger's elegant translation over our own: "It does not look to me as if [Vincent] feels blame for himself, but only bitterness towards other people" (b2247 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 11/30/1883). 83. corrupt system of repression BVG 347, 12/18/1883: Here Vincent is referring to one particular aspect of the corrupt system represented by his father: the system of having to earn money. 

Context:
JLB 403, 11/5/1883: "But brother, my very sorrow about so much proves to me that I've finished dealing with those systems" (emphasis in original).

84. "capricious and despotic" BVG 371, 6/1/1884-6/15/1884. 

Context:
BVG 371, 6/1/1884-6/15/1884: "In the same way that people nowadays no longer believe in fantastic miracles, no longer believe in a God who capriciously and despotically flies from one thing to another, but begin to feel more respect and admiration for and faith in nature -- in the same way, and for the same reasons, I think that in art, the old-fashioned idea of innate genius, inspiration, etc., I do not say must be put aside, but thoroughly reconsidered, verified -- and greatly modified."
JLB 450, June 1884: "The laws of colour are inexpressibly splendid precisely because they are not coincidences. Just as people nowadays no longer believe in random miracles, in a God who jumps capriciously and despotically from one thing to another, but are beginning to gain more respect and admiration for and belief in nature, just so and for the same reasons I believe that people should -- I don't say ignore -- but thoroughly scrutinize, verify and -- very substantially alter the old-fashioned ideas of innate genius, inspiration &c. in art." (Emphasis in original.)

373 85. once hypnotized him BVG 378, 10/1/1884. The same eagerness to distance himself from his past (perhaps in response to something Theo has written) can be heard a few months later (in March 1884): "Apart from a few years which I find hard to understand myself, when I was confused by religious ideas -- by a sort of mysticism -- leaving aside that period, I've always lived with a certain warmth" (JLB 432, 3/2/1884). Vincent resolutely refuses to take responsibility for his previous ambitions, but his claims of brainwashing could not have been convincing to Theo, who had read scores and scores of letters in which Vincent laid out the arguments for his religious calling in obsessive detail. 

Context:
BVG 378, 10/1/1884: "Oh, I am no friend of present-day Christianity, though its Founder was sublime -- I have seen through present-day Christianity only too well. That icy coldness hypnotized even me, in my youth -- but I have taken my revenge since then."
JLB 464, 10/2/1884: "Oh -- I'm no friend of present-day Christianity, even though the founder was sublime -- I've seen through present-day Christianity only too well. It mesmerized me, that icy coldness in my youth -- but I've had my revenge since then." (Emphasis in original.)

86. "grim" BVG 358, 3/1/1884: Comparing the present to his years when he was "confused by religious ideas," Vincent writes of life in the Nuenen parsonage: "Now it's all becoming bleaker and colder and duller around me" (JLB 432, 3/2/1884). 

Context:
BVG 358, 3/1/1884: "Now everything is getting grimmer and colder and more dreary around me."
JLB 432, 3/2/1884: "Now it's all becoming bleaker and colder and duller around me."

87. "dreary"BVG 358, 3/1/1884. (See Ch. 21, n. 86.) 

Context:
BVG 358, 3/1/1884: "Now everything is getting grimmer and colder and more dreary around me."
JLB 432, 3/2/1884: "Now it's all becoming bleaker and colder and duller around me."

88. "damnably icy cold" BVG 378, 10/1/1884. We have slightly altered the translation. At this time (late 1884) Vincent is referring specifically to Margot Begemann (see Chapter 21), but she represents, to Vincent, the same "type" as Sien Hoornik: a woman victimized by the anti-sexual conventions and cold judgmentalism of traditional religion. 

Context:
BVG 378, 10/1/1884: "I am afraid that the old religion will once again benumb her and freeze her with that damnable icy coldness that broke her once before, many years ago, to the point of death."
JLB 464, 10/2/1884: "I fear for her that the old religion will numb and freeze her again with that damned icy coldness that has already shattered her once in the distant past to the point of death, long years ago" (emphasis in original).

89. "rayon noir" BVG 326, 9/21/1883: Vincent first coins this term in September 1883. (We have chosen to use the English word "light" rather than "ray" for rayon, despite both translations, because it respects the usage in the phrase below of "the light within.") The subject under discussion is, of course, Sien: specifically, his father's disapproval of Sien, as opposed to the (imagined) approval of Camille Corot, who had a mistress, of Vincent's (and Theo's) penchant for lower-class women. Vincent crowds his definition of these "rays" with illustrious names, but there is never any doubt that the inspiration for the entire conceit lies with his father: "My youth has been austere and cold, and sterile under the influence of the black ray," he writes in December (JLB 403, 11/5/1883). "And, brother, your youth too, in fact" (ibid.). 

Context:
BVG 326, 9/21/1883: "As to people who honestly seek the best, I think what Hugo says so true: Il y a le rayon noir et il y a le rayon blanc [There is a black ray and there is a white ray]. In my opinion, Father has more the rayon noir and Corot has more the rayon blanc, but both have a rayon d'en haut."
JLB 388, 9/21/1883: "In respect of people who genuinely seek good, I think what Hugo says is true, 'there is theBLACK ray and there is the WHITE ray'. In my view Pa has more the black ray and Corot has more the white ray, but both of them have a ray from on high." (Emphasis in original.)

90. "the light within them" BVG 345, 12/6/1883-12/7/1883: We have removed the emphasis in original. 

Context:
BVG 345, 12/6/1883-12/7/1883: "Because the good within them is wrongly applied, so that it acts like evil because the light within them is black and spreads darkness, obscurity around them."
JLB 410, 12/7/1883: "Because they use even the good in them wrongly so that it works as evil -- because the light that's in them is black -- spreads darkness, gloom around them" (emphasis in original).

91. a pantheon of writers BVG 339a, 11/5/1883: The writers Vincent puts on his list of "great men" are "Michelet, Hugo, Zola, Balzac," and "a host more from the more distant and more recent past" (JLB 403, 11/5/1883). 

Context:
JLB 403, 11/5/1883: "Pa does not know, did not know nor ever will know what the soul of modern civilization is. What is it? The eternal, the very greatest simplicity and truth -- Dupré, Daubigny, Corot, Millet, Israëls, Herkomer -- not to mention Michelet, Hugo, Zola, Balzac, a host more from the more distant and more recent past." (Emphasis in original.)

92. painters BVG 339a, 11/5/1883: "Dupré, Daubigny, Corot, Millet, Israëls, [and] Herkomer" (JLB 403, 11/5/1883). 

Context:
JLB 403, 11/5/1883: "Pa does not know, did not know nor ever will know what the soul of modern civilization is. What is it? The eternal, the very greatest simplicity and truth -- Dupré, Daubigny, Corot, Millet, Israëls, Herkomer -- not to mention Michelet, Hugo, Zola, Balzac, a host more from the more distant and more recent past." (Emphasis in original.)

93. all of them French BVG 339a, 11/5/1883: Of the ten names Vincent gives, four out of six artists and four out of four writers are French. 

Context:
JLB 403, 11/5/1883: "Pa does not know, did not know nor ever will know what the soul of modern civilization is. What is it? The eternal, the very greatest simplicity and truth -- Dupré, Daubigny, Corot, Millet, Israëls, Herkomer -- not to mention Michelet, Hugo, Zola, Balzac, a host more from the more distant and more recent past." (Emphasis in original.)

94. the Francophobe Dorus Dorus's Francophobia was by no means knee-jerk. He had been to Paris (b0976 V/1962, "Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 5/8/1878) and is known to have read at least some books by French authors, such as Michelet's L'oiseau (1856) (b2346 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 7/8/1875). He seems to have shared his wife's concern that Frenchmen, whether in Brussels or in Paris, posed a danger to his sons, especially the ingenuous Theo (b0977 V/1962, ''Gogh, Theodorus van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 5/10/1878). Even if he did not share her abhorrence of most modern French novels as being "on the side of criminals" because they didn't "condemn those things that should be considered to be evil" (b2495 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 7/5/1880), Dorus apparently attributed at least some of Vincent's moral truancy to his reading habits. "Pa and Ma are getting old, ... and they have their prejudices and old-fashioned ideas," Vincent wrote in November 1881, in the heat of the controversy over Kee Vos (JLB 186, 11/18/1881). "If, for example, Pa sees me with a French book by Michelet or V. Hugo in my hand, he thinks of arsonists and murderers and 'immorality'. But that's just too silly, and of course I don't let idle talk of that kind upset me. I've already said so often to Pa: just read a book like this, even if only a couple of pages, and you'll be moved by it. But Pa stubbornly refuses to do so." (ibid.; emphasis in original.)  95. "rayon blanc"BVG 326, 9/21/1883. (See Ch. 21, n. 89.) In addition to Corot, Millet, of course, "had the white ray," according to Vincent (JLB 388, 9/21/1883). "Millet has a gospel, and I ask you whether there's a distinction between a drawing by him and a good sermon. It makes the sermon black, it's the outcome of the comparison, even if it (the sermon, that is) is fine in itself, assuming that it is." (ibid.) Vincent repeats this notion almost word-for-word several months later, in December, from the heat of his arguments with his father in Nuenen: "I was increasingly beginning to realize that there's such a thing as black ray and white ray, and that I found their light black and a convention compared with the lightness of Millet and Corot, for instance" (JLB 403, 11/5/1883). In the interim, his formulation of this conceit has grown increasingly exaggerated. In September, he allows that his father's rayon noir is at least a "ray from on high" -- i.e., based on a genuine spiritual impulse (JLB 388, 9/21/1883). By December, the rayon noir has become "unspeakably cruel -- unspeakably" and the rayon blanc, "the gentle light, since I know no other name for it but the white ray or goodness" (JLB 403, 11/5/1883). There would appear to be some residual softening of the contrast between the two rays when Vincent describes his father as "the most gentle of cruel men," but we suspect this formulation was designed to appease Theo, who had criticized Vincent for picking on their father, an old man (JLB 415, 12/18/1883). 

Context:
BVG 326, 9/21/1883: "In my opinion, Father has more the rayon noir and Corot has more the rayon blanc, but both have a rayon d'en haut."
JLB 388, 9/21/1883: "In my view Pa has more the black ray and Corot has more the white ray, but both of them have a ray from on high."

96. vehemence of Zola's attack BVG 336, 10/28/1883. Sund points out that Vincent is paraphrasing Zola's Mes haines (My Hates), but that the core vehemence of Zola's attack on bourgeois convention, as expressed in the phrase, "vivre tout haut [to live life to the full]" became a virtual rallying cry for Vincent (Sund, pp. 83-84). 

Context:
JLB 400, 10/28/1883: "Zola says -- I, an artist, I want to live life to the full -- want to live without ulterior motive -- naive as a child, no not as a child, as an artist -- with good will, just as life unfolds, so I'll find something in it, so I'll do my best in it" (emphasis in original).

97. Daudet's L'évangéliste BVG 358, 3/1/1884: Vincent quotes from L'évangéliste by Alphonse Daudet in a letter written around the beginning of March 1884, but the reference appears to be to a prior reading: "Read something by Daudet about pious women, 'Those two faces looked at each other -- they exchanged a spiteful, cold, closed look -- what's the matter with him/her? Always the same thing.'" (JLB 432, 3/2/1884.) He does not mention the book by name until seven months later, and then does so in a way that suggests a recent reading: "Do read L'evangeliste by Daudet about these female intrigues" (JLB 464, 10/2/1884). Given Vincent's intervening problems with Margot Begemann, and the book's relevance thereto, it is entirely possible that he reread L'évangéliste in the interim. Sund proposes plausibly that Vincent "distanced himself from the distressing denouement of their liaison -- an unsuccessful suicide attempt by the distraught Begemann (whose sisters had denounced her) -- by using literary parallels to mediate his account of its events" (Sund, pp. 84-85). 

Context:
JLB 432, 3/2/1884: "Read something by Daudet about pious women, 'Those two faces looked at each other -- they exchanged a spiteful, cold, closed look -- what's the matter with him/her? Always the same thing.'"

98. Eliot's Felix Holt BVG R43, 3/15/1884-3/31/1884. Vincent first read the English edition in 1876, in Paris. He apparently returned to it in late 1883 or early 1884 in a new Dutch translation and advised Van Rappard to "get hold of it somewhere" (JLB 394, 10/12/1883). He compared it to an illustration by one of his favorite English draftsmen, Frank Holl, and described it in glowing, if general, terms: "There are certain ideas about life in it that I find outstanding -- profound things said in a plain way -- it's a book written with great spirit ... There aren't many writers who are as thoroughly sincere and good as Eliot." (JLB 439, 3/18/1884.)

Sund recognizes (as Vincent did) many of the parallels between Eliot's protagonist and Vincent (Sund, p. 25). But she leaves one out. Holt was very close to his widowed mother and, indeed, supported her with a "manual trade" (in Holt's case, watchmaking; Vincent often characterized art-making as a manual trade). At the time he reread this book, Vincent, too, felt especially close to his mother. After she broke her hip in January 1884, he tended her sickbed and enjoyed several months of unaccustomed usefulness and appreciation in his parents' house. 

Context:
JLB 332, 3/21/1883: "I recently re-read Eliot's Felix Holt, The radical. This book has been very well translated into Dutch. I hope you know it -- if you don't know it, see if you can't get hold of it somewhere. There are certain ideas about life in it that I find outstanding -- profound things said in a plain way -- it's a book written with great spirit, and various scenes are described exactly as Frank Holl or someone like him would draw them. It's a similar conception and outlook. There aren't many writers who are as thoroughly sincere and good as Eliot."

99. Mill's On LibertyVincent nowhere mentions On Liberty (1859), the essay by John Stuart Mill, by name, nor does he quote from it directly. It is not included in Pabst's definitive bibliography. However, Vincent's letters from Drenthe and his first weeks in Nuenen are saturated with Millian images and ideas. Two of the former are pigs and Socrates. In Drenthe, Vincent comments on some clergymen that he saw who "have to improve a good deal more" before they "achieve the height of civilization and reason of common pigs, ... and it will take centuries before they're in that position. At the moment, any pig at all is much better, to my mind." (JLB 395, 10/12/1883-10/13/1883.) A month later, when Theo finally rejects Vincent's invitation to come to Drenthe, Vincent responds bitterly: "good -- if you people say that you're at ease, then let you people be at ease" (JLB 407, 11/26/1883). Arguably, both of these passages echo the familiar quotation from Mill's Utilitarianism (1863): "It is better to be a human being dissatisfied than a pig satisfied; better to be Socrates dissatisfied than a fool satisfied" (Mill, Utilitarianism, p. 14).

Vincent also addresses the subject of Socrates about this time, quoting a passage from Michelet. "Socrates was born a real satyr, but through devotion, work, renunciation of frivolous things, he changed himself so completely that on his last day, before his judges and facing death, there was in him something of a god, a ray from on high, with which the Parthenon was illuminated" (JLB 368, 7/27/1883; for the original French, see Ch. 21, n. 106).

The parallel between Socrates and Christ (a common trope among European intellectuals in the nineteenth century beginning with the publication of Socrates and Jesus Compared by Joseph Priestley in 1803) is the subject of discussion in On Liberty. After describing Socrates's trial as a "memorable collision" between individuality and public opinion, Mill compares it to "the event which took place on Calvary rather more than eighteen hundred years ago" (Mill, On Liberty, p. 30). In the same passage, Mill refers to Christ as a man of "moral grandeur," a term that Vincent uses also (JLB 293, 12/11/1882). Mill writes of both Socrates and Christ that "men did not merely mistake their benefactor, they mistook him for the exact contrary of what he was and treated him as that prodigy of impiety which they themselves are now held to be for their treatment of him. ... These were, to all appearance, not bad men -- not worse than men commonly are, but rather the contrary; men who possessed in a full, or somewhat more than a full measure, the religious, moral, and patriotic feelings of their time and people" (Mill, On Liberty, pp. 30-31).

When Vincent writes that "I'm allowed to do anything that doesn't harm anyone else" (JLB 418, 12/28/1883; emphasis in original), he seems to have in mind such Mill formulations as, "The liberty of the individual must be thus far limited; he must not make himself a nuisance to other people" (Mill, On Liberty, p. 68), and "The only purpose for which power can be rightfully exercised over any member of a civilized community, against his will, is to prevent harm to others" (ibid., p. 13). The same appears to be true of Vincent's statement, "I who don't coerce also don't want to be coerced" (JLB 418, 12/28/1883), and Mill's, "If [a man] refrains from molesting others in what concerns them, and merely acts according to his own inclination and judgment in things which concern himself, the same reasons which show that opinion should be free prove also that he should be allowed, without molestation, to carry his opinions into practice" (Mill, On Liberty, p. 68).

Also, Vincent refers at this time to his father with terms like "despotism" (JLB 450, June 1884), a vocabulary used nowhere else in the letters, but often in On Liberty (e.g., "Whatever crushes individuality is despotism" [Mill, On Liberty, p. 77]). Indeed, many of Vincent's critiques of his father in December 1883 ("Just as weathercocks have no effect on the direction of the wind, so opinions have no effect on certain standard truths" [JLB 419, 1/4/1884]) echo Mill's calls to respect dissent, recognize fallibility, and question certainty ("We can never be sure that the opinion we are endeavoring to stifle is a false opinion; and if we were sure, stifling it would be an evil still" [Mill, On Liberty, p. 21). Vincent's exasperated protest -- "that's simply the way I am" (JLB 418, 12/28/1883) -- certainly sounds the same bell of individualism as Mill's equally clarion, "Liberty consists in doing what one desires" (Mill, On Liberty, p. 117). Vincent, of course, could have read selections from Mill's work, or an article in a periodical that summarized his ideas. Whatever the case, Vincent's state of mind at this time is brilliantly summed up in Mill's description of his era: "destitute of faith, but terrified at skepticism" (ibid., p. 27). 

100. "break the fetters"Mill, On Liberty, pp. 78-79. (See Ch. 21, n. 102.)  101. championing of eccentricity Mill, On Liberty, pp. 80-82: "Precisely because the tyranny of opinion is such as to make eccentricity a reproach, it is desirable, in order to break through that tyranny, that people should be eccentric. Eccentricity has always abounded when and where strength of character has abounded; and the amount of eccentricity in a society has generally been proportional to the amount of genius, mental vigor, and moral courage it contained. That so few now dare to be eccentric marks the chief danger of the time." Mill repeatedly draws a connection between eccentricity and genius. "Genius can only breathe freely in an atmosphere of freedom. Persons of genius are, ex vitermini [by definition], more individual than any other people -- less capable, consequently, of fitting themselves, without hurtful compression, into any of the small number of molds which society provides in order to save its members the trouble of forming their own character" (Mill, On Liberty, p. 79).  102. "one should not complain" Mill, On Liberty, pp. 78-79: Mill's original is considerably more tortured in syntax: "If they are of a strong character and break their fetters, they become a mark for the society which has not succeeded in reducing them to commonplace, to point out with solemn warning as 'wild,' 'erratic,' and the like -- much as if one should complain of the Niagara river for not flowing smoothly between its banks like a Dutch canal."  103. "I am entitled" BVG 193a, 12/15/1883-12/31/1883. 

Context:
BVG 193a, 12/15/1883-12/31/1883: "In short, rest assured that I believe I am entitled to do anything which does not hurt anyone else and it is my duty to live up to the liberty which not only I myself but every human being has an unlimited and natural right to -- this liberty, I say, being the only station in life one should live up to."
JLB 418, 12/28/1883: "Know, in short, that I believe I'm allowed to do anything that doesn't harm anyone else, and that freedom, to which not just I but, in my view, every human being has the full, self-evident right -- that freedom, I say, I have a duty to uphold as being the only position that I have to uphold" (emphasis in original).

104. In almost forty years Dorus passed his final examinations in August 1846. Two months later, he became a candidate for the ministry. (See Chapter 4.)  105. godless science BVG 242, 11/5/1882: Although Vincent's knowledge of and interest in the new discoveries of science were erratic, one can hear him wrestling with the challenge they posed to belief in this passage from November 1882: "When you say in your last letter 'what a riddle there is in nature', I echo your words. Life in the abstract is already a riddle, reality turns it into a riddle within a riddle. And who are we to solve it? All the same, we ourselves form a particle of it, of the society of which we ask, Where is it going, to the devil or to God?" (JLB 292, 12/10/1882.) In general, Vincent defended his transcendental faith from the assault of science by seeing the latter as essentially a modern exploration and exposition of Romantic Nature. "People nowadays no longer believe in random miracles, in a God who jumps capriciously and despotically from one thing to another, but are beginning to gain more respect and admiration for and belief in nature" (JLB 450, June 1884; emphasis in original).  106. bourgeois sentimentality No one was guiltier of sentimentalizing religion than Vincent. Here are two examples: in recalling the birth of Sien's son Willem in June 1882, Vincent writes, "I know no other Sien than the one of this winter, than the mother from the hospital whose hand pressed mine when we both felt our eyes getting moist as we looked at the baby we were so anxious about this winter. And just listen, between ourselves, without being preachy, it may be true that there is no God here, but there must be one not far off, and at such a moment one feels His presence." (JLB 245, 7/6/1882-7/7/1882.) Later that same year, Vincent found his religion on the cover of an illustrated magazine: "I believe that if one wants to do figures one must have a warm sense within oneself of what Punch in the Christmas illustration calls Good will to all, that is, that one must have a real love of people" (JLB 277, 10/29/1882).

Vincent's desperate search for a substitute for the religion of his earlier years (his father's religion) fills the period of social and emotional alienation in The Hague. Some of its themes are familiar. The effort to blend the love of nature and the love of art and literature into a unified spirituality -- "it" -- can be heard in passages like this: "Sometimes there's something indescribable in those effects -- it's as if the whole of nature is speaking -- and when one goes home one has the same feeling as when one has just finished a book by Victor Hugo, for example. For my part I can't understand that not everyone sees and feels it -- after all, nature or God does it for everyone who has eyes and ears and a heart to perceive." (JLB 288, 11/26/1882-11/27/1882.)

Vincent coins a new motto -- "quelque chose là-Haut" (something on high) (JLB 333, 3/29/1883 and 4/1/1883) -- for this latest attempt at combining the atheistic naturalism of the cultural zeitgeist with old transcendental longings he cannot shake off. "Leaving aside whether or not one agrees with the form, it’s something one respects if it’s sincere, and for my part I can fully share in it and even feel a need for it, at least in the sense that, just as much as an old man of that kind, I have a feeling of belief in something on high even if I don’t know exactly who or what will be there. I like what Victor Hugo said: religions pass, but God remains. And [Paul] Gavarni also said a fine thing: the point is to grasp what does not pass in what passes." (JLB 294, 12/13/1882-12/18/1882; emphasis in original.)

Elsewhere, Vincent quotes Michelet (in Carlylean mode) equating Christ with Socrates, and does it in a way that unmistakably equates both with himself: "Socrates was born a real satyr, but through devotion, work, renunciation of frivolous things, he changed himself so completely that on his last day, before his judges and facing death, there was in him something of a god, a ray from on high, with which the Parthenon was illuminated" (JLB 368, 7/27/1883). 

107. increased tenfold Brugmans, p. 111: According to Brugmans: "In 1879, 12,253 people declared that they did not belong to any religious community, in 1899 this number had grown to 115,179; in other words, almost increased tenfold."  108. and Dutch ones, too Writing under the pseudonym "Multatuli," Eduard Douwes Dekker wrote Max Havelaar (1860), a powerful attack on the hypocrisy of the Dutch bourgeois society and especially the church that enabled it.  109. Their clashes Van Tilborgh, "Letter from Willemien van Gogh," p. 21: According to Vincent's sister Wil: "My father was firmly bound to form and that was in particular what he [Vincent] never bore in mind: that often led to clashes and neither party was quick to forget words spoken in anger."  110. lasted three or four hours Stokvis, p. 36: Stokvis quotes a witness whom he describes as "someone who used to know the family of Rev. Van Gogh very intimately, but who wanted to remain unnamed": "With his father the painter sometimes had violent quarrels whereby Vincent on occasion remained in lively discourse for three or four hours with the old man, who by no means cared for that. These arguments usually took place in the clergyman's study. Vincent was extremely hot-tempered: 'even to such an extent that you wouldn't have dared to tell him anything lightly.'"  111. long stretches of silence Stokvis, p. 27: According to Stokvis: "Sometimes he did not speak to his parents for days on end, and handled everything with little notes." In a letter to a friend in 1886, Vincent's sister Wil recalled the bitterness that lingered in the parsonage after Vincent's fights with his father: "My father was firmly bound to form and that was in particular what he [Vincent] never bore in mind: that often led to clashes and neither party was quick to forget words spoken in anger" (quoted in Van Tilborgh, "Letter from Willemien van Gogh," p. 21).  112. "invisible"Stokvis says only that Vincent refused to speak to his parents but only communicated through notes (Stokvis, p. 27; see Ch. 21, n. 111). It is our inference that this is the same strange behavior toward his parents that Vincent described in 1881 in Etten: "For a couple of days I spoke not a word and took not the slightest notice of either Pa or Ma. Reluctantly, but still, I wanted to make them feel what it would be like if ties really were broken. Naturally my behaviour surprised them, and when they told me so I answered, You see, this is how it would be if there were no bond of affection between us." (JLB 185, 11/18/1881; emphasis in original.)  113. he wrote them notes Stokvis, p. 27: Based on his interviews of townspeople, Stokvis writes, "Sometimes he did not speak to his parents for days on end, and handled everything with little notes."  114. At meals Du Quesne-van Gogh, p. 36: This is the description of Vincent's sister Lies: "He shared the family meals in a strange fashion. Seated in a corner of the room, his plate on his knee ... He cut his own bread in thick, heavy slices, which since a child he had preferred eating dry. He also preferred to pour out his own tea or coffee." We assume the last sentence is meant to indicate exceptionally anti-social behavior. Lies attempts to justify this strange behavior as merely absorption in work: "He would be absorbed in studying a newly painted canvas which stood facing him on a chair" (ibid.). But this seems to us like an exculpatory conflation.  374 115. to shield his face Du Quesne-van Gogh, p. 36: Vincent's sister Lies reports that "with one hand he would shade his half-closed eyes, while eating with the other." It is our inference that Vincent was shading his eyes in the parsonage dining room, which was not particularly bright, as a gesture of removal and probably (unconsciously) disgrace.  116. "a big, rough dog" BVG 346, 12/17/1883: We have slightly altered the translation. 

Context:
BVG 346, 12/17/1883: "They feel the same dread of taking me in the house as they would about taking in a big, rough dog. He would run into the room with wet paws -- and he is so rough. He will be in everybody's way. And he barks so loud. In short, he is a foul beast."
JLB 413, 12/15/1883: "There's a similar reluctance about taking me into the house as there would be about having a large, shaggy dog in the house. He'll come into the room with wet paws -- and then, he's so shaggy. He'll get in everyone's way. And he barks so loudly. In short -- it's a dirty animal." (Emphasis in original.)

117. bizarre playing-out Notes in Margot Begemann File, VGFA: Many years later, Margot Begemann's niece, Sientje Begemann, who was about ten-years-old at the time, recalled that "during breakfast [Vincent] had put a note at the breakfast plate of his father with the words 'Your son is a dog.'" However, this may be an elaborated recirculation of the notorious passage from Vincent's letter quoted in the text.  118. "He is a foul beast" BVG 346, 12/17/1883: We have slightly altered the translation. 

Context:
BVG 346, 12/17/1883: In short, he is a filthy beast. Very well, but the beast has a human history, and although he is a dog he has a human soul, and what is more one so sensitive that he can feel what people think about him, which an ordinary dog cannot do. And I, admitting that I am a sort of dog, accept them for what they are. This house is also too good for me, and Father and Mother and the family are so exceedingly refined (though not sensitive underneath), and -- and -- there are clergymen, lots of clergymen. The dog appreciates that if they do keep him, they are only putting up with him, only just tolerating his presence 'in this house,' so he will try to track down a kennel elsewhere. In fact this dog used to be Father's son once upon a time, and it was Father who left him out in the streets a little too long, so he was bound to become rougher, but seeing that Father forgot this many years ago and has never thought deeply about what the bond between father and son means, we had best say nothing about it. And then -- the dog could easily bite -- he could easily become rabid -- and the village policeman would have to come round and shoot him. Oh yes, all that is perfectly true, no doubt about it. On the other hand, dogs can also be guard dogs. But there's no need for that, they say, it's peaceful here, there's no question of any danger. So I shall say no more about it. The only thing the dog regrets is that he came back, because it wasn't as lonely on the heath as it is in this house -- despite all that kindness."
JLB 413, 12/15/1883: "In short -- it's a dirty animal. Very well -- but the animal has a human history and, although it's a dog, a human soul, and one with finer feelings at that, able to feel what people think about him, which an ordinary dog can't do. And I, admitting that I am a sort of dog, accept them as they are. This home is also too good for me, and Pa and Ma and the family are so unduly fine (no feelings, though) and -- and -- they are ministers -- many ministers. So the dog recognizes that if they were to keep him it would be too much a question of putting up with him, of tolerating him 'IN THIS HOUSE', so he'll see about finding himself a kennel somewhere else. The dog may actually have been Pa's son at one time, and Pa himself really left him out in the street rather too much, where he inevitably became rougher, but since Pa himself forgot that years ago and actually never thought profoundly about what a bond between father and son meant, there's nothing to be said. Then -- the dog might perhaps bite -- if he were to go mad -- and the village constable would have to come round and shoot him dead. Very well -- yes, all that, most certainly, it is true. On the other hand, dogs are guards. But there's no need for that, it's peace, and there's no danger, there are no problems, they say. So then I keep silent. The dog is just sorry that he didn't stay away, because it wasn't as lonely on the heath as it is in this house -- despite all the friendliness." (Emphasis in original.)

119. "I have found myself" BVG 347, 12/18/1883. 

Context:
JLB 413, 12/15/1883: "I have found myself -- I am that dog" (emphasis in original).

120. panaceas of new clothes BVG 346, 12/17/1883: Vincent reports to Theo that he has used the money Theo sent in early December to "pa[y] myself for the clothes that Pa bought because mine weren't good enough" (JLB 413, 12/15/1883). 

Context:
JLB 413, 12/15/1883: "Since I've had no expenses in the time I've been here, and because I received money from you twice here, I paid for the journey myself and also paid myself for the clothes that Pa bought because mine weren't good enough, yet at the same time I've repaid the 25 guilders from friend Rappard."

121. lend Vincent money b2250 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 12/20/1883: "It seems that he owes something to the supplier of paint materials. I wanted to give him money for that, but he refused absolutely."  122. "He is doing several" b2250 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 12/20/1883: Dorus expressed a similarly positive reaction to Vincent's work in an earlier letter the same month: "Don't you think the drawing of the old tower that Vincent sent you is beautiful. He does it so quickly." (b2248 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 12/8/1883.) Bonger cites this passage in her Memoir, but not the one in the text (Van Gogh-Bonger, in Van Gogh, p. xxxvi).  123. "When he looks back" b2247 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 11/30/1883; quoted in Van Gogh-Bonger, in Van Gogh, p. xxxv.  124. like Rappard's BVG 348, 12/21/1883. 

Context:
JLB 415, 12/18/1883: "Well, but what to do? If it were possible it would be a very good thing if I got a studio at home. It worked very well for Rappard, and Rappard writes to me, 'I regarded it as your greatest misfortune that you couldn't be at home.'" (Emphasis in original.)

125. set aside their objections b2250 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 12/20/1883: "He wanted the mangling room fitted up for him, although we did not think it was suitable." Dorus does not say why he and Anna thought the room unsuitable. It may have been because it did not have a window; or it may have been just that it seemed to be the latest expression of Vincent's strange attraction to hermetic, self-abnegating living situations -- always a worrying sign (to them) of his anti-social tendencies. "We do not think that it is a particularly proper place to stay," Dorus wrote Theo (ibid.).  126. used for a laundry BVG 347, 12/18/1883: Vincent refers to the room as "the little room at home where the mangle is now" (JLB 413, 12/15/1883). A mangle is a machine for pressing laundry by passing it through heated rollers. Because of Bonger's translation (she uses "mangling room" in her Memoir [Van Gogh-Bonger, in Van Gogh, p. xxxv]), the room that Vincent first used as a studio in Nuenen is often referred to as the "mangle room" (e.g., Hulsker, "Van Gogh's Years of Rebellion in Neunen," p. 19). 

Context:
JLB 413, 12/15/1883: "It has now ended up that the little room at home where the mangle is now will be at my disposal as a storeroom for my bits and pieces, as a studio too, should circumstances make this desirable. And that they've now started emptying the room, which wasn't the case at first, when the case was still pending then."

127. "to make it nice" b2250 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 12/20/1883.  128. put in a window b2250 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 12/20/1883: "I had intended to put a large window in it, but he preferred not to do that."  129. "We are undertaking" Hulsker, "The Elusive Van Gogh, and What His Parents Really Thought of Him," p. 255.  130. "my clothes were not" BVG 346, 12/17/1883: We have slightly altered the translation. 

Context:
BVG 346, 12/17/1883: "As I have had no expenses since I have been here, and as I have twice received money from you, I have paid the journey myself, and also paid for the clothes Father bought because mine were not good enough, and at the same time I returned the 25 guilders to friend Rappard."
JLB 413, 12/15/1883: "Since I've had no expenses in the time I've been here, and because I received money from you twice here, I paid for the journey myself and also paid myself for the clothes that Pa bought because mine weren't good enough, yet at the same time I've repaid the 25 guilders from friend Rappard."

131. condescending indulgence BVG 348, 12/21/1883: The thought that his parents were merely indulging his oddities, rather than surrendering to the force of his arguments, absolutely obsessed Vincent. That obsession was focused, as Vincent's so often were, on one statement by his father: "After saying that he can't take back anything of what he did before, etc., which was enough, in other words, to create a fundamental irreconcilability. He immediately followed that up with, 'but we don't lack conciliation.'" (JLB 415, 12/18/1883.) This comment ignited a firestorm of indignation. He accused his father of "conciliation with irreconcilability" (ibid.; emphasis in original). "But nor am I a man who takes kindly to 'conciliation' where I see a fundamental irreconcilability," he fumed, seeing in his father's condescension the same failure to take him seriously that he suffered in Tersteeg and his Uncle Cor (ibid.). "Every now and then, C.M. [Uncle Cor] also used to come out with 'unforgivable'. And people like Pa and C.M. stick to that, carry it through, year in, year out -- save for 'conciliation'. Bah -- I think that's really appalling. Approving of that, going along with it? No -- I'd rather be soundly rebuked and I, for one, will say it to their faces. You see how I am, brother, and you may make of it what you will, but don't get the idea that I'll enter into this sophistry of conciliation with irreconcilability." (ibid.) 

Context:
JLB 415, 12/18/1883: "You can see how Pa is from what he followed up with, for instance, after saying that he can't take back anything of what he did before, etc., which was enough, in other words, to create a fundamental irreconcilability. He immediately followed that up with, 'but we don't lack conciliation.'" (Emphasis in original.)

132. "Their cordial reception" BVG 345, 12/6/1883-12/7/1883. 

Context:
JLB 410, 12/7/1883: "Their friendly reception desolates me -- to me, the way they make the best of it, without recognizing the mistake, is even worse, if possible, than the mistake itself" (emphasis in original).

375 133. "apology of a studio" BVG 363a, 4/1/1884-4/15/1884: In April 1884, when Vincent is looking for a new studio to replace the one in the parsonage, he writes Theo asking again for a firm financial commitment for a year. By this time, Vincent has moved out of the laundry room and into a space in a utility extension of the parsonage (a space used by subsequent occupants as a hen house). It is not clear exactly when Vincent moved from the laundry room to the hen house (except that it was after February and before April) or why. It does appear, however, that Vincent initiated the move, which suggests that the hen house was considered a step up from the laundry room. 

Context:
BVG 363a, 4/1/1884-4/15/1884: "The reason why I have to know this is that, if I can definitely count on it, I shall get a more spacious apology of a studio somewhere, a studio I need in order to work from the model."
JLB 442, 3/24/1884: "Why I have to know this is because, if I can count on it, I would take a slightly roomier studio somewhere, which I need in order to be able to work with a model."

134. "I cannot stand" BVG 348, 12/21/1883. 

Context:
BVG 348, 12/21/1883: "If I do not do this, I should seem to be of one mind with a person whose principles I do not even respect, and I cannot stand the least appearance of being in agreement with him, for I am dead against him, absolutely in opposition to him."
JLB 415, 12/18/1883: "If I don't do that, then I have the semblance of agreeing with someone whose principles I don't even respect, and I don't want to have even the semblance of going along with him because I am utterly against him, absolutely against."

135. his parents expressed doubts BVG 345, 12/6/1883-12/7/1883: The parents' ambivalence toward Vincent's staying in Nuenen -- or Vincent's perception of ambivalence -- comes through clearly in this passage: "Yesterday evening it's decided that I'll be here for a while, the next morning, despite everything, we're back to -- let's think about it again. Go ahead, sleep on it, think about it!!! As if they hadn't had 2 YEARS to think about it, ought to have thought about it as a matter of course, as the natural thing." (JLB 410, 12/7/1883; emphasis in original.) Another example of this dynamic comes a few weeks later when Vincent again berates his father: "I said: I've been here for a fortnight now and I don't feel any further forward than in the first half hour. If only we'd understood each other better we'd have got all sorts of things sorted out and settled by now -- I can't waste time and I have to decide. A door has to be open or shut. I don't understand anything in between, and in fact it can't exist." (JLB 413, 12/15/1883.) Rather than walking out, however, Vincent agrees to stay when his father offers to fix up the laundry room as a studio.  136. reaffirmed their welcome BVG 348, 12/21/1883: True to the contrary dynamic of his life, as soon as his parents agree to fix up the laundry room as a studio, Vincent finds a new excuse for indignation against them. Only a few days later, he writes, "it cannot be done after all, and I see a certain separation from Pa," he says, "irrevocably" (reported in JLB 415, 12/18/1883, but written previously; emphasis in original). Why? Because "if I don't do that, then I have the semblance of agreeing with someone whose principles I don't even respect, and I don't want to have even the semblance of going along with him because I am utterly against him, absolutely against" (ibid.). After a few more days, however, Vincent retracts these harsh words and reports that "after I talk to Pa again, there's a provisional arrangement and calm. A calm which is indeed it but far more still not yet it at all." (ibid.; emphasis in original) Yet, in the same letter, he hints darkly at more reversals ahead: "Keeping the peace with Pa will be a hard job" (ibid.).

Context:
JLB 415, 12/18/1883: "I wrote you my last letter in a moment's desperation, of which the real purport was, 'I cannot do it after all.' And I thought a decisive separation from Father, irrevocable and with éclat, the only thing I could do. 'If I do not do this, I should seem to be of one mind with a person whose principles I do not even respect, and I cannot stand the least appearance of being in agreement with him, for I am dead against him, absolutely in opposition to him.'"

137. "you people do not" BVG 346, 12/17/1883. 

Context:
BVG 346, 12/17/1883: "Let me go on my own way -- it is a disappointment to me that there has not been a thorough reconciliation now; I wish it could happen still, but you people do not understand me, and I am afraid you never will."
JLB 413, 12/15/1883: "So let me get on with it -- only I'm disappointed that a thoroughgoing reconciliation hasn't come about now -- and I'd wish that it still could, only you people don't understand me and I fear that perhaps you never will" (emphasis in original).

138. "I must try" BVG 346, 12/17/1883. 

Context:
JLB 413, 12/15/1883: "I must try to work something out so that I don't 'make it difficult' for you or for Pa any more" (emphasis in original).

139. "Let me go on" BVG 346, 12/17/1883. 

Context:
BVG 346, 12/17/1883: " Let me go on my own way -- it is a disappointment to me that there has not been a thorough reconciliation now; I wish it could happen still, but you people do not understand me, and I am afraid you never will."
JLB 413, 12/15/1883: " So let me get on with it -- only I'm disappointed that a thoroughgoing reconciliation hasn't come about now -- and I'd wish that it still could, only you people don't understand me and I fear that perhaps you never will" (emphasis in original).

140. a trip to see Rappard b2250 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 12/20/1883: On December 20, Dorus wrote Theo: "He [Vincent] went to Utrecht early this morning to visit Rappard." In 1883, December 20 fell on a Thursday.  141. argument over Kee Vos BVG 348, 12/21/1883: In Vincent's last letter from Nuenen before leaving for Utrecht and The Hague on December 20, Vincent reports this argument: "Pa still says -- and this is something icy cold that frightens me when I think about it -- Pa still says now, after two years, that he acted in the past according to his opinion and principles." (JLB 415, 12/18/1883; emphasis in original.) The reference to "two years" identifies the subject of the argument as Kee Vos and the expulsion from Etten at Christmas in 1881. This passage is contained in a furious postscript -- a virtual call for domestic guerilla warfare against his father -- added to a letter that is not particularly heated, indicating that an argument took place immediately before the letter was mailed on the eve of Vincent's departure from Nuenen. The trip was not unplanned, apparently. Vincent had arranged to visit Van Rappard at this time, apparently in response to an invitation. "[Vincent] went to Utrecht early this morning to visit Rappard, who got him to do that," Dorus writes in his letter of December 20 (b2250 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 12/20/1883). Under the circumstances, however, it is perfectly possible that Vincent invented this invitation from Van Rappard.  142. "petty-minded pride" BVG 347, 12/18/1883. 

Context:
BVG 347, 12/18/1883: "I do not love Father at the moment, when a certain petty-minded pride stands in the way of the generous and satisfactory accomplishment of a complete, permanent and most desirable reconciliation."
JLB 413, 12/15/1883: "I do not love Pa at a moment when a certain petty-minded pride stands in the way of the generous and conclusive achievement of a complete, definitive and so desirable reconciliation" (emphasis in original).

143. begged him not to go b2250 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 12/20/1883: In his letter to Theo, Dorus does not say specifically that they fought over Vincent's plan for The Hague, but the rancor over the plan comes through clearly in his account of it: "[Vincent] also thought that it is necessary that a collection of drawings and studies, which are in The Hague, will come here and he wants to go pack them up because he stubbornly maintained that only he can do that. You know that you can not change much in a plan that he has decided on and so he left, to return in a few days. ... We would have preferred that he had avoided The Hague." (Emphasis in original.) Obviously, Vincent's parents tried to persuade him to have someone in The Hague pack his things for him -- a suggestion that Vincent rejected. In his first letter from The Hague, Vincent reports to Theo only about the rationale for the trip, but echoes of the argument with his parents can be heard: "I've come to The Hague to pack up and send my studies, prints, &c. &c. Which I need to attend to myself." (JLB 416, 12/21/1883.) He also indirectly confirms his parents' suspicion that seeing Sien was his primary motivation for coming: "I've seen the woman again, which I very much longed to do" (ibid.). Similarly, he appears to refight the argument with his parents: "And I wished that at home they could realize that the bounds of compassion do not lie where the world draws them" (ibid.).  144. Christmas holiday with Sien BVG 349, 12/22/1883-12/25/1883. There is no definitive evidence that Vincent spent Christmas in The Hague. When Vincent leaves Nuenen on December 20, his father writes that he expects Vincent to return "in a few days" (B2250 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 12/20/1883). However, only a few days before Christmas, Vincent writes Theo from The Hague giving him a mailing address: "Kosthuis No 1, Assendelftstraat 16" (near the Geest), adding, "But of course I won't be here long" (JLB 416, 12/21/1883). Given that this letter could not have been written any earlier than December 22 (allowing for the stop in Utrecht to visit Van Rappard [JLB 416, 12/21/1883]), then Vincent must have been planning to stay in The Hague through Christmas day. There was no way that his letter to Theo could have been delivered, responded to, and a response received in less than three days. Vincent's first letter after his return to Nuenen begins "I came back to Nuenen yesterday evening" (JLB 417, 12/26/1883), but it contains no reports of Christmas at home, only of his time with Sien and her children. From the tone of the letter, it was apparently not a happy holiday: "Know also that I spoke to the woman ... all that is worse again, and I fear very much for her well-being; and the poor baby, which I cared for as if it were my own, is no longer what it was either. Brother, I found her in great wretchedness and I'm very sad about it" (ibid.). 

Context:
JLB 416, 12/21/1883: "My address is / Kosthuis No 1 / Assendelftstraat 16. But of course I won't be here long."

145. considering marrying BVG 351, 1/2/1884. 

Context:
JLB 419, 1/4/1884: "I told Pa that in my present state of mind and position I sometimes think about going back to the woman I lived with -- yes, that I could go so far as to marry her."

146. "decided more definitely" BVG 350, 12/25/1883-12/28/1883. There is no question that Vincent's threat to marry Sien was made purely to provoke his parents, as Vincent makes clear in his next letter: "I told Pa that in my present state of mind and position I sometimes think about going back to the woman I lived with -- yes, that I could go so far as to marry her. You should know, though -- but Pa doesn't need to know this -- that up to now I still think as I did when I decided that it wouldn't work and that nothing can come of living together again." (JLB 419, 1/4/1884; emphasis added.)

In his letters to Theo, and probably in his report to his parents, Vincent continues to cast Sien in the most favorable light: "Given the circumstances, she has behaved bravely since then, a reason for me to forget the problems I had with her from time to time" (JLB 416, 12/21/1883). In explaining their final separation to Theo, Vincent strains to portray the decision as entirely mutual and ultimately ennobling: "It's our decision, even more definitely, that she will stay by herself and I by myself in any event, so that the world can't reasonably find fault. ... We regret that we didn't choose a middle way instead, and even now there remains a mutual attachment that has roots or grounds that go too deep to be transitory. ... If we could still find it [a middle course] even now -- although it will be difficult to find now -- it would still be humane and less cruel." (JLB 417, 12/26/1883.) In fact, as far as is known, Vincent never visited or wrote to Sien again, which suggests that their final visit was not as fond or ennobling as Vincent describes it. 

Context:
BVG 350, 12/25/1883-12/28/1883: "Then I must tell you that I have seen the woman, and that we have decided more definitely than ever to live apart, at least so that the world cannot justifiably find fault with it."
JLB 417, 12/26/1883: "Know also that I spoke to the woman and that it's our decision, even more definitely, that she will stay by herself and I by myself in any event, so that the world can't reasonably find fault."

147. guardianship petition BVG 351, 1/2/1884. Apparently, Vincent made the threat to marry Sien specifically in order to provoke the threat of guardianship proceedings. Indeed, it is not at all clear that Dorus actually made a specific threat, only that Vincent imagined that it hung in the air between them as yet more unfinished business. He goes on at great, obsessive, not to say neurotic, length on the subject: "I said in that regard that, firstly, should Pa ever oppose me in legal proceedings this would, in my view, be a very unwise thing. That, moreover, it would be necessary to use tricks and false testimony in such proceedings in order to give a semblance of justice to an impediment placed in the way of any marriage I might be contemplating. That should people ever stand in my way in such a case, I, for my part, would defend myself very calmly and collectedly, and would stand up for my rights and not give in. Realizing as I did that it would be a case in which the judge himself would urge the necessity of an amicable settlement. ... I spoke to Pa about it to make it plain that if I should ever want to do this, Pa wouldn't be able to prevent it, since, whatever paternal rights there may be, I can see no provisions in the law that could apply to me to prevent me. Pa has already hinted at this so often, very vaguely but nonetheless very palpably, that for my part I simply came straight out and told him how absurd and crass I would find such an idea." (JLB 419, 1/4/1884.) 

Context:
JLB 419, 1/4/1884: "I mentioned it [marrying Sien] to Pa in order to return to the question of the 'paternal right' to prevent something of that nature, a question raised by Pa."

148. furious defianceBVG 351, 1/2/1884. (See Ch. 21, n. 147.) 

Context:
JLB 419, 1/4/1884: "That should people ever stand in my way in such a case, I, for my part, would defend myself very calmly and collectedly, and would stand up for my rights and not give in."

149. unpaved streets De Brouwer, Van Gogh en Nuenen, p. 12: According to De Brouwer, it was not until 1884 that Nuenen authorized money for the first cobbled road in the municipality.  150. population smaller than ZundertDe Brouwer, Van Gogh en Nuenen, p. 12: In 1883, the population of the Nuenen municipality was 2,560. The closest available figure for the Zundert municipality (from 1851) is 3,030. As in Zundert, the municipality of Nuenen was made up of many centers of population, of which the village of Nuenen was only one. (See Ch. 21, n. 183.) Coquiot refers to Nuenen as "a commune even less significant than Zundert" (Coquiot, p. 91).  151. barely changed Van der Heijden, p. 112: "Nuenen occupies a place entirely of its own in [the development of the textile industry in Brabant]: here the transition from cottage industry to factory proved unsuccessful and the traditional method of weaving was kept to until well on in the twentieth century."  152. deeper into poverty De Brouwer, Van Gogh en Nuenen, p. 12: De Brouwer cites one measure of the village's "penurious situation": the high number of households that relied on public assistance or private charity. "[Fifty-two] heads of household and 10 singles were granted assistance by the municipality, the civic or general poor council, the Dutch Reformed Congregation or the catholic parochial poor committee." Van der Heijden not only fills out this picture with copious statistics, he also adds another measure of the municipality's impoverishment: the number of children who were provided free education. "In 1880 this applied to 91 children (45 boys and 46 girls). From the fact that this is 31.6% of the number of children between six and twelve, it can be concluded that poverty in Nuenen was much more of a structural phenomenon." (Van der Heijden, pp. 115-116.)  153. worldwide agricultural depression De Brouwer, Van Gogh en Nuenen, p. 12: De Brouwer cites the example of the profit on potatoes, one of the few crops that could be profitably grown in Nuenen's sandy soil: "In the years 1880 to 1893, for example, the profits for potatoes fell, per hectoliter yield, from ƒ 2.97 to ƒ 1.42." Van der Heijden adds that "the fall in prices in the course of the 1880s made it no longer profitable to produce rye or wool for the market" (Van der Heijden, p. 109).  376 154. low birth rates Van der Heijden, p. 105: "By comparison with North Brabant as a whole Nuenen is characterized by low birthrates. At the beginning of the period 1851-1920 the Nuenen averages were far below the North Brabant birthrates, but they exhibited a tendency to rise and reached a temporary peak in the period 1876-80, after which there was a sudden and rapid drop." Van der Heijden attributes this drop, at about the time Vincent arrived in Nuenen, to a change in the "marriage pattern": "a high average age for marriage and a high percentage remaining unmarried" (ibid.).  155. high death rates Van der Heijden, p. 105: "While the deathrate in North Brabant shows a downward trend at this period (a drop of 7%), that of Nuenen can be seen to exhibit a sharply fluctuating pattern. Discounting exceptions, the drop in the deathrate in Nuenen amounts to around 2%, which is considerably less than the Brabant averages."  156. a net outflow Van der Heijden, p. 105: "The smaller excess of births over deaths in the period 1881-1900 can be explained by the low birthrate in those years, which was brought about by the migration from Nuenen of the reproductive group (aged 25-45)." Van der Heijden attributes this "extensive emigration" largely to "the stagnation of textile production in the cottage industry" (ibid.).  157. Only a summons b2325 V/1982, ''Gogh, Elisabeth van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 3/7/1875: On March 7, 1875, Lies wrote Theo: "Pa has told you the big news that he well be sent to Nuenen." Less than a week later, however, Dorus wrote Theo: "Tomorrow I will announce that I have turned down Nuenen" (Dorus to Theo, 3/12/75) (b2326 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 3/12/1875). Dorus added that he had "struggled with that [decision] for days," but left it to his wife to explain the decision in her usual breathless, run-on style: "the salary [in Nuenen] was definitely higher, but a lot had to come off for rent and taxes and then a governess only and thereby nothing no company for Wil, quitting music lessons ... the distance from the station is far and the paths are still completely unpaved, so that the carriages are covered wagons" (b2327 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 3/13/1875). At least one of the Van Gogh children agreed with their father's decision.

Lies wrote Theo: "Pa told you that he declined the offer to go to Nuenen. I believe that it is better this way. As far as I am concerned, his decision was good." (b2328 V/1982, "Gogh, Elisabeth van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 3/21/1875.) De Brouwer fills out the details of this episode. Effective January 1, 1875, Nuenen's pastor for forty-six years, Rev. Willem Lodewijk Begemann, retired from his post (De Brouwer, p. 13). An invitation was issued to Dorus van Gogh, then the pastor in Helvoirt. He and his wife visited Nuenen on March 10. Because Dorus accepted a call to Etten later that same year, his refusal of the earlier invitation appears based, at least in part, on a negative assessment of Nuenen (ibid.).

158. A controversy overKools, p. 123: Kools documents and describes this controversy with his usual unflagging thoroughness and clarity. The pastor who took the Nuenen appointment that Dorus refused in 1875 (see Ch. 21, n. 157) was Petrus Gerardus Dreesman, a thirty-five-year-old firebrand who soon became the leader of a "furious resistance to the working method of the Society." Outraged by the Society's inadequate vetting of tenant farmers and its callous treatment of them if they failed to perform, Dreesman collected complaints from other parishes and circulated them in an insurrection against the Society's administration. Faced with a public crisis, the Society made some changes to its rules in 1880, but not enough to quell the rebellion in Nuenen. In 1881, Dreesman circulated yet another damning petition against the Society's practices. This was the uprising that Dorus van Gogh was sent to put down. The chairman of the Society wrote of Dorus: "At the right moment he appeared, urgently requested, among us and in the middle of battle fought, his attitude bringing an excellent conciliatory character." Rev. Dreesman was summarily packed off to a marginal "Evangelical-Lutheran" congregation in Monnikendam (De Brouwer, Van Gogh en Nuenen, p. 13).  159. evicting a tenantKools, p. 123. 160. an ugly rift See Ch. 21, n. 158 161. a mere thirty-five souls Kools, p. 123. 162. the seditious gossip Kools, p. 124. 163. two thousand inhabitantsSee Ch. 21, n. 150. The population of the entire municipality of Nuenen was 2,650, of which Dorus's new congregation represented less than 1.3 percent (De Brouwer, p. 12). However, there were some even smaller Reformed congregations within the township, in addition to Dorus's, which was based in the village of Nuenen. Therefore, the total percentage of Protestants in the municipality must have been slightly higher: perhaps as much as two percent (ibid.). 164. The enemies of Protestantism Van der Heijden, p. 118. Divisions between Protestants and Catholics took a less militant form in Nuenen than in the mutinous southern borderlands around Zundert, but ran every bit as deep. Van der Heijden finds no "denunciatory attitude" between Catholics and Protestants in Nuenen, which is the text's point. But we think Van der Heijden goes beyond the evidence when he asserts the more extreme claim that "around 1880 there was still a certain measure of acceptance and tolerance between the two religions" in Nuenen. He cites only three arguments in support of this claim: (1) Three of the principal "manufacturers" in the town were Protestants, while "the vast majority of their employees must have been Catholics"; (2) many of the servants in Protestant homes were Catholic; and (3) Vincent rented rooms from the sacristan of the Catholic Church. The first two could readily support a contrary inference (i.e., aggravating rather than ameliorating resentment between religious groups), and the third appears to assume the conclusion. In our opinion, Vincent's renting rooms in the sacristan's house could (and should) be seen as an act of public rebellion against the religious apartheid that existed throughout Catholic Brabant and which his father, through his activity in the Society, supported his entire life. Clearly, this was a seditious act intended to embarrass his parents, especially the Protestant pastor Van Gogh. Such a reading is far more consistent with Vincent's defiant character, and with conditions elsewhere in Brabant, than Van der Heijden's carving out a utopia of religious comity in Nuenen, a town backward-looking in every other way.  165. Saint Nicholas Day Saint Nicholas Day is celebrated on December 6 (or December 19, following the Julian calendar). In the Netherlands, gifts are traditionally exchanged on Saint Nicholas' Eve (December 5).  166. not even the eldersTralbaut, pp. 155-156. (See Ch. 21, n. 167.) 167. known that Vincent existed Stokvis, p. 27: Stokvis appears to attribute this claim to "the Ladies Begemann": that is, the nieces of Margot Begemann, a Van Gogh neighbor in Nuenen and the object of Vincent's amorous attentions in the first half of 1884, as discussed in the next chapter. "It is odd," Stokvis writes, "that before Vincent's arrival in Nuenen no one there knew anything about the existence of this son of Rev. Van Gogh. Not even the Begemann family. Considering that they, as next-door neighbors (what's more, Mr. B was an elder in the Protestant Church), were on very intimate terms with the Van Gogh family, one may conclude that the parents were ashamed of Vincent." This observation reappears in Tralbaut: "for the conservative pastor [Dorus] almost everything that his son did or thought seemed to be an outrage to con­vention and a threat to his dignity among the people of Nuenen. He felt so strongly that until Vincent turned up there one morning he had never mentioned his existence to anybody, not even to the Begemanns, who were neighbours and close friends." (Tralbaut, p. 155.)

In contrast, there is copious evidence that people in Nuenen knew about Theo, the pastor's successful son in Paris, who sent his family extravagant Christmas presents. In a letter after St. Nicholas Day 1884, Dorus wrote Theo: "How you surprised us with your package ... It arrived in the afternoon of the 5th and so was quite in time and how happy you made us with your presents for everyone, thought out with so much care" (b2263 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 12/9/1884). In her letter of the same day, sister Lies provided more enthusiastic details: "What a nice package you sent us and what lovely presents you included for each one of us. What we also liked were the wrappings. It is really amazing that the samples [of cloth], which are so useful, are available in such large numbers at Goupil's. It almost seems as if this was the case only to enable the bosses and employees of the gallery to do their sisters and mothers a favor. The umbrella is stunningly beautiful and will get a special place in my room. But I will only set it up in the summer, for it would suffer from the light of the oven or the dust. I also really appreciate the words beneath the wonderful pictures, for I know how truly they are meant." (b2249 V/1982, "Gogh, Elisabeth van en Gogh, Cor van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 12/9/1883.) Brother Cor also wrote his older brother "a word to express my gratitude for those nice presents that you sent ... it is all so very beautiful and cheered up because of your love" (b2248 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 12/8/1883).

The community also knew of the parson's sixteen-year-old Cor, of course, who attended an HBS school in nearby Helmond (see Meyers, p. 61). Van Crimpen proposes that the proximity of this modern high school (like the ones that both Vincent and Theo attended) was the motive for Dorus's accepting the undesirable position in Nuenen, which he had previously refused: "The most likely motive would seem to be that the youngest son, Cor, could quite easily take the train from Nuenen to the secondary modern school in Helmond" (Van Crimpen, p. 85). While this was clearly a factor that favored Nuenen, as Anna's letter of 1875 makes clear, the controversy over the Society for Prosperity was undoubtedly the primary factor in Dorus's leaving his comfortable berth in Etten and undertaking the new assignment in Nuenen. Duty, not convenience, ever ruled the pastor's decisions.
168. advertised his atheism b2258 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 10/27/1884: Dorus reports to Theo about a conversation he had with Antoon Hermans, an amateur artist in Eindhoven and a patron of Vincent's in Eindhoven: "[He] finds fault with a lot and to criticize, also on V[incen]t's way of thinking. But you better not write about this[. I]t bothers that Gentleman that [Vincent] is so up front with the fact that he has done away with religion. But there is no arguing about it." (b2258 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 10/27/1884.)  169. the family's black sheep BVG 386a, 12/9/1884. 

Context:
BVG 386a, 12/9/1884: "For -- against my person, my manners, clothes, words, you, like so many others, seem to think it necessary to raise so many objections -- weighty enough and at the same time obviously without redress -- that they have caused our personal, brotherly intercourse to wither and die off gradually in the course of the years. To this must be added my past, and that at Goupil & Co.'s you are quite the plush gentleman, and I am a black sheep and an ill-natured fellow."
JLB 474, 12/10/1884: "For -- you, like so many others, have things to say about my person, manners, clothes, words, important enough and evidently without redress -- that have gradually caused personal, brotherly relations to die and weaken over the years. Added to that is my past, and the fact that you feel quite the little gentleman at G&Cie, and I'm insufferable and an awkward customer."

170. exquisite propriety BVG 351a, 1/3/1884-1/16/1884: At the very time Vincent is raging at his father, claiming to his brother an inalienable right to speak his mind unreservedly, and dismissing all courtesies as the hobgoblins of small minds, Vincent writes to his land-surveyor friend and former student Antoine Furnée with dissimulative propriety. 

Context:
JLB 421, 1/6/1884-1/18/1884: "It pleases me so much that you are still keen to paint, and I believe that provided you persevere you can go a very long way. Especially because you will always have to be outdoors a great deal in your job. Things are going quite well for me here in Brabant, anyway I find the countryside here very stimulating."

171. brooding taciturnity De Brouwer, Van Gogh en Nuenen, p. 11: De Brouwer quotes the reminiscence of a local boy, Piet van Hoorn, who had regular contact with the artist in Nuenen: "It was not easy to get into contact with him. Difficult. You couldn't get him to talk. When you greeted him it was not certain that you would get a word out of him." Vincent's mother wrote Theo on November 5, 1884, "Here it is always the same, and he talks with nobody" (b2260 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 11/5/1884).  172. bristling challenges BVG 358, 3/1/1884: Astonishingly, Vincent claims that he is even more aggressive with strangers than he is with his father. Earlier, in a more modest mood, Vincent admits, "I may not always be polite to men" (JLB 247, 7/18/1882), although he insists he is polite to women. Sometimes, apparently, Vincent is so quick to challenge that he does not let other people finish their sentences: "When people say this and that to me -- I'm going to finish their sentences before they do" (JLB 439, 3/18/1884). 

Context:
JLB 474, 12/10/1884: "Know moreover -- that I haven't been aggressive in my actions towards Pa, nor should want to become aggressive towards you, my brother. I've often restrained myself -- whereas I would have fought very differently and more fiercely with strangers."

173. avoided them altogether Stokvis, p. 31: According to Stokvis's witnesses, "Vincent was reclusive; he never paid a visit anywhere." "Vincent spent very little time with his parents." The only way to reconcile these reports with the parents' complaints about Vincent alienating visitors (e.g., b2258 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 10/27/1884) is to posit that Vincent increasingly withdrew from parsonage life as time went on.  174. rejected social courtesies BVG 336, 10/28/1883. In her Memoir, even Bonger takes note of Vincent's failure to observe social niceties, suggesting that it was a sin for which the family never forgave Vincent, "who had so completely broken with all formalities, conventionalities and with all religion, and who was the last person in the world to conform himself to other people" (Van Gogh-Bonger, in Van Gogh, p. xxxv). 

Context:
JLB 400, 10/28/1883: "Oh -- I said we should by all means take Tom, Dick and Harry as they are -- by all means -- let's do that, but apart from taking one thing and another as it is, isn't there something absurd about these forms and conventions, aren't they truly bad?" (emphasis in original).

175. "absurd" BVG 336, 10/28/1883. 

Context:
BVG 336, 10/28/1883: "Oh, I said I should give Tom, Dick and Harry their due -- by all means -- let's do; but having done justice to those things, aren't they absurd, those formalities and conventions -- in fact, aren't they really bad?"
JLB 400, 10/28/1883: "Oh -- I said we should by all means take Tom, Dick and Harry as they are -- by all means -- let's do that, but apart from taking one thing and another as it is, isn't there something absurd about these forms and conventions, aren't they truly bad?" (emphasis in original).

176. "disgusting" BVG 348, 12/21/1883: Referring to his father's and Uncle Cor's belief that the breach of certain social rules is "unforgivable" (but may be overlooked through "conciliation"), Vincent lashes out: "Bah -- I think that's really appalling. Approving of that, going along with it? No -- I'd rather be soundly rebuked." (JLB 415, 12/18/1883.) 

Context:
BVG 348, 12/21/1883: "Bah, I think it's utterly disgusting."
JLB 415, 12/18/1883: "Bah -- I think that's really appalling."

177. "narrow conventionality" BVG 336, 10/28/1883: We have slightly altered the translation. 

Context:
BVG 336, 10/28/1883: "I come to the conclusion that I do not know anything, but at the same time that this life is such a mystery that the system of 'conventionality' is certainly too narrow."
JLB 400, 10/28/1883: "I come to the conclusion that I don't know anything, but at the same time that the life we are in is such a mystery that the system of 'Respectability' is certainly too narrow -- so, for me, that has lost its credit."

178. "prim, self-righteous prigs" BVG 359, 3/9/1884. 

Context:
BVG 359, 3/9/1884: "If only one is wary of becoming a prim, self-righteous prig -- as Uncle Vincent calls it -- one may be even as good as one likes."
JLB 434, 3/5/1884 - 3/9/1884: "Well, provided one takes care, as Uncle Vincent says -- that one doesn't grow up into a stiff, self-righteous stick -- one may even be as good as one wishes" (emphasis in original).

179. "honest observation" BVG 348, 12/21/1883: Vincent offers a disingenuous distinction between the objectionable opinions of his father, which he never lets pass without a challenge, and his own "observations." A few weeks later, he writes something similar in defense of his harsh words to his father: "There are times when keeping silent is almost the same as hypocrisy. I simply didn't want that either." (JLB 419, 1/4/1884.) 

Context:
BVG 348, 12/21/1883: "Father sees sacrilege in observations that are not reproaches at all, observations unavoidable when discussing things. Observations that one should never avoid if they refer to things about which an understanding must be arrived at before one engages in an enterprise."
JLB 415, 12/18/1883: "But Pa sees sacrilege in observations that aren't even reproaches, unavoidable observations when one talks about things. Which one may not avoid in things where one has to understand one another before one embarks on an undertaking" (emphasis in original).

180. discourage friends BVG 398, 4/5/1885. The extent to which Anna and Dorus curtailed their entertaining in the parsonage due to Vincent's embarrassing behavior is unknown. However, it is clear that it was an impediment, or at least that Vincent believed it was. In April 1885, when Vincent considered moving out of the house completely and living, as well as working, in his later studio, one justification he gave was: "they're [his parents] still freer with regard to guests &c" (JLB 490, 4/6/1885). Elsewhere, Dorus remarks, with weary resignation, that "people don't come by [the parsonage] as often because they don't want to run into [Vincent]. Our neighbors, at least. And we must say that they are right." (b2258 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 10/27/1884.) 

Context:
JLB 490, 4/6/1885: "But I'm convinced that it's to their advantage for me to leave, particularly in view of Ma's intention to take in a lodger this summer, if possible, who wanted to be in the country for his health -- or should this not come about, then they're still freer with regard to guests &c."

181. "How is it possible" b2260 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 11/5/1884.  182. On his long walks BVG 358, 3/1/1884. 

Context:
JLB 474, 12/10/1884: "You understand, Theo -- that I've often thought at length about it on long walks."

183. tiny satellite hamlets Van der Heijden, p. 102: According to Van der Heijden, the municipality of Nuenen was made up of three clusters of smaller communities: Nuenen, Gerwen, and Nederwetten. Nuenen included the village of Nuenen (which was divided into two neighborhoods, Berg and Heieind) as well as the hamlets of Boon, Refeling, Vaarle, Opwetten, Wettenseind, Eeneind and Beekstraat. Gerwen consisted of Stad, Nieuwendijk, Spekt, Laar, Rullen, Heuvel, Alvershool, Langelaar, and Broekeind. Nederwetten consisted of Hooidonk, the Straat (Nederwetten), and the Einde. Of all of these, only the village of Nuenen (where Vincent lived) was large enough to qualify as a "village."  184. son who swore vehemently De Brouwer, Van Gogh en Nuenen, p. 116: A young man who took some art instruction from Vincent during this period, Willem van de Wakker, a telegraph operator, amateur artist, and student of Vincent's, told Stokvis in 1927 that, as a teacher, "Vincent was by no means an easy master; he was sarcastic and was not embarrassed to swear vehemently every now and then."  185. wore strange clothes Tralbaut, pp. 155-156: Tralbaut retells a story from Vincent's acquaintance, Willem van de Wakker: "Van de Wakker tells how at Eindhoven there was a tailor who had vainly been trying to sell some lilac cloth with yellow spots. Van de Wakker recalled Vincent's fondness for daring combinations of light colours and said: 'I'll tell you what to do. Van Gogh is coming to see me tomorrow. Put that cloth in your window, and I'll bet you he buys it.' Vincent did -- for thirty-five guilders. His parti-coloured suit shocked the good people of Nuenen, and once again distressed his father and mother."

While the details of the story are unconvincing (i.e., superimposing Vincent's later colorful palette on his odd dressing habits), it would hardly be out-of-character or unprecedented for Vincent to use his clothes as a weapon in the war against his parents' conventionality. More credible evidence on the same point comes from Slagter, who reports a story from Dimmen Gestel, a printer in Eindhovenand student of Vincent's in 1884, via his nephew, the painter Leo Gestel: "[Dimmen] told me years ago that Vincent was so absorbed by his work that sometimes he forgot to change his winter clothes when summer approached" (Slagter, n.p.). Another acquaintance of Vincent's in Nuenen, Driek Dekkers, reported in 1949 that Vincent "wore blue linen trousers and a smock" (Van Gogh, p. 442). 

186. refused to eat meat De Brouwer, Van Gogh en Nuenen, p. 59: De Brouwer quotes Vincent's friend Anton Kerssemakers, a tanner in Eindhoven: "It did sometimes happen that for six weeks he did not get to see any meat (to eat), always merely dry bread with a chunk of cheese." Kerssemakers describes an incident to illustrate his point: "Once when we went out together in Nuenen, it was one afternoon at the height of the summer, I said: 'first we will have them put coffee on in the tavern and heartily eat sandwiches, that will keep us going until late in the evening.' ... The table was a generous one with different kinds of bread, cheese, carved ham, etc. When I looked up all of a sudden, I noticed that he was eating dry bread and cheese, and I said: 'Come on, Vincent, eat ham and put butter on your bread, and take sugar in your coffee, it has to be paid for anyway whether you eat it or not.' 'No,' he said, 'then I spoil myself too much, bread and cheese I am used to,' and he calmly went on eating." (ibid.)  187. smoked a pipe Stokvis, p. 36: "He lived like an ascetic and denied himself all luxuries and pleasures, except for ... his pipe. He smoked a lot of tobacco!" According to Stokvis, this account comes from "someone who used to know the family of Rev. Van Gogh very intimately, but who wanted to remain unnamed" (ibid.).  188. drank cognac De Brouwer, Van Gogh en Nuenen, p. 59.  189. lashed out sarcasticallyDe Brouwer, Van Gogh en Nuenen, p. 116. (321) 190. "He was not friendly" Leonardus Kuyten, quoted in De Brouwer, Van Gogh en Nuenen, p. 113.  191. "One bristle stuck out" De Brouwer, Van Gogh en Nuenen, p. 113. Hendricus Dekkers reported in 1949 that Vincent "had a little red chin-tuft" and that he was "an ugly creature" (Van Gogh, p. 442).  192. The docile peasants De Brouwer, Van Gogh en Nuenen, p. 113. Van der Heijden makes the interesting point that the "Catholic emancipation" that began with the new constitution in 1848 was slow to reach East Brabant, especially the lower (Catholic) classes. "The Catholic revival in the social and cultural sphere took place mainly in the higher echelons and also among the better situated middle classes (a very small category in Nuenen). Lack of material prosperity prevented the working class and the peasants from participating in this emancipation. Moreover, thanks to the climate of docility and passivity, these groups were not stimulated to spiritual uplift." (Van der Heijden, p. 118.)

Vincent appears to give first-hand confirmation of Van der Heijden's characterization of the Nuenen peasants in a letter from early 1885. Comparing the weavers of Nuenen to the miners of the Borinage, he writes: "It's a different mood from that of the miners I lived with in a year of strikes and many accidents. That was even worse -- but all the same, it's often heart-rending here too -- the people are quiet, and literally nowhere have I heard anything resembling inflammatory arguments. ... They look as little cheerful as the cab-horses or the sheep that are transported by steamer to England." (JLB 479, 1/23/1885; emphasis in original.) Yet, in the same letter, he registers "something harried and restless in these people" (ibid.). 

377 193. "schildermenneke" BVG 433, 11/10/1885-11/20/1885. 

Context:
BVG 433, 11/10/1885-11/20/1885: "The general nickname I have in this neighborhood is '' schildermenneke' [the little painter fellow], and it is not without a certain dose of malice that I go abroad."
JLB 541, 11/14/1885: "The nickname I have around here is generally 'the little painter fellow', and it's not entirely without a measure of malice that I'm going there."

194. "Red" Tralbaut, p. 149: Tralbaut translates the (presumably) Dutch original as "red-head," a reference to Vincent's hair color. We have changed it to "red," which would be sufficient, in modern usage, to convey the same thing as "red-head." We believe the shorter term conveys better the derisiveness that was clearly intended.  195. "clodhoppers" Tralbaut, p. 148: Tralbaut quotes Vincent's friend Anton Kerssemakers quoting Vincent: "Once in a while those clodhoppers in Nuenen say that I am mad when they see me shuffling about over the moor ... But I don't give a damn about that, I just go my own way." Stein translates the word as "lout" (Kerssemakers, "Reminiscences of Vincent van Gogh," in Stein, ed., p. 54).  196. followed and mocked Tralbaut, p. 149: Tralbaut recorded the account of one of these boys, Piet van Hoorn: "He [Van Hoorn] mimicked the painter's gait and manner in a most amusing fashion; and one can picture Vincent absorbed in his task and unaware of Piet and doubtless other small boys watching and mocking him." Although Tralbaut's account is cautiously speculative ("doubtless"), it comports with similar reports -- some documented, some confirmed by Vincent -- in almost every community where Vincent lived for any length of time. Even here, Vincent as much as acknowledges the mockery that he encountered in this account to his friend Kerssemakers: "… the louts in Nuenen say I am crazy when they see me shuffling across the heath, standing still, squatting, squinting, holding my hands now like this, then like that in front of my eyes in order to frame the whole, but I don't care, I just go my own way." (Kerssemakers, "Reminiscences of Vincent van Gogh," in Stein, ed., p. 54.)  197. he claimed to relish Tralbaut, p. 148.  198. "I cannot bother" BVG 388, 12/7/1884. Note the echo of this line in Kerssemaker's recollection of something Vincent told him: "… I don't care, I just go my own way." (Kerssemakers, "Reminiscences of Vincent van Gogh," in Stein, ed., p. 54; emphasis added.) 

Context:
BVG 388, 12/7/1884: " I cannot bother about what people think of me, what I have to think of is getting on. So I go my own way with a certain obstinacy, believing in some things and not believing in others."
JLB 473, 12/6/1884: " I can't worry about what people think of me -- I must move forward, that's what I have to think about. And so I go my way with a certain obstinacy, believing in some things and not in others." (Emphasis in original.)

199. as dark and close Vincent apparently visited several weavers' houses in December 1883 and the first half of 1884. The details vary from one to the other, but Vincent is clear about a few common characteristics: (1) The rooms were small ("in the small rooms one can't get far enough away to draw the loom" [JLB 419, 1/4/1884], "the wretched little room" [JLB 428, 2/3/1884]); and (2) the rooms were dark ("This [the dismal sky], I see it in passing, and it's quite in harmony with the interiors, very gloomy in these dark winter days" [JLB 479, 1/23/1885]).  200. "The rains, the fogs" Coquiot, p. 16: "Les pluies, les brouillards le noient dans une constante humidité; ... les Brabançons cherchent de tous leurs yeux le soleil qui ne luit guère ici."  201. yellow light of gas lamps BVG 367, 4/30/1884. 

Context:
JLB 445, 4/30/1884: "I've seen them weaving by lamplight in the evening, which creates very Rembrandtesque effects. Nowadays they have a sort of hanging lamp -- but I've just got a little lamp from a weaver like the one in The evening by Millet, for instance. This is what they used to work by." (Emphasis in original.)

202. packed-earth floor BVG 355, 1/24/1884. In her memoir, Vincent's sister Lies also refers to the "hard-beaten clay flooring" (Du Quesne-van Gogh, n.p.). 

Context:
JLB 428, 2/3/1884: "I've tackled that affair just as it is in reality, the loom with the little weaver, the small window and that high chair in the wretched little room with the clay floor."

203. "weavers' villages" BVG 136, 9/24/1880: Reporting in September 1880 on his trip from Cuesmes to Mons six months before (see Chapter 12), Vincent wrote: "Another thing that I saw during that excursion was the weavers' villages." This trip is generally referred to in the literature as "the trip to Courrières," the small town in the Pas-de-Calais where Vincent paid an abortive visit to the studio of Jules Breton. As discussed in Chapter 12, we believe Vincent invented and/or embellished much of his account of this trip in an effort to recast it as an artistic journey similar to the Barbizon pilgrimage undertaken by many Parisian artists, as described in Theo's letters to him. For the same reasons, we suspect that Vincent's reference to "weavers' villages" is more poetic than factual. Surely, his description of the weavers he encountered in these "villages" draws more on his reading of Michelet than on first-hand observation: "a dreamy, almost pensive, almost a sleep-walker's air, is the weaver" (ibid.). We think it is likely that Theo mentioned weavers in one of his all-important letters to Vincent in the fall of 1880 that precipitated the elaborate, belated account of the Mons trip. Thus, Vincent's reference to them became yet another of the many details he added to his account in order to demonstrate to his brother their new shared artistic consciousness. It should be noted, however, that two years later, Vincent reaffirmed that he saw weavers on his 1880 sojourn ("I saw that at the time in the Pas de Calais -- inexpressibly beautiful" [JLB 261, 9/9/1882]), indicating that he did encounter them in some fashion on the earlier trip. 

Context:
BVG 136, 9/24/1880: "I saw something else during the trip -- the weaver's villages."
JLB 158, 9/24/1880: "Another thing that I saw during that excursion was the weavers' villages."

204. immediately compared BVG 136, 9/24/1880. Vincent returns to this strained equivalence (more poetic than empirical) in the next letter: "Once I am master of my pencil or of watercolour or of etching, I can return to the region of the miners or weavers, to do things better from life than thus far. But first I must acquire a modicum of skill." (JLB 159, 10/15/1880.) 

Context:
JLB 158, 9/24/1880: "The miners and the weavers are something of a race apart from other workmen and tradesmen, and I have a great fellow-feeling for them and would count myself happy if I could draw them one day, so that these types, as yet unpublished or almost unpublished, could be brought to notice. The man from the bottom of the abyss, 'de profundis', that's the miner; the other one, with a dreamy, almost pensive, almost a sleep-walker's air, is the weaver."

205. an artisanal kinship BVG 136, 9/24/1880. Even before he arrived in Nuenen, Vincent had already begun to develop this theme of "fellow-feeling" with the weavers, just as he developed similar themes with the miners. In October 1882, he wrote Theo, "I assure you that there's a lot involved in compositions with figures, and I'm very busy. It's like weaving: you have to give it all your attention to keep the threads apart; you must control and keep an eye on several things at once." (JLB 271, 10/8/1882.) In March 1883, he expanded on the conceit: "A weaver who must control and interweave many threads has no time to philosophize about how they fit together, but rather he's so absorbed in his work that he doesn't think but acts, and feels how it can and must work out rather than being able to explain it. ... And that, too, is a loom where different threads must be kept apart." (JLB 327, 3/11/1883; emphasis in original.) He employs the conceit again a few months later in a passage that is especially poignant: "For me work is an absolute necessity, indeed I can't really drag it out, I take no more pleasure in anything than in work, that's to say, pleasure in other things stops immediately and I become melancholy if I can't get on with the work. Then I feel like a weaver when he sees his threads getting tangled and the pattern that he had on the loom going to the devil and his thought and effort coming to nothing." (JLB 348, 6/3/1883.)

The first of these three comparisons is valid, if facile. In the second, Vincent recruits the metaphor to his argument with Theo. In the third, he again uses the metaphor to bolster the argument and even to make a threat (i.e., "If you don't send me more money, I won't be able to work which will lead to melancholy and hopelessness"), but this usage manages to transcend manipulativeness and approach the truly poetic, in much the same way Vincent's best art rises above its exhortatory program (there is almost always a program) and achieves a beauty that is its own truth. We do not believe, however, that these passages directly reveal Vincent's artistic persona, any more than his earlier metaphors about miners directly reveal his religious persona. In this regard, our reading differs from that of some scholars, in particular Silverman (pp. 139-143), who argue from these passages and others that Vincent's "fellow-feeling" with the weavers developed into such a strong identification that it should be seen as a Rosetta stone for understanding his entire artistic enterprise ("an abiding mental system that interacted with van Gogh's early definition and practice of art as a craft" [Silverman, p. 463]). While it is true that metaphors meant more to Vincent than to most people, and that his powers of analogy and identification were extraordinarily strong; one should not follow him down the road of confusing described reality with experienced reality. 

Context:
JLB 158, 9/24/1880: "Another thing that I saw during that excursion was the weavers' villages. The miners and the weavers are something of a race apart from other workmen and tradesmen, and I have a great fellow-feeling for them and would count myself happy if I could draw them one day, so that these types, as yet unpublished or almost unpublished, could be brought to notice."

206. weavers he had seen BVG R11, 8/13/1882: Responding nostalgically to Van Rappard's descriptions of Drenthe, Vincent writes in August 1882: "I imagine it as being like North Brabant when I was young, about 20 years ago. I remember as a boy seeing the heath and the small farmhouses, the looms and the spinning wheels exactly as I see them now ... The part of Brabant I know well has since changed enormously through land reclamation and industry. It isn't without a certain nostalgia that I now see a new tavern with a red tiled roof at many places where I remember seeing a wattle-and-daub hut with a moss-covered, thatched roof." (JLB 256, 8/13/1882; emphasis in original.)

Zemel and others perform considerable feats of scholarship in relating Vincent's nostalgia for a simpler past to the indignation of writers like Carlyle and Eliot at "the rupturing force of industrialization and loss of the past" (Zemel, in Van Uitert, ed., p. 49). But it cannot be avoided that Vincent's nostalgic laments are never political, either overtly or covertly, and rarely stray beyond the vague and poetic. Only once in all the letters does he appear to engage in a larger dialogue about the depredations of capitalism, and even then he retreats from the issue in a cloud of Victorian truisms about physiognomy and "types" (JLB 479, 1/23/1885). When he tries to frame his nostalgia in larger notions, those notions are invariably eschatological, not social or economic. There is no reason to believe that he read Carlyle's "Sign of the Times" or Eliot's Felix Holt any differently than he read everything else: that is, autobiographically. (After all, it was Vincent who set off on a brief, convulsive career as an evangelical preacher immediately after reading Felix Holt, Eliot's indictment of fanatical religion.) Vincent's pining for a previous era -- whether in art, artisanal labor, or architecture -- had everything to do with alienation from his family and the lost Eden of the Zundert parsonage, and virtually nothing to do with indignation at the "fetishized commodification that masked human labor and skill" (Zemel, Van Gogh's Progress, pp. 79-80). If, by some magic, Vincent could have felt re-embraced by his family, the plight of the victims of industrialization would have remained at the margins of his consciousness, as it did for most of the bourgeoisie of Vincent's age and background. (Both Zemel [ibid., p. 80] and Pollock ["Van Gogh and the Poor Slaves: Images of Rural Labour as Modern Art," pp. 423-425, and "Van Gogh and Dutch Art: A Study in Van Gogh's Notion of the Modern"] acknowledge – correctly, we believe – that, on the evidence of his letters, Vincent kept himself at a great "social distance" from the weavers and peasants -- even without the family reconciliation he craved.) 

Context:
JLB 256, 8/13/1882: "I imagine it as being like North Brabant when I was young, about 20 years ago. I remember as a boy seeing the heath and the small farmhouses, the looms and the spinning wheels exactly as I see them now in drawings by Mauve and [Frans] Ter Meulen." (Emphasis in original.)

207. "that faraway look" BVG 136, 9/24/1880. 

Context:
BVG 136, 9/24/1880: "The man from the depths, from the abyss, de profundis, that is the miner. The other, with the faraway look, almost daydreaming, almost a sleepwalker, that is the weaver."
JLB 158, 9/24/1880: "The man from the bottom of the abyss, 'de profundis', that's the miner; the other one, with a dreamy, almost pensive, almost a sleep-walker's air, is the weaver."

208. "mystic weavers" Michelet, pp. 46-47: "It usually happens that with manual labor which follows our initiative, our innermost thought becomes identified with the work and puts it in its proper place ... The mystic weavers of the Middle Ages were famous under the name of Lollards because while they worked they actually lulled, that is, sang and hummed in low tones some nursery rhyme. The rhythm of the shuttle, pushed forth and pulled back at equal intervals, patterned itself to the rhythm of the heart, and by evening it often happened that in addition to the cloth, a hymn or a ballad had been woven."  209. "disinherited race" Eliot, p. 5: Taken from the very first sentence of Eliot's book: "In the days when the spinning-wheels hummed busily in the farmhouses and even great ladies, clothed in silk and thread-lace, had their toy spinning-wheels of polished oak -- there might be seen in districts far away among the lanes, or deep in the bosom of the hills, certain pallid undersized men, who, by the side of the brawny country-folk, looked like the remnants of a disinherited race."  210. "[The weaver] is so absorbed" BVG 274, 3/11/1883. 

Context:
BVG 274, 3/11/1883: "A weaver who has to direct and to interweave a great many little threads has no time to philosophize about it, rather, he is so absorbed in his work that he doesn't think, he acts: and it's nothing he can explain, he just feels how things should go."
JLB 327, 3/11/1883: "A weaver who must control and interweave many threads has no time to philosophize about how they fit together, but rather he's so absorbed in his work that he doesn't think but acts, and feels how it can and must work out rather than being able to explain it."

378 211. a place beside peasant funerals BVG 295, 6/22/1883: "Do you know what I sometimes long for? A trip to Brabant. I would so like to do the old churchyard at Nuenen. And the weavers. To do Brabant studies again for a month, say, and to come back with a batch of them for a large drawing of a country funeral, for example." (JLB 356, 6/22/1883.) Apparently, this outburst of enthusiasm was in response to a letter from his sister Wil who wrote mentioning the weavers in Nuenen, where the family had recently moved. (See Van Heugten, p. 49.) Vincent reported to Theo: "I've asked her [Wil] for more information on one or two points about the weavers, who especially interest me" (JLB 261, 9/9/1882).

Uniquely, Vincent's enthusiasm for the weavers does not appear to have been greatly abetted by prints in his collection. As late as January 1884, he confesses that he has not seen many images of weavers. ("Do you know many drawings of weavers? I only very few." [JLB 419, 1/4/1884.]) One of these was apparently "Les industries qui disparaissent, un tisserand" by Ryckebusch (or Ryckebus) (L'Illustration, September 10, 1881); another may have been "The Jute industry: Mat weaving in England" by William Bazett Murray (The Illustrated London News, May 28, 1881). It is not known when Vincent acquired either of these prints. He mentions Murray only once, in October 1882, in a long catalogue of illustrators whose work he admired in magazines (JLB 273, 10/22/1882); and Ryckebusch not at all. Vincent acquired "At work in a woollen factory," by Alfred Edward Emslie (The Illustrated London News, August 25, 1883) sometime in the winter of 1883-84 (JLB 431, 2/26/1884).

Later in 1884, Vincent asked Theo to send him a print by Charles Paul Renouard that had appeared in I'Illustration, "La crise industrielle à Lyon -- Sans travail" (JLB 480, 1/26/1885). When Theo was unable to locate a copy of the print (JLB 482, 2/2/1885) (Vincent had incorrectly described it as a 'grève' [strike] and given the wrong date for the issue of L'Illustration in which it appeared [the correct date was October 25, 1884]), Vincent found another weaver print by Renouard, "La crise industrielle à Lyon -- Un canut à son métier" (L'Illustration, October 18, 1884). Even if Vincent acquired the first two of these prints before the winter he came to Nuenen, they would have been the only weaving-related prints in his collection. 

JLB 356, 6/22/1883: “Do you know what I sometimes long for? A trip to Brabant. I would so like to do the old churchyard at Nuenen. And the weavers. To do Brabant studies again for a month, say, and to come back with a batch of them for a large drawing of a country funeral, for example.”

212. he may have heard rumorsZimmerman, pp. 97-98: Zimmerman notes that the connection between Liebermann's painting of weavers in Zweeloo and Vincent's subsequent weaver images is purely conjectural: "Van Gogh must have learnt -- if only by hearsay -- about [Max] Liebermann's painting such a motif in this peasant village." The entire Liebermann episode is probably overblown in the literature, as Vincent admits in Drenthe that he has not seen any of Liebermann's work (JLB 395, 10/13/1883), nor does he ever find him -- if indeed he expected or intended to. However, Vincent does appear to have associated Drenthe with weavers even before his arrival there. In August 1882, he reported seeing a drawing of Mauve's at an exhibition in The Hague: "a woman at a sort of loom, no doubt from Drenthe -- that I think is superb" (JLB 257, 8/14/1882). And sometime after Van Rappard returned from one of his two trips to Drenthe (in 1882 and 1883), Vincent saw a painted study of weavers that he had done while there: "Rappard painted a study of it in Drenthe, which I found beautiful. Very gloomy -- for these weavers are very poor people." (JLB 419, 1/4/1884.) Under these circumstances, it is surprising that Vincent does not specifically mention weavers in the context of Liebermann's work, or, indeed, in any context, while in Drenthe.  213. his friend's depictions Vincent visited Van Rappard in Utrecht immediately before Christmas in 1883. "I've also spent a day with Rappard," he writes upon his return to Nuenen (JLB 416, 12/21/1883). "Well, I saw drawings (watercolours) and painted studies by him that I consider VERY GOOD. Particularly the old women's home on Terschelling [the island off the far northern coast that Rappard had visited that fall]." (ibid.; emphasis in original.) A week later, Vincent acknowledges having seen a painted study of weavers in his friend's studio: "Rappard painted a study of it in Drenthe, which I found beautiful. Very gloomy -- for these weavers are very poor people." (JLB 419, 1/4/1884.) A few months later, Vincent appears to name one of the images that struck him: "I'd like to see the sketches of the old women of Terschelling and the little weaver again" (JLB 441, 3/21/1884-3/28/1884). Prior to this, Vincent had seen at least one drawing of Van Rappard's that he described "as if one were reading a description of a factory by Zola or Daudet or [Camille] Lemonnier" (JLB 355, 6/16/1883).

Van Rappard had by then already done a series of paintings and drawings of Utrecht craftsmen, the best known of which was The Tilepainters (1882). Vincent saw the studies for this work (JLB 344, 5/21/1883). In 1883, Van Rappard also did studies of a silversmith workshop. Vincent appears to have been impressed with drawings like these, whether or not there were weavers among them. In March 1884, he writes from Nuenen: "I like to see your drawings of machines very much" (JLB 437, 3/13/1884). We agree with Pollock that "Van Gogh's interest in drawing machines resulted from his half-competitive and half-deferential relation with Van Rappard" (Pollock, "Labour -- Modern and Rural," p. 41). We would add to this only a qualifying "in part." 

214. One in four Van der Heijden, pp. 108-109: Van der Heijden puts the figure at twenty-six percent. He also makes a convincing argument from the data that many of the approximately 440 weavers registered in Nuenen in the 1880s were only part-timers who worked other jobs. "Most of the weavers only did that work for part of the year, often supplemented by a modest farm (or perhaps vice versa). The farmer-weaver combination was the most common, but certainly not the only one" (ibid.). Van Uitert concurs: "For most of the 430 weavers that Nuenen numbered in 1884 linen weaving brought in only part of their income" (Van Uitert, pp. 146-147.) Van der Heijden's data stands in contrast to the arguments of Pollock and others that the weavers of Nuenen "were not artisans, living off their plots of land and weaving for themselves or for local use. They were not part-time weavers, weaving in winter and landworking in summer. They were sweated labour, outworkers for local factories." (Pollock, "Labour -- Modern and Rural," pp. 35-36.)

The effort to make Vincent into a champion of the downtrodden has produced an overemphasis on his weaver images as icons of the cruelties of nineteenth-century capitalism. The only real basis in the record for these claims is one letter that Vincent wrote in which he detailed the economic plight of the weavers: "A weaver who works hard makes a piece of 60 ells, say, in a week. While he weaves, a woman has to spool for him; that is winding yarn on to the bobbins -- so there are two who are working and have to live on it. On that piece he makes a net profit of, say, 4.50 guilders in that week -- and nowadays when he takes it to the manufacturer he's often told that he can only bring a new piece in a week or a fortnight's time. So not only wages low, but work fairly scarce." (JLB 479, 1/23/1885.) But this letter was written in January 1885, more than a year after Vincent arrived in Nuenen and at least five months after the weavers were no longer a primary subject for his art. It's detailed accounting -- completely lacking in indignation -- was almost certainly calculated to make Theo feel guilty about a job offer he had recently received paying 1,000 francs a month (see Chapter 22), not to draw attention to the plight of the weavers. Vincent's intimate knowledge may have been the result of his close association at the time with the peasant family of Gordina (Dien, Sien) de Groot (1855-1927; Vincent's lover in Nuenen) (see Chapter 21). 

215. monstrous black looms BVG R44, 3/10/1884-3/20/1884. (380)

Context:
JLB 437, 3/13/1884: "I drew the figure in after all -- but I don't want to say anything with it except: 'when that black monster of begrimed oak with all its slats somehow shows up like this against the greyness in which it stands, then there, in the centre of it, sits a black ape or goblin or apparition, and clatters with those slats from early till late'" (emphasis in original).

216. tumbledown cottages De Brouwer, Van Gogh en Nuenen, p. 110: According to De Brouwer, one of Vincent's weaver-models, Toon Swinkels "lived in a small tumbledown house at the current Berg [a part of the village of Nuenen south of the parsonage]."  217. wives and children Van Heugten, p. 66. Vincent reports, "While [the weaver] weaves, a woman has to spool for him; that is winding yarn on to the bobbins -- so there are two who are working and have to live on it" (JLB 479, 1/23/1885; emphasis in original).  218. experiment with modern factories Van der Heijden, p. 112: Van der Heijden details the failed history of "modernization" in the textile industry in Nuenen as of the date of Vincent's arrival. "Nuenen occupies a place entirely of its own in this: here the transition from cottage industry to factory proved unsuccessful and the traditional method of weaving was kept to until well on in the twentieth century. The number of attempts to keep a textile factory in operation can be counted on the fingers of one hand." A linen textile factory was established in Nuenen in 1865 that reported forty-four employees in 1871, and sixty-three in 1876. In 1879, a checked-cloth weaving factory in Nuenen that employed fifty-eight workers was permanently shuttered. According to Van der Heijden: "From 1880 onwards the comment 'none' … appears under the State of the Factories until 1896" (ibid., p. 113). During this period, a few smaller operations, with only a handful of looms, apparently survived. Vincent reports sketching in one of these (JLB 419, 1/4/1884).  219. the mercy of entrepreneurs Van der Heijden, p. 113: "It seems reasonable to suppose that it was Eindhoven entrepreneurs who were responsible for the bringing in of the raw materials and the removal of the finished products. That the position of these entrepreneurs was an important one is underlined by the fact that no mention at all is made of spinners, which means that the weavers worked with bought yarns which must have been brought in by the entrepreneurs."  220. hand spinning had all Van der Heijden, p. 113: Van der Heijden points to the fact that "no mention at all is made of spinners" in contemporary records. Unlike weaving, the older method of hand spinning had been replaced by steam-powered spinning machines as early as 1850 (ibid., p. 112). According to Van Heugten: "As far as is known Van Gogh made no drawings of people spinning. Scenes that are interpreted as such turn out to be of a man or a woman winding yarn." (Van Heugten, p. 77.) Pollock identifies this transitional stage in the mechanization of the textile industry: "a stage in the development of industrialised production in which spinning was mechanised while weaving was still undertaken on hand powered looms by outworkers" (Pollock, quoted in Van Heugten, p. 35).  221. a Continent-wide depression Pollock, "Labour -- Modern and Rural," p. 35: "Peasants and outworking weavers had good cause for gloom in the poverty and unemployment of winter especially during the mid 1880s when the worst effects of a European economic depression (begun 1873) hit Dutch agriculture and textile industries hardest."  222. weavers used the same looms Van Uitert, pp. 146-147: "The looms of the Nuenen linen weavers depicted by Van Gogh are two-shaft looms with shedding motion. He presumably chose the oldest he could find as far as possible. These looms date from the 18th-century, but had been adapted later to the fly-shuttle."  223. beams grimy with the sweat BVG R44, 3/10/1884-3/20/1884: This is based on Vincent's own observation. He refers to the loom as "that black monster of begrimed oak" and claims that his drawings of it "more clearly express that the thing's made of oak begrimed by sweaty hands" (JLB 437, 3/13/1884). 

Context:
JLB 437, 3/13/1884: "And -- putting my study next to a drawing by a mechanical engineer -- who had drawn a design for a loom -- mine would more clearly express that the thing's made of oak begrimed by sweaty hands, and would every now and then, when you looked at it (even if I absolutely did not draw him in, or even if I drew him out of proportion), every now and then you couldn't help thinking of the workman, whereas absolutely no ideas of this kind would occur to you looking at the design for a loom by a mechanical engineer. A sort of sigh or lament must sometimes come out of all that clutter of the slats." (Emphasis in original.)

224. Most still rented Zemel, Van Gogh's Progress, pp. 71-72.  225. material called bontjes Silverman, pp. 140-141: From the name of the material gave the local weavers their nickname: bontwevers 226. made linen for diapers Van der Heijden, p. 113.  227. The work came fitfully BVG 392, 1/20/1885. 

Context:
JLB 479, 1/23/1885: "On that piece he makes a net profit of, say, 4.50 guilders in that week -- and nowadays when [a weaver] takes [his cloth] to the manufacturer he's often told that he can only bring a new piece in a week or a fortnight's time. So not only wages low, but work fairly scarce."

379 228. paid miserablyBVG 392, 1/20/1885. 

Context:
JLB 479, 1/23/1885: "A weaver who works hard makes a piece of 60 ells, say, in a week. While he weaves, a woman has to spool for him; that is winding yarn on to the bobbins -- so there are two who are working and have to live on it. On that piece he makes a net profit of, say, 4.50 guilders in that week -- and nowadays when he takes it to the manufacturer he's often told that he can only bring a new piece in a week or a fortnight's time. So not only wages low, but work fairly scarce."

229. pennies a day BVG 392, 1/20/1885: Vincent gives the "net profit" on a piece of cloth as "4.50 guilders in that week," less than a guilder a day (JLB 479, 1/23/1885). In that week, the weaver would be expected to weave sixty yards of material, according to Vincent. 

Context:
JLB 479, 1/23/1885: "A weaver who works hard makes a piece of 60 ells, say, in a week. While he weaves, a woman has to spool for him; that is winding yarn on to the bobbins -- so there are two who are working and have to live on it. On that piece he makes a net profit of, say, 4.50 guilders in that week -- and nowadays when he takes it to the manufacturer he's often told that he can only bring a new piece in a week or a fortnight's time. So not only wages low, but work fairly scarce."

230. farming their small plots Van der Heijden, pp. 108-109: Farmers constituted the largest percentage of Nuenen's population (forty-five percent) according to village registration records. Thus many weavers in search of supplementary income chose farm work, whether on their own land, or hired out to larger landowners. In addition, weavers moonlighted, inter alia, as carpenters.  231. taking odd jobsVan der Heijden, pp. 108-109. (See Ch. 21, n. 230.)  232. Adriaan Rijken De Brouwer, Van Gogh en Nuenen, p. 24: According to De Brouwer, Adriaan Rijken, a gardener in Nuenen, was born in September of 1834, which would make him forty-nine when Vincent came to Nuenen. Vincent mentions Rijken twice, but not until several years later in an argument with Theo over whether he should return to Nuenen before going to Paris from Antwerp. "But I'm not needed [in Nuenen] -- because someone like Rijken, the gardener, for instance, can see to what needs to be packed or sent at least as well as I can" (JLB 558, 2/4/1886). On the same point, he mentions him again several weeks later: "And at home -- I know perfectly well that Rijken, the gardener, or [Gerardus] Huizing, a farmer, and not I, are the best people to pack things up and send them off properly" (JLB 556, 1/29/1886).  233. cleaned the studioWagener, in Masheck, ed., pp. 201-202: Citing "the book of genealogy of the Rijken family," Wagener writes, "Another of his [Adriaan's] tasks, under instructions from father and mother van Gogh, was to clean Vincent's studio." Vincent appears to confirm these duties in his references to Rijken two years later (see Ch. 21, n. 232). Wagener's research leads to yet another elaborate story about lost artwork and fumbled fortune: "He [Rijken] swept all the drawings and sketches on the floor together and transported these papers in a wheelbarrow to a pile at the bottom of the garden. He was cleaning so radically that no other drawing was ever found after his action." (ibid.) According to the same source, Rijken's son (also Adriaan) "was the lucky owner of a painting of Vincent van Gogh. It hung in his room for many years. But once, when his nephews and nieces were paying him a visit, they suddenly missed the familiar painting. Adriaan Rijken gave the explanation: 'I looked for so many years at that painting that it gradually bored me, and then ... I burnt it in the stove!' And this lost painting was of ... the church of Zundert! You can perhaps understand how my daughter-in-law and son now complain, 'Perhaps we could have been millionaires!'" (ibid.)  234. gloomy cottages BVG 392, 1/20/1885. 

Context:
JLB 479, 1/23/1885: "This, I see it in passing, and it's quite in harmony with the interiors, very gloomy in these dark winter days."

235. He came in the morning De Brouwer, Van Gogh en Nuenen, p. 110: De Brouwer quotes one of Vincent's weaver-models, Toon Swinkels, who lived until 1947: "Vincent then came at nine o'clock in the morning; at twelve o'clock he went home until half past one, then came back and worked for hours on end until it was dark." Vincent himself writes: "I don't think there's been a day since I've been here when I haven't sat working with the weavers or peasants from morning till night" (although this claim is probably exaggerated) (JLB 422, 1/15/1884); and "I'm working on them from early till late" (JLB 430, 2/18/1884-2/23/1884). Elsewhere he describes watching the weavers "by lamplight in the evening" (JLB 445, 4/30/1884).  236. preliminary sketches Van Heugten, p. 55: Van Heugten proposes that many of Vincent's errors in the loom mechanisms can be attributed to his making "not very detailed preliminary drawing[s] in pencil" during his visits to the weavers' cottages. He notes that traces of these sketches can be seen in most of the weaver drawings. Vincent appears to contradict this scenario in the case of at least one drawing (perhaps Weaver Facing Left [F 1124 JH 456, February, 1884, pen, washed, 3.7 x 5.1 in., 9.5 x 13 cm., private collection]), which he sent to Van Rappard in February: "As far as the loom is concerned, that really is a study of the machine made from start to finish in the place itself and was difficult" (JLB 437, 3/13/1884). But this comes as part of Vincent's hyperventilating defense against Van Rappard's criticism of his drawing and therefore is, at least, suspect. Van Rappard has accused Vincent of errors of proportion in rendering the figure and, by implication, of not having worked directly from life.

Vincent argues elaborately that he intended to create an insubstantial, spectral image: "I don't want to say anything with it except: 'when that black monster of begrimed oak with all its slats somehow shows up like this against the greyness in which it stands, then there, in the centre of it, sits a black ape or goblin or apparition, and clatters with those slats from early till late'. And indicated the spot by setting down a sort of a shape of a weaver with a few scratches and blotches at the place where I saw him. Consequently, I didn't give the slightest thought to the proportions of arms or legs at the time." (ibid.; emphasis in original.) 

237. surprising inattention Van Heugten, p. 5: Van Heugten is especially thorough (and amusing) on how inaccurate Vincent's renderings of looms were, despite their apparent fastidiousness. "The fact that he did not have a good idea of the construction of the loom, and that his sketches failed to provide the answer, is abundantly clear from this drawing [Weaver (F 1122 JH 454)], for the loom would never have worked." Vincent's errors include everything from details like the angle of the shaft straps, to the fundamental mechanics of weaving. Crucial parts are improperly connected or altogether missing. ("It would therefore be impossible to weave with this loom," Van Heugten says about one drawing [ibid.].) The importance of the "shed" (the parting of the weft threads) seems to have been lost on Vincent. In one drawing, Interior with a Weaver Facing Right (F 1110 JH 437), "the cloth passes right beneath the loom to emerge on the right over the warp beam, as if it were a single piece of cloth going round and round in the loom" (ibid., p. 62). Van Heugten does make the case that Vincent's understanding of how the looms worked improved over time and some of the machines depicted in the later drawings (e.g., Weaver [F 1123 JH 455]) might actually have worked (ibid., p. 66).  238. adding the figure BVG R44, 3/10/1884-3/20/1884: To Van Rappard, Vincent reveals the late addition of the figure of the weaver ("the apparition") both indirectly ("I drew the figure in after all") and directly ("When my machine drawing had been finished fairly carefully, I found it so unbearable that I couldn't hear it clatter that I let the apparition appear in it after all") (JLB 437, 3/13/1884). Zemel comments on Vincent's "somewhat grudging decision" to add the figure of the weaver (Zemel, Van Gogh's Progress, p. 79). 

Context:
JLB 437, 3/13/1884: "I drew the figure in after all -- but I don't want to say anything with it except: 'when that black monster of begrimed oak with all its slats somehow shows up like this against the greyness in which it stands, then there, in the centre of it, sits a black ape or goblin or apparition, and clatters with those slats from early till late'. And indicated the spot by setting down a sort of a shape of a weaver with a few scratches and blotches at the place where I saw him. Consequently, I didn't give the slightest thought to the proportions of arms or legs at the time. When my machine drawing had been finished fairly carefully, I found it so unbearable that I couldn't hear it clatter that I let the apparition appear in it after all." (Emphasis in original.)

239. "apparition" BVG R44, 3/10/1884-3/20/1884. 

Context:
BVG R44, 3/10/1884-3/20/1884: "I did include the figure in the drawing after all. But what I wanted to express by it was just this: 'When that monstrous black thing of grimed oak with all those sticks is seen in such sharp contrast to the greyish atmosphere in which it stands, then there in the centre of it sits a black ape or goblin or spook that clatters with those sticks from early morning till late at night.' And I indicated that spot by putting in some sort of apparition of a weaver, by means of a few scratches and blots, where I had seen it sitting."
JLB 437, 3/13/1884: "I drew the figure in after all -- but I don't want to say anything with it except: 'when that black monster of begrimed oak with all its slats somehow shows up like this against the greyness in which it stands, then there, in the centre of it, sits a black ape or goblin or apparition, and clatters with those slats from early till late'. And indicated the spot by setting down a sort of a shape of a weaver with a few scratches and blotches at the place where I saw him." (Emphasis in original.)

240. hardly worth his notice BVG R44, 3/10/1884-3/20/1884: In his defense of his poorly-drawn weaver figures to Van Rappard, Vincent argues that, if the drawing of a mechanism like a loom is strong enough, the figure of its operator becomes superfluous: "When you looked at it [his drawing] ... you couldn't help thinking of the workman" (JLB 437, 3/13/1884; emphasis in original). He then cleverly turns this strained argument to the defense of Van Rappard's drawings of machines, which apparently did not include figures at all: "I like to see your drawings of machines very much -- why? -- because when you draw only the flywheel, I for one also can't help thinking about the boy who turns it and feel his presence, I don't know how. And those who regard your machine drawings as designs for machines understand nothing about your art." (ibid.; emphasis in original.) 

Context:
JLB 437, 3/13/1884: "And -- putting my study next to a drawing by a mechanical engineer -- who had drawn a design for a loom -- mine would more clearly express that the thing's made of oak begrimed by sweaty hands, and would every now and then, when you looked at it (even if I absolutely did not draw him in, or even if I drew him out of proportion), every now and then you couldn't help thinking of the workman, whereas absolutely no ideas of this kind would occur to you looking at the design for a loom by a mechanical engineer" (emphasis in original).

241. Vincent never namedIn addition to Adriaan Rijken (see Ch. 21, n. 232), several of Vincent's weaver-models have been identified by subsequent accounts: Toon Swinkels (nicknamed Toon Lap) and Pieter Dekkers (see De Brouwer, Van Gogh en Nuenen, pp. 104, 109-110). As to the question of how close Vincent was to these men, it should be noted that, two years later when he mentions Rijken by name, it is in the context of his position as gardener to his parents, not as a weaver, and he does not get his name right: "I know perfectly well that Rijken, the gardener, or Huizing, and not I, are the best people to pack things up and send them off properly" (JLB 556, 1/29/1886). This passage also reveals that, for all the heated rhetoric directed at his parents, Vincent never lost sight of the line that separated him from the servant class.  242. isolated from him De Brouwer, Van Gogh en Nuenen, p. 110: The few available eyewitness accounts of Vincent's time with the weavers indicate that he did not socialize with them -- at least not at this time. Indeed, he seems to have avoided doing so. De Brouwer records the recollections of Toon Swinkels, who posed for some of Vincent's weaver drawings and paintings. "About the posing he remembered that he always had to keep working." It is one of the most dubious -- and yet most durable -- notions in the Van Gogh literature that Vincent befriended the poor and oppressed that he portrayed.  243. Eliot's hermit weaver Eliot, p. 42: Vincent does not specifically mention Silas Marner at this time, but its memory must have haunted Vincent's first contacts with the cottage weavers of Nuenen. Here is a passage, consummately beautiful, that would have cemented forever Vincent's solidarity with the hermit weaver of Raveloe: "Any one who had looked at him as the red light shone upon his pale face, strange straining eyes, and meagre form, would perhaps have understood the mixture of contemptuous pity, dread, and suspicion with which he was regarded by his neighbours in Raveloe. Yet few men could be more harmless than poor Marner. In his truthful simple soul, not even the growing greed and worship of gold could beget any vice directly injurious to others. The light of his faith quite put out, and his affections made desolate, he had clung with all the force of his nature to his work and his money; and like all objects to which a man devotes himself, they had fashioned him into correspondence with themselves. His loom, as he wrought in it without ceasing, had in its turn wrought on him, and confirmed more and more the monotonous craving for its monotonous response."  244. "monotonous response"Eliot, p. 42: "The livelong day [Silas] sat in his loom, his ear filled with its monotony, his eyes bent close down on the slow growth of sameness in the brownish web, his muscles moving with such even repetition that their pause seemed almost as much a constraint as the holding of his breath." (See Ch. 21, n. 243.)  245. "Every man's work" Eliot, pp. 16-17.  246. the rooms too small BVG 351, 1/2/1884. In a later letter to Van Rappard, he complains that drawing the loom is "difficult -- because one had to sit so close that it was very tricky to take measurements" (JLB 437, 3/13/1884, emphasis original).

Context:
JLB 419, 1/2/1884: "These folk are difficult to draw because in the small rooms one can't get far enough away to draw the loom. I think this is why attempts to do it usually fail."

247. "One must sit" Van der Heijden, pp. 112-113.  248. in conflicting angles Van Heugten, p. 64: Van Heugten describes one particularly unsuccessful effort, Weaver (F 1116 JH 462), a drawing in chalk, pen, and ink: "As an exercise in perspective it is a complete failure. Van Gogh appears to have observed the subject from two different levels. We look straight at the warp beam, at the bottom of the drawing, for nothing can be seen of the warp threads running to the shafts. The weaver is also viewed from low down, for if he had been drawn from normal eye level part of his face, at least, would have been hidden by the pulleys (to which the leather straps in the centre of the drawing are attached). Several parts of the loom, however, are shown from above, such as the slay and the bobbin box, which is attached to the loom on the left. Another odd feature is the window set so low down in the wall." Another image that shows many of the same problems, as well as unsuccessful foreshortening, is Weaver, Seen from the Front (F 27 JH 503).  380 249. with their backs to him Weaver with Other Figures in Front of Loom (F 1111 JH 483) and Weaver Standing in Front of a Loom (F 33 JH 489).  250. revealed only in profile Interior with a Weaver Facing Right (F 1110 JH 437), Interior with a Weaver Facing Right (F 1109 JH 439), Weaver Facing Right (Half-Figure) (F 26 JH 450), Weaver Facing Right (F 1108 JH 451), Weaver, with a Baby in a Highchair (F 1118 JH 452), Weaver (F 1121 JH 453), Weaver (F 1122 JH 454), Weaver Facing Right (F 162 JH 457), Weaver Arranging Threads (F 32 JH 480), Weaver Standing in Front of a Loom (F 1134 JH 481), Weaver, Arranging Threads (F 1688 JH 482), Old Man Reeling Yarn (F 371 JH 498), and Weaver Near an Open Window (F 24 JH 500).  251. simple silhouettes BVG 367, 4/30/1884: Vincent describes this as a nocturnal image: "I saw ... dark, bowed figures against the light, which stood out against the colour of the piece. Great shadows cast on the white walls by the laths and beams of the loom." (JLB 445, 4/30/1884.) But the images that follow this program are mostly daytime images: Interior with a Weaver Facing Right (F 1109 JH 439), Weaver Arranging Threads (F 35 JH 478), Weaver Arranging Threads (F 32 JH 480), and Weaver Facing Left (F 116av JH 499).

There are a few images (Weaver Facing Left [F 1124 JH 456] and Weaver, Seen from the Front [F 30 JH 479]) in which the figure of the weaver is cast in silhouette by light reflecting off a wall, which could be intended to suggest nighttime. There are also images in which Vincent uses the light, either direct or reflected, to etch the weaver's face in outline only: Weaver Facing Right (F 1108 JH 451), Weaver Near an Open Window (F 24 JH 500), and Weaver, Interior with Three Small Windows (F 37 JH 501). 

Context:
JLB 445, 4/30/1884: "I recently also saw coloured pieces woven in the evening -- where I'll take you sometime should you come here. When I saw it, they were also just arranging the threads, so dark, bowed figures against the light, which stood out against the colour of the piece. Great shadows cast on the white walls by the laths and beams of the loom."

252. barely distinguishable Weaver (F 1114 JH 444), Weaver (F 1107 JH 445), Weaver Facing Right (F 1108 JH 451), Weaver Facing Right (F 162 JH 457), and Weaver, Seen from the Front (F 30 JH 479).  253. he produced dozens Van Heugten, p. 50: According to Van Heugten's count, there are sixteen finished drawings of weavers that survive, as well as ten paintings. We are assuming that some of both, and more of the former, have not survived. Pollock's count is slightly different: "Between January and July 1884 Vincent van Gogh produced over thirty paintings, drawings and watercolours of weavers working at their looms" (Pollock, "Labour -- Modern and Rural," p. 25).  254. beam, strut, and spindle Zemel, in Van Uitert, ed., p. 53: We are indebted to Zemel for this felicitous sequence: "No knob, hook, curve or corner escaped Van Gogh's attention. Every beam, strut, spindle is so carefully rendered, so vigorously hatched and cross-hatched, that the loom acquires an almost animate presence and individuality."  255. expensive canvases Van Uitert, p. 151: Referring to one of the weaver paintings: "That this was an ambitious painting is evident from its size, for Vincent gave up a large and thus expensive canvas." The surviving weaver paintings range from as small as Weaver Arranging Threads (F 32 JH 480) (7.7 x 16.1 in., 19.5 x 41 cm.) to as large as Weaver Near an Open Window (F 24 JH 500) (16.8 x 36.6 in., 68 x 93 cm.). The latter painting, however, is on cardboard; the largest painting on canvas from the series is Weaver, Seen from the Front (F 30 JH 479) (27.6 x 33.5 in., 70 x 85 cm.). Most are at the upper end of this range. Of a total of ten paintings, seven measure 48 cm. (19 in.) or more in height, and six measure 60 cm. (23½ in.) or more in width.  256. didn't bother to sign Van Heugten, p. 50: "One wonders how satisfied he was with the paintings, for not one of them is signed."  257. peddlers and grinders Eliot, p. 5: This, too, is Eliot: "Superstition clung easily round every person or thing that was at all unwonted, or even intermittent and occasional merely, like the visits of the pedlar or the knife-grinder. No one knew where wandering men had their homes or their origin; and how was a man to be explained unless you at least knew somebody who knew his father and mother?"  258. "[One] was not" Eliot, p. 5.  259. "unhealthy" Du Quesne-van Gogh, p. 34: "[Nuenen] was in another part of Brabant, a weavers' section, full of strange poetry; the houses lower, the farms broader than in the other section; the people friendly, plain, workers, farmers, gardeners, and weavers, the last known by their pale, unhealthy faces, since weaving is a harmful trade."  260. "harmful"Du Quesne-van Gogh, p. 34. (See Ch. 21, n. 259.)  261. only at Sunday dusk Du Quesne-van Gogh, p. 34: Lies's account has the weavers out only on Sunday evening, "shortly before vespers." Eliot describes them as "dark against the early winter sunset" (Eliot, p. 5).  262. they came to exchange Du Quesne-van Gogh, pp. 34-35: "Sunday evening, shortly before vespers, one could see the weaver, with his sack containing the week's spinning upon his back, wending his way to the modern-built house and shop of the merchant, where was measured the linen, which is chiefly used by the royal household; and where another sack carefully weighed, containing the threads of the coming week's work, is given in exchange." Eliot summons the same image regarding the "mysterious burden" of the weaver's bag: "The bag held nothing but flaxen thread, or else the long rolls of strong linen spun from that thread" (Eliot, p. 5).  263. Pale, spectral figuresDu Quesne-van Gogh, p. 34: Lies's opinion is seconded by Eliot, who refers to the weavers as "these pale men rarely stirred abroad without that mysterious burden" (Eliot, p. 5). (See Ch. 21, n. 259.)  264. "alien-looking men" Eliot, p. 5.  265. they usually traveled alone Du Quesne-van Gogh, p. 35: "Lonely, dreamy figures; alone, or in pairs; seldom in groups."  266. Dogs barked at them Eliot, p. 5: "'The shepherd's dog barked fiercely when one of these alien-looking men' appeared on the upland, dark against the early winter sunset; for what dog likes a figure bent under a heavy bag?"  267. labor militancy Pollock, "Labour -- Modern and Rural," pp. 36-37: "The weavers of Europe were well known for their agitation and resistance. Apart from the famous Lyons strikes of 1830 and 1884 amongst the silk weavers, there had been major uprisings by Silesian and Bohemian weavers in the 1840s which had been brutally suppressed. The term weaver also acquired therefore militant overtones."  268. old superstitions Eliot, p. 42: Eliot refers to "the mixture of contemptuous pity, dread, and suspicion with which [Marner] was regarded by his neighbours in Raveloe."  269. new suspicions BVG 392, 1/20/1885: Vincent was clearly attuned to these suspicions, although he concludes (in January 1885), on the basis of his contacts with the weavers, that they are unfounded. Although he finds "something harried and restless in these people," they are not politically restive, in his opinion (JLB 479, 1/23/1885). "It's a different mood from that of the miners I lived with in a year of strikes and many accidents. That was even worse -- but all the same, it's often heart-rending here too -- the people are quiet, and literally nowhere have I heard anything resembling inflammatory arguments." (ibid.; emphasis in original.) Yet, as Pollock recognizes, "by mentioning complaints, strikes and sedition, Van Gogh acknowledged their possibility" ("Labour -- Modern and Rural," pp. 36-37).  270. "miserable little rooms" BVG 355, 1/24/1884. 

Context:
BVG 355, 1/24/1884: "I have painted that thing exactly as it was in reality, the loom with the little weaver, the little window and the baby chair in the miserable little room with the loam floor."
JLB 428, 2/3/1884: "I've tackled that affair just as it is in reality, the loom with the little weaver, the small window and that high chair in the wretched little room with the clay floor."

271. "disgusting" BVG R44, 3/10/1884-3/20/1884. 

Context:
BVG R44, 3/10/1884-3/20/1884: "When I had finished drawing the apparatus pretty carefully, I thought it was so disgusting that I couldn't hear it rattle that I let the spook appear in it."
JLB 437, 3/13/1884: "When my machine drawing had been finished fairly carefully, I found it so unbearable that I couldn't hear it clatter that I let the apparition appear in it after all."

272. "They are but poor" BVG 351, 1/2/1884. 

Context:
BVG 351, 1/2/1884: "In Drenthe, Rappard painted a study of it which I like very much. It is very gloomy -- they are but poor creatures, those weavers."
JLB 419, 1/4/1884: "Rappard painted a study of it in Drenthe, which I found beautiful. Very gloomy -- for these weavers are very poor people."

273. "I consider myself" BVG 358, 3/1/1884. 

Context:
BVG 358, 3/1/1884: " I consider myself absolutely free to consort with the so-called lower orders if the opportunity should arise."
JLB 432, 3/2/1884: " I consider myself completely at liberty to consort with the so-called lower orders if the opportunity arises."

274. he brought his paintings Du Quesne-van Gogh, p. 36: "He shared the family meals in a strange fashion. Seated in a corner of the room, his plate on his knee, he would be absorbed in studying a newly painted canvas which stood facing him on a chair." In an interview published in an unidentified newspaper under the title "Vincent van Gogh Herdenking" on file at the Van Gogh Foundation Archives, Lies provided a slightly different version: "When the house mates were sitting together, he distanced himself in a corner where he had a good view of the painting he had been working on that day." Lies does not specify which paintings Vincent brought into the dining room in this manner.  275. "Vincent is still" b2253 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 7/5/1884.  381 276. On January 17, 1884 BVG 352, 1/17/1884. 

Context:
JLB 423, 1/17/1884: "Something has happened to Ma. Ma hurt her leg getting out of the train. Pa says the doctor said it was definitely a fracture. And close to the pelvis, in the head of the femur. I was there when it was set, which went relatively well, so that I almost dare think that it's more probably a dislocation."

277. On a shopping tripBVG R39, 1/18/1884-1/20/1884. Aunt Mietje's journal gives a different reason for the trip to Helmond, but an almost identical account: "On January 17 sister Anna (v. Gogh Carbentus) goes from Nuenen to Helmond to run errands and to visit her Cor. While alighting from the train in Helmond she misses her footing, falls, and breaks her leg in a very difficult place" (Van Gogh, "History of the Van Gogh Family," n.p.). Cor's high school was located in Helmond. According to Aunt Mietje, Cor was staying in Helmond with "a certain Mr. and Mrs. Carp" at the time of his mother's accident (ibid.). This arrangement would seem to refute the suggestion that the Van Goghs moved to Nuenen because of its proximity to the Helmond H. B. S. Besides, both of their other sons had gone to similar schools at considerable distance from home, and, like Cor, boarded with suitable families. 

Context:
JLB 426, 1/20/1884: "My mother had just gone from Nuenen to Helmond by train one morning to do some shopping. She seems to have lost her footing when she got out of the train at the station in Helmond."

278. stepped off the train BVG 352, 1/17/1884. In a letter to Van Rappard, Vincent gives a more detailed account: "My mother had just gone from Nuenen to Helmond by train one morning to do some shopping. She seems to have lost her footing when she got out of the train at the station in Helmond." (JLB 426, 1/20/1884.) 

Context:
JLB 424, 1/17/1884: "Ma hurt her leg getting out of the train. I was painting at a peasant's, and was sent for."

279. fallen the previous winter b2237 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 11/28/1882: "She fell as she walked down the stairs. It ended amazingly lucky. But it still is better that she takes it easy. Luckily she did not break anything."  280. she broke her hip BVG 352, 1/17/1884: According to Vincent, Anna fractured her thigh bone "close to the pelvis, in the head of the femur" (JLB 423, 1/17/1884). At first, Vincent disputes this diagnosis -- "I almost dare think that it's more probably a dislocation" (ibid.) -- but it is ultimately confirmed: "The thighbone definitely is broken just below the head of the femur" (JLB 425, 1/18/1884-1/19/1884). It was her right hip (JLB 426, 1/20/1884). 

Context:
JLB 423, 1/17/1884: "Pa says the doctor said it was definitely a fracture. And close to the pelvis, in the head of the femur. I was there when it was set, which went relatively well, so that I almost dare think that it's more probably a dislocation."

281. Accompanied by son CorVan Gogh, "History of the Van Gogh Family," p. 2. (See Ch. 21, n. 282.)  282. rushed by carriage BVG R39, 1/18/1884-1/20/1884. The road between Helmond and Nuenen was, as Anna had complained years earlier, very rough, and the trip must have been a painful one. Aunt Mietje's journal provides a more detailed account of the trip: "Brought into the station, she sends for Dr. Lakeveld and Cor, who come with a doctor, who sets the leg for the time being and who brings her back to Nuenen by coach together with Dr. L., after having wired Dr. v.d. [Arnold Louis Karel Hubert van de] Loo, their doctor from Eindhoven, to prepare the family in Nuenen, who did so and helped them fix up the study as a sick room, so that the patient, who had obviously suffered a lot along the way, could soon be brought to bed there" (Van Gogh, "History of the Van Gogh Family," n.p.). 

Context:
JLB 426, 1/20/1884: "She then had to be brought back here in a carriage. It's fortunate that things are now not much worse than they are, given the form of transport, and that the setting went so well (although it's bad enough in itself)."

283. a huge plaster cast BVG 354, 1/20/1884-1/24/1884. Two months later, Vincent reports that "the fracture has set and the plaster is off" (JLB 433, 3/2/1884). 

Context:
JLB 427, 1/21/1884-1/24/1884: "So far things are still going relatively well with Ma, in so far as the leg is staying in position as it was set. But otherwise these are gloomy days. And I'm afraid that in the long run lying will become very much more difficult for Ma herself. ... At each of his visits the doctor has said that it was going as well as it could, and I believe that once we've got through the first week without the leg coming out of position, this will be a big gain in itself."

284. Dorus's downstairs study Van Gogh, "History of the Van Gogh Family," p. 2: According to Aunt Mietje's journal, the family "fix[ed] up the study as a sick room, so that the patient, who had obviously suffered a lot along the way, could soon be brought to bed there." According to Dorus's account, the sofa in the study was moved to the center of the room ("in such a way that she can see the street through the window") and bedding was added (b2251 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 2/1/1884).  285. she was given chloral hydrate b2251 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 2/1/1884: In a letter to Theo, Dorus reports that his wife "took some Chloraal last night and now she can sleep. Something is always added." Synthesized in 1832, Chloraal, or chloral hydrate, was the first depressant designed specifically to induce sleep. In Victorian England, combined with alcohol, it was notorious as a "knock-out drop" or "Mickey Finn," and alcohol may be the "something added" to which Dorus refers mysteriously. Although often used at the time to treat alcoholics with disrupted sleep patterns, the combination of alcohol and chloral hydrate is both potent and addictive. Among artists and writers of the era, chloral hydrate was a popular hypnotic. Dante Gabriel Rossetti was famously addicted to chloral hydrate until his death in 1882 (http: //drugs.uta.edu/chloral.html).  286. the sickly prostitute Sien Lubin, p. 63: "Sufferers always aroused his compassion, and he nursed his mother with the same intensity with which he had previously nursed sick miners and Sien."  287. second-guessed every diagnosis BVG 352, 1/17/1884: Vincent initially disbelieved the diagnosis that Anna had broken anything: "I almost dare think that it's more probably a dislocation" (JLB 424, 1/17/1884). Vincent later concedes that he was mistaken: "We asked again exactly what it was, and the thighbone definitely is broken just below the head of the femur" (JLB 425, 1/18/1884-1/19/1884). 

Context:
JLB 424, 1/17/1884: "Something has happened to Ma. Ma hurt her leg getting out of the train. Pa says the doctor said it was definitely a fracture. And close to the pelvis, in the head of the femur. I was there when it was set, which went relatively well, so that I almost dare think that it's more probably a dislocation."

288. dangers of long-term immobility BVG 355, 1/24/1884. "It's definitely [Wil's] fault that Ma has so few bedsores (which started very badly at the beginning and had deteriorated)" (JLB 432, 3/2/1884). Apparently, bedsores were, indeed, a serious concern. Dorus mentions them, too: "In the beginning of last week we were scared because of evidence of bed sores, but for the most part this problem has been conquered" (b2252 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 2/10/1884). It is in this context that Dr. Van de Loo complimented Vincent for being "so good and careful," suggesting that Vincent's primary duty in Anna's recovery was moving her when she had to be moved (ibid.). 

Context:
JLB 428, 2/3/1884: "How lying still all the time will affect Ma's constitution is difficult to tell in advance. All the precautions we can take to prevent bedsores are important, of course. We've made a sort of stretcher in order to be able to change Ma's bedclothes when needed -- although the less this happens the better for the time being. Lying quietly is number 1."

289. "My mother will require" BVG R39, 1/18/1884-1/20/1884. 

Context:
BVG R39, 1/18/1884-1/20/1884: " My mother will require a lot of nursing -- the doctor assures us that she can recover completely -- but under the most favourable circumstances it will take at least half a year before she can walk again and even then that leg will be shorter than the other one."
JLB 426, 1/20/1884: " There's still a lot to deal with regarding my mother -- the doctor assures us that it can mend -- but at best she won't be able to walk again for six months, and even then one leg will always be shorter than the other" (emphasis in original).

290. "I have to stay" BVG R39, 1/18/1884-1/20/1884. Vincent tells Theo almost exactly the same thing: "[I] have to be at home a lot -- at least for the next few days" (JLB 425, 1/18/1884-1/19/1884). 

Context:
BVG R39, 1/18/1884-1/20/1884: "I am going to start more elaborate watercolours after them, for I have to stay at home most of the time these days."
JLB 426, 1/20/1884: "I'll make a start on some watercolours after them, because I have to stay in the house most of the time now."

291. necessary slowdown BVG 354, 1/20/1884-1/24/1884. 

Context:
JLB 427, 1/21/1884-1/24/1884: "I can't keep my mind on writing and I have little time for it, because when I'm not with Ma I'm at a weaver's nearby, where I'm working on 2 painted studies."

292. "I'll be able to work" BVG R39, 1/18/1884-1/20/1884. We have combined elements from both translations. 

Context:
BVG R39, 1/18/1884-1/20/1884: "I am still working on the weavers, but I'm afraid I'll be able to work only half time for a while on account of the unfortunate event, which has resulted in a lot of other things to do."
JLB 426, 1/20/1884: "I'm still working on the weavers, but I'm afraid I'll only be able to work half-time for a long while because of what has happened, which means that a great many other things have to be done" (emphasis in original).

293. a bierlike stretcher b2251 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 2/1/1884: Dorus described the apparatus to Theo: "The Dr. had us make a kind of bier by placing straps under her separated by short spacings, with large loops at each end through which strong hands were put. So, while the Dr. was here, we could lift her up without difficulty and put new bedding on the sofa, which brought a big relief and this can be repeated again later, if necessary." Vincent describes the device as "a sort of stretcher" (JLB 428, 2/3/1884).  294. an improvised sedan chair BVG R45, 4/1/1884. 

Context:
JLB 441, 3/21/1884 - 3/28/1884: "My mother is now so much better that she sits in an easy chair in the living room -- goes out in a bath chair, is starting to walk &c. &c."

295. into the living room BVG R41, 3/1/1884. 

Context:
JLB 433, 3/2/1884: "My mother continues to do well -- the fracture has set and the plaster is off. All the same, she'll still have to keep the leg horizontal for another 6 weeks or so. Yesterday, though, we carried her into the living room on a sort of stretcher, and later on she can be taken out into the open air now and again in the same way."

296. reading to her b2251 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 2/1/1884: "We often read to her, which gives some change." In his letters, Vincent never specifically mentions reading to his mother, but he closely monitors her sleep (JLB 425, 1/18/1884-1/19/1884) and reports his efforts to "amuse" her (JLB 428, 2/3/1884).  297. otherwise distracting her BVG 355, 1/24/1884: As discussed later in the chapter, one of Vincent's means of distracting his mother was with his art. 

Context:
JLB 428, 2/3/1884: "Fortunately Ma's mood is very equable and content, considering her difficult situation. And she amuses herself with trifles. I recently painted the little church with the hedge and the trees for her, something like this."

298. from the pain b2251 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 2/1/1884. The first week was the worst. Dorus reported two weeks after the accident: "Yesterday the Dr. was here again he remains satisfied and the pain in the leg only occurs rarely, proving that everything is in the right place. Only last Saturday [January 26, nine days after the accident] it was such a difficult day." The severity of the break and of the pain is suggested by the fact that six months later, Anna still had pain and difficulty walking (b2254 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 7/17/1884). For the rest of her life, she had severe problems climbing stairs.  299. He searched the garden b2251 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 2/1/1884: Dorus reports this but does not specifically connect Vincent to the activity: "mother always has a tray of flowers beside her; primroses and violets and snowdrops that we already find in the garden." Given Vincent's love of flowers, his eagerness to be helpful, and his history of doing arrangements of flowers and greenery for family occasions (see Chapter 11), we believe it is a fair inference that he was responsible for some, if not all, of the trays of flowers that brightened Anna's convalescence.  300. arranged them on traysb2251 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 2/1/1884. (See Ch. 21, n. 299.)  301. brought to her bedside b2251 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 2/1/1884.  302. "lend a helping hand" BVG 355, 1/24/1884: "To some extent it's in the nature of things, after all, that it's precisely at a later stage, when Ma will have to be moved more &c., that I'll be able to lend a hand" (JLB 428, 2/3/1884). This passage, written only a week after the accident, raises questions about Vincent's protests elsewhere that he is devoting most of his time to tending his mother ("[I] have to be at home a lot" [JLB 425, 1/18/1884-1/19/1884]; "I'll only be able to work half-time for a long while because of what has happened, which means that a great many other things have to be done" [JLB 426, 1/20/1884; emphasis in original]; "I have to stay in the house most of the time now" [ibid.]; "there's a lot to be dealt with" [ibid.]).

What did Vincent do for his mother that required so much of his time? As even he admits that his sister Wil took on the primary burden of actually caring for the patient, including the difficult task of personal hygiene: "What Wil does is exemplary, exemplary, I shan't easily forget that. Almost everything has fallen on her shoulders from the outset, ... the chores she has to do aren't always pleasant." (JLB 432, 3/2/1884; emphasis in original.) In his letters to Theo, Dorus acknowledges that the doctor "gave a compliment to Vincent and Willemien because they are so good and careful" (b2252 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 2/10/1884) and even adds his own commendation: "Vincent remains exemplary in caring for Moe" (ibid.); but he saves his real praise for his daughter: "Willemien is just like a lady at the Red Cross, nothing is too much for her, and she is so clever and quick, and while helping she talks so nicely, and then her eyes keep track of the household with a tact and firmness and order that is admirable" (b2251 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 2/1/1884).

In her subsequent letters, Anna only mentions Wil's help in her recovery, not Vincent's (b2254 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 7/17/1884). In the instant passage, Vincent appears to acknowledge that, except when his mother needed to be moved, or when he read to her, there was not much in the way of nursing for him to do. If his artistic work effort did fall off, as he reports, then he must have spent most of his time simply waiting around the house for the opportunity to help -- and, no doubt, enjoying the unfamiliar sensation of feeling useful, accepted, and even, if only occasionally, needed. 

Context:
BVG 355, 1/24/1884: "As a matter of course I shall be able to lend a helping hand, especially later on when Mother will have to be moved more often, etc."
JLB 428, 2/3/1884: "To some extent it's in the nature of things, after all, that it's precisely at a later stage, when Ma will have to be moved more &c., that I'll be able to lend a hand."

303. "pushed some questions" BVG 355, 1/24/1884: Vincent describes these questions elliptically as "questions (on which I have a considerable difference of opinion with Pa and Ma)" (JLB 428, 2/3/1884). 

Context:
BVG 355, 1/24/1884: "Under the circumstances I was glad to be at home, and as the present accident has pushed some questions (in which I differ from Father and Mother) entirely into the background, we get on pretty well; and the result may be that I shall stay more and longer at Nuenen than I thought possible at first."
JLB 428, 2/3/1884: "I was glad to be at home in the circumstances, and the fact of the accident naturally having pushed some questions (on which I have a considerable difference of opinion with Pa and Ma) entirely into the background -- it's all going pretty well between us, and it may mean that I'll stay more and longer in Nuenen than I originally imagined could be the case."

304. "get on pretty well" BVG 355, 1/24/1884. 

Context:
BVG 355, 1/24/1884: "Under the circumstances I was glad to be at home, and as the present accident has pushed some questions (in which I differ from Father and Mother) entirely into the background, we get on pretty well; and the result may be that I shall stay more and longer at Nuenen than I thought possible at first."
JLB 428, 2/3/1884: "I was glad to be at home in the circumstances, and the fact of the accident naturally having pushed some questions (on which I have a considerable difference of opinion with Pa and Ma) entirely into the background -- it's all going pretty well between us, and it may mean that I'll stay more and longer in Nuenen than I originally imagined could be the case."

305. "exemplary in his caring" b2252 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 2/10/1884: "Vincent remains exemplary in his caring for Moe." This encomium pierced the family consciousness all the way to the top, where Aunt Mietje, who saw the world through Uncle Cent's eyes, noted in the family chronicle for 1884 that Vincent had proved himself "handy" in his mother's recovery (Van Gogh, "History of the Van Gogh Family," p. 2). Bonger translates this passage more freely -- "Vincent proves an ideal nurse" -- and, in so doing, probably exaggerated the extent to which Vincent assumed primary caretaking duties (Van Gogh-Bonger, in Van Gogh, p. xxxvi).  306. "he works with" b2252 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 2/10/1884.  307. "I so hope" b2252 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 2/10/1884.  382 308. amiably greeting well-wishers "Psychological Study of Vincent Van Gogh," p. 13: "[D]uring this short period he also appeared more sociable to friends and acquaintances who visited the, vicarage." In a stunning reversal from his stridently antisocial stance in his first two months in Nuenen (and for several years prior to that), Vincent writes in May 1884, "I've recently been getting on better with the people here than at the outset, which is worth a great deal to me" (JLB 446, 5/12/1884-5/15/1884).  309. "getting on better" BVG 368, 5/15/1884.

Context:
BVG 368, 5/15/1884: "Recently I have been getting on better with people here than I did at first, which is of great importance to me, for one decidedly needs some distraction, and if one feels too lonely, the work always suffers from it; however, perhaps one must be prepared for it not to last."
JLB 446, 5/12/1884-5/15/1884: "I've recently been getting on better with the people here than at the outset, which is worth a great deal to me, for one has a definite need to be able to give oneself a little distraction, and when one feels too lonely the work always suffers in consequence. One must, however, perhaps prepare oneself that these things won't last for ever."

310. "Without capital" BVG 355, 1/24/1884. 

Context:
BVG 355, 1/24/1884: "But, brother, the poor sisters -- without capital at a time in our society when the inclination to marry a penniless girl is not great -- for them life might remain dark and dreary -- and their normal development frustrated."
JLB 428, 2/3/1884: "But brother, the poor sisters -- without capital, at a time when there's no great inclination in society to marry girls without money -- for them life could well remain drab and sad, and their normal development thwarted."

311. Uit de cel b2252 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 2/10/1884: "From Vincent I got a nice book. [Eliza] Laurillard, Uit de Cel."  312. When two hundred florins b2266 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 1/24/1885: Only a week after the accident, Dorus wrote Theo: "Did we tell you yet that we received the bill from Dr. v[an] d[er] Loo for 171.50 florins and the one from Dr. de Bruin [the doctor who first treated Anna in Eindhoven] was 25 florins, so for 200 florins one can have his leg set. Now we still await the bill from the Pharmacist which was not ready yet."  313. Vincent handed his father BVG 353, 1/18/1884-1/19/1884. 

Context:
JLB 425, 1/18/1884-1/19/1884: "You know that I was just on the point of paying off one thing and another with that money you sent. Obviously I've now said that since there will be all sorts of extra expenditure for Pa -- Pa must go ahead and use it, and the other things will just have to be deferred (and it was by chance that I hadn't sent it off yet). It will certainly be a long time before Ma's better."

314. his most recent payment BVG 355, 1/24/1884: Actually, Vincent maintains that he gave his father more than a single installment. Given Vincent's profligate ways, it is difficult to believe that he had much of the January 1 payment left when the January 10 payment arrived. Indeed, Vincent never says exactly how much he gave to his father; nor does his father mention any such gift in his surviving letters to Theo at the time. Vincent may just be reaching for excuses why he still hasn't paid his old debts. 

Context:
JLB 428, 2/3/1884: "Before the accident happened, my arrangement with Pa was that I would live here free of charge for a while, so as to get breathing space to settle some bills at the beginning of the year. And the money that you sent at New Year and about the middle of January was ready for that. Because I gave that to Pa when the accident happened, this time it's those paint bills that are waiting their turn. The more so since Pa has just had a windfall of 100 guilders from Uncle Stricker, which I think very kind of Uncle S." (Emphasis in original.)

315. putting off his debts BVG 353, 1/18/1884-1/19/1884: Vincent is at some pains to explain his financial decisions to Theo, especially his continuing failure to pay off old debts: "Before the accident happened, my arrangement with Pa was that I would live here free of charge for a while, so as to get breathing space to settle some bills at the beginning of the year. And the money that you sent at New Year and about the middle of January was ready for that. Because I gave that to Pa when the accident happened, this time it's those paint bills that are waiting their turn." (JLB 428, 2/3/1884; emphasis in original.) Theo clearly disapproved of this cavalier attitude toward debt (i.e., the money owed was very specific; the benefit to Dorus, very generalized). Theo's very next installment after this letter (February 1) was double the usual amount (100 francs) -- an unmistakable signal that he expected Vincent to pay his debts with the extra. Vincent responds defensively to this implied criticism of his money management: "I'm now at a point where I can cover my deficit of last year, having had fewer expenses because of my stay here. I point this out to you so that you can see from it how I dislike disorderliness in affairs as much as you do, and also insist on meeting my obligations to people. And am in no mood to be indifferent to affairs -- on the contrary -- that I assure you." (JLB 422, 1/15/1884; emphasis in original.) 

Context:
JLB 425, 1/18/1884-1/19/1884: "You know that I was just on the point of paying off one thing and another with that money you sent. Obviously I've now said that since there will be all sorts of extra expenditure for Pa -- Pa must go ahead and use it, and the other things will just have to be deferred (and it was by chance that I hadn't sent it off yet). It will certainly be a long time before Ma's better."

316. "financial difficulties"BVG 355, 1/24/1884: It's not clear why Vincent thinks there will be this year delay in the financial impact of his mother's accident. Indeed, he is undoubtedly aware when he writes this that 200 florins in doctor bills, a huge amount, has already arrived at the parsonage (see Ch. 21, n. 312). Since this observation is paired with a rededication to earning something through his art ("So in the meantime, let's also try to do something with my work" [JLB 428, 2/3/1884]), he may be trying to avoid near-term pressure to make saleable art by pushing the real financial crunch for his parents as far out as possible. 

Context:
BVG 355, 1/24/1884: "After about a year Father will feel more keenly the financial difficulties which Mother's accident cannot fail to bring in its train."
JLB 428, 2/3/1884: "In a year or so the financial difficulties that Ma's accident can't fail to bring in its train will be more noticeable to Pa than now, I think" (emphasis in original).

317. "so that you could give" BVG 353, 1/18/1884-1/19/1884. 

Context:
BVG 353, 1/18/1884-1/19/1884: "If it were only possible for me to pay my working expenses myself, so that you could give Mother what you would otherwise give me."
JLB 425, 1/18/1884-1/19/1884: "If only so that I myself can pay for the outgoings involved in the work, and you can use for Ma what you would otherwise give me."

318. broker a match Vincent's report to Van Rappard about his mother's accident breaks a six-month hiatus in their surviving correspondence (JLB 426, 1/20/1884), although Vincent apparently visited his friend at his parental home in Utrecht right before Christmas 1883. The idea of pairing Van Rappard with his sister Wil, whom Van Rappard had met on a previous visit, appears to have already taken shape at this early juncture -- and may, indeed, have been one excuse for resuming the correspondence, if not the inspiration for doing so. In this first letter, Vincent writes: "I can hardly find words to describe how bravely [Wil] who was at home when you were with us is bearing up these days" (ibid.). Vincent also tries to make Wil look better by criticizing his other eligible sister, Lies, as "the weakest" (ibid.).

Because of Anna's accident, the financial situation of his parents is much on Vincent's mind at this time ("After all, Pa and Ma personally are secure for their lives, Pa's pension being equivalent to his current income" [JLB 428, 2/3/1884; emphasis in original]), and he reckons that his sisters' marital prospects are the greatest financial uncertainty in the family's future. He writes Theo with uncharacteristic concern for their "THE POOR SISTERS -- without capital, at a time when there's no great inclination in society to marry girls without money -- for them life could well remain drab and sad, and their normal development thwarted" (ibid.; emphasis in original). When Van Rappard does not promptly seize this bait, Vincent appears to abandon the idea (JLB 431, 2/26/1884). However, when Van Rappard subsequently criticizes Vincent's drawings of weavers, Vincent responds with uncharacteristic restraint -- mountains of defensive rhetoric (JLB 437, 3/13/1884), but not the usual angry, defiant rebuttal. Such restraint may signify that Vincent continued to hope for a match and did not want to risk alienating his friend before his visit to Nuenen in late May. If so, this artificially low-key exchange over the weaver drawings may have lulled Van Rappard into overestimating Vincent's openness to criticism -- a miscalculation that would have catastrophic consequences the following year when he harshly criticized the lithograph of The Potato Eaters (F 1661 JH 737, April, 1885, lithograph, 10.4 x 12.6 in., 26.5 x 32 cm., Amsterdam, Van Gogh Museum) (see Chapter 23). 

319. "I am glad to say" BVG 355, 1/24/1884. 

Context:
BVG 355, 1/24/1884: "Taking her difficult situation into consideration, I am glad to say Mother's spirits are very even and bright. And she is amused by trifles."
JLB 428, 2/3/1884: " Fortunately Ma's mood is very equable and content, considering her difficult situation. And she amuses herself with trifles."

320. nostalgic imagery In the literature, the drawings from March 1884, including those discussed in the text, are routinely described as "melancholy" (e.g., Van Heugten, p. 82). This interpretation may be based to some extent on the somber tonalities that the sheets have acquired as the paper has yellowed with time. No doubt, it is also influenced by the drawing from a few months earlier that Vincent himself gave the French title Mélancholie (F 1127 JH 426, December, 1883, pen, 11.4 x 8.3 in., 29 x 21 cm., Amsterdam, Van Gogh Museum). We believe this is, to some extent, a misreading of the images -- or at least a misreading of the mood Vincent was trying to evoke -- and a misreading of what the images tell us about Vincent's mood at the time. We believe all of these images, both in December and in March, were primarily nostalgic. Vincent set out to evoke the Brabant of his childhood -- winter (and spring) in the Zundert parsonage garden and its surroundings. Not just Vincent, but the entire Van Gogh family, especially Dorus, had fond memories of Zundert. For all of them, no doubt, that fondness was tinged with sadness, as fond memories usually are. But it is the bittersweet, backward-looking sadness of nostalgia that defines these images, not the brooding, inward-looking sadness implied by the word "melancholy."  321. the parsonage garden Parsonage Garden in the Snow with Three Figures, F 1131 JH 427, December, 1883, pen, 11 x 8.1 in., 28 x 20.5 cm., Amsterdam, Van Gogh Museum.  322. a couple walking Landscape with a Church, F 1238 JH 435, December, 1883, pencil, pen, 8.1 x 11.2 in., 20.5 x 28.5 cm., Amsterdam, Van Gogh Museum.  323. a peasant woman forking Woman with a Fork in a Winter Landscape, F 1233r JH 430, December, 1883, black chalk, 6.3 x 10 in., 16 x 25.5 cm., Amsterdam, Van Gogh Museum.  324. children building a snowman Figures in a Winter Landscape, F 1233v JH 434, December, 1883, black chalk, 6.3 x 10 in., 16 x 25.5 cm., Amsterdam, Van Gogh Museum. This is Van Heugten's reading of the drawing's central scene (Van Heugten, p. 36).  325. crooked crosses Churchyard in Winter (F 1236r JH 432) and Churchyard in Winter (F 1237 JH 433).  326. already in his imagination Vincent's anticipates the image of the Nuenen churchyard twice in his letters from The Hague: "Do you know what I sometimes long for? A trip to Brabant. I would so like to do the old churchyard at Nuenen." (JLB 356, 6/22/1883.) "I'd like to be able to get some studies in Brabant again in the autumn. Above all I'd like to have studies of a Brabant plough, of a weaver and of that village cemetery at Nuenen." (JLB 361, 7/11/1883.) The scene of the couple walking along the road on the way to church (Landscape with a Church [F 1238 JH 435]) surely bears a relationship to the similar scene Vincent vividly imagined in The Hague: "Something I'd like to have terribly much ... is the figure of Pa on a path on the heath, ... Then, for instance, Pa and Ma arm in arm — in an autumn setting — or with a beech hedge with dry leaves." (JLB 361, 7/11/1883.) Perhaps the best example of Vincent drawing a scene he has "pre-imagined" is Funeral in the Snow near the Old Tower (F 1686 JH 431), which depicts a motley group of peasants trudging through the snow toward a cemetery at the foot of an old church tower. In The Hague, Vincent had already imagined this image, drawing no doubt on his childhood fondness for a print of Peasant Procession in the Wheat Field by Jakob van der Maaten that hung in his father's study: "I'd also like to have the figure of Pa when I do a country funeral, which I'm definitely planning, although it would be a great deal of trouble" (ibid.).  327. notebook-sized mementos According to Van Heugten all of the images mentioned in the text appear to come from two sketchpads (Van Heugten, p. 31, n. 4). Although dimensions of the finished drawings vary slightly from cropping, the pads were 20.6 x 28.6 cm. and 15.9 x 24.4 cm. (approximately 8 x 11¼ in. and 6¼ x 9½ in.).  328. "Don't you think" b2248 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 12/8/1883; quoted in Van Heugten, p. 30. According to Van Heugten, Dorus was referring specifically to the two similar drawings of the church cemetery (Churchyard in Winter [F 1236r JH 432] and Churchyard in Winter [F 1237 JH 433]) that Vincent executed soon after his arrival in Nuenen (Van Heugten, p. 30). Dorus was at least aware of some others, as he follows this comment on their beauty with a compliment on, of all things, Vincent's facility: "He does it so quickly."  329. Vincent returned However, Vincent did continue to draw and paint weavers frequently through May 1884 and even occasionally that summer.  330. the comforting imagerySee Ch. 21, n. 320 331. saplings and rush bushes Winter Garden, F 1128 JH 466, March, 1884, pencil, pen, 15.4 x 20.9 in., 39 x 53 cm., Amsterdam, Van Gogh Museum. Van Heugten identifies the winterization of the bushes and saplings. He also rejects as "untenable" the claim in the literature that the garden depicted belonged to the Begemann house next to the parsonage, called Nuneville (Van Heugten, p. 84).  332. skeletal fruit trees Winter Garden (F 1128 JH 466). The trees are also depicted in The Vicarage Garden (F 1132 JH 463) and Parsonage Garden (F 1130 JH 465).  333. an old bell tower The tower is visible in the background of Winter Garden (F 1128 JH 466), framed by the arches of the trees in the middle distance. This is the "Oude Toren" (old tower) and it belonged to a church that dated back to the fifteenth century. In the eighteenth century, the entire structure fell into disrepair and, in 1803, only the tower was rebuilt, although not to its original height. The structure continued to function as a bell tower until January 1884. Soon thereafter, it was completely demolished. Vincent famously painted the tower, sans spire, on the eve of its destruction in May 1885 (Old Church Tower at Nuenen [F 84 JH 772]). (See Van Heugten, p. 30-31; Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop, p.152-153; and De Brouwer, De Oude Toren en Van Gogh in Nuenen).

The tower can be seen in the following works from between December 1882 and April 1884: Melancholy (F 1127 JH 426), Parsonage Garden in the Snow with Three Figures (F 1131 JH 427), Snowy Landscape with the Old Tower (F 1687 JH 428), Funeral in the Snow near the Old Tower (F 1686 JH 431), The Old Tower at Nuenen with a Ploughman (F 34 JH 459), Parsonage Garden (F 1130 JH 465), Parsonage with Flowering Trees (F 366 JH 476), The Parsonage Garden at Nuenen (F 185 JH 484), and Parsonage Garden (F 1133 JH 485). In addition, it is sometimes visible in the far distance through the windows in interior scenes (e.g., Weaver, with a Baby in a Highchair [F 1118 JH 452]), and the base of it can be seen in Vincent's drawings of the cemetery that adjoined it (Churchyard in Winter [F 1236r JH 432] and Churchyard in Winter [F 1237 JH 433]). 

383 334. big sheets of smooth paper Two drawings of the parsonage "winter garden" survive (Parsonage Garden [F 1130 JH 465] and Winter Garden [F 1128 JH 466]), and a third is believed to have existed, based on references in Vincent's letters (see Van Heugten, p. 82). The two surviving drawings belong to a set of seven drawings that Vincent did in the spring of 1884 which were all, according to Van Heugten, approximately 16 x 21 in. (40 x 53 cm.) (Van Heugten, p. 83).  335. for the first time Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop, p. 60: According to Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop, "It was Van Gogh's first painting for his parents -- and probably also the first picture completed in Nuenen." Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop cite a statement in Vincent's letter JLB 428 (2/3/1884) suggesting that he had begun the weavers paintings but not yet finished them.  336. his father's church Congregation Leaving the Reformed Church in Nuenen, F 25 JH 521, January-February, 1884, oil on canvas, 16.1 x 12.6 in., 41.3 x 32.1 cm., location unknown. The church building (which still stands) dates from 1824. (See De Brouwer, Van Gogh en Nuenen, p. 28.) In an admirable essay, Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop trace the various changes the canvas went through before it reached its current form and the scholarly disagreements about dating those alterations (Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop, pp. 58-65).  337. the congregation assembled In his original version -- or conception -- of Congregation Leaving the Reformed Church in Nuenen (F 25 JH 521), Vincent placed only a single laborer with a spade in front of the church, instead of the congregation, divided into two groups. According to Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop, the figure itself was almost a direct quotation from Millet's Church at Greville (1872-75) (Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop, p. 62). The original conception appears to have been preserved in a letter sketch from February 1884 (JLB 428, 2/3/1884) and in a prior drawing (Church in Nuenen, with One Figure [F 1117 JH 446]). Subsequently, Vincent considerably reworked the image, inter alia, replacing the laborer with the churchgoers and changing the vegetation in the foreground and on the trees to give the work a more autumnal look. Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop argue that the "original" wintery painting was intended as "a simple document of his father's place of work" (Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop, p. 61).

Exactly when Vincent reworked the image is an open question. In our opinion, the suggestion in the literature that the fall foliage points to a fall reworking takes Vincent's imagery much too literally. Hulsker argues that Vincent made the changes around the time he gave the painting to his mother, i.e., January or February 1884, and that is our conclusion also (Hulsker, The New Complete Van Gogh, p. 93). First, we know that Vincent was attempting to paint group scenes around the same time, as evidenced by The Lumber Sale (F 1113 JH 438). Also, given the trajectory of his relationship with his parents over the course of 1884, it is much more likely that he would have altered the painting in the reverse way (by painting over the congregation and replacing it with a lone laborer) if he had waited until after the good feelings generated in the wake of his mother's accident wore off. Alas, whatever clues that still lie undetected in the painting itself may be forever lost, as the painting was stolen from the Van Gogh Museum in 2002 and has yet to be recovered. 

338. gave the painting to his mother Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop, p. 60: "This 'portrait' of his father's church, given to his mother as a gift, may have been designed to seal their new truce. Although it was primarily meant for his mother, the choice of subject indicates that he also sought to please his father."  339. another campaign of solidarity See Chapter 21.  340. a pond on the marginsThe Kingfisher, F 1135 JH 468, March, 1884, pen, heightened with white, 15.4 x 20.8 in., 39 x 53 cm., Amsterdam, Van Gogh Museum. (See Ch. 21, n. 343.)  341. a sandy road Behind the Hedges, F 1129 JH 461, March, 1884, pencil, pen, 15.8 x 20.9 in., 40 x 53 cm., Amsterdam, Rijksmuseum.  342. a stand of bare birches Pollard Birches, F 1240 JH 469, March, 1884, pencil, pen, 15.6 x 21.5 in., 39.5 x 54.5 cm., Amsterdam, Van Gogh Museum.  343. the banks of the pond Van Heugten argues that the body of water depicted is not a pond (specifically not the pond depicted in Vincent's drawings of the vicarage garden, as claimed by previous scholars), because the bird that gives the drawing its name, the kingfisher, "is not a bird that frequents standing water but seeks out the highly oxygenated streams and lakes that provide it with its diet of fish and crustaceans" (Van Heugten, p. 92). But kingfishers do range outside their preferred feeding waters, especially in early spring when food is scarce and standing water is likelier to be fresh. They eat bugs and small reptiles as well as fish when the latter cannot be found. Also, the body of water may or may not be a closed pond, but Vincent gives it only one open side, suggesting that it was, at best, a backwater -- i.e., not the "highly oxygenated stream" of Van Heugten's requirements. But perhaps the entire inquiry misses the point. Vincent is not recording an eco-biological reality; he is creating a work of art -- a scene that is, at least in some part, imagined. Trying to identify the nature of the body of water, or its location, from Vincent's depiction of it -- or from the name he gives it -- is probably an unwinnable game. Internal consistency, logical coherence, are chimerical in Vincent's imaginative world. For example, the eponymous kingfisher is a bird that has short, rounded wings, where Vincent's bird has long, sharply-pointed wings. Is this artistic liberty or simply a mistake, or did the inspiration for the title (which he sent in subsequent letters JLB 437, JLB 440, and JLB 442) come to him only after the drawing was completed?  344. ghost of a church towerMuch effort has gone into identifying the church that Vincent places on the horizon. The problem is that the vague profile does not satisfactorily match any of the known churches in the area. Van Heugten attempts to put the issue to rest by identifying it as the Catholic church in Nuenen, St. Clement, which had only recently been completed (1872) and stood only a short distance south of the vicarage (Van Heugten, p. 92). He does this despite obvious discrepancies, which he details, between St. Clement and the depicted church (ibid.). Like the effort to locate the pond (see Ch. 21, n. 343), this seems to us a scholarly errand doomed to failure. For Vincent, the boundary between reality and imagination was especially permeable. In his images as in his letters, he could be punctilious about details, he could exaggerate, he could conflate, or he could outright fabricate -- sometimes intentionally, sometimes unconsciously. There is no way to be certain that any of the elements of the drawing co-existed at the same moment in time or in the relationship in which Vincent places them -- if they existed at all.  345. a bird hoveringVan Heugten maintains that Vincent has caught the bird "in mid-dive" (Van Heugten, p. 90). While it is true that Kingfishers "dive" for fish and other food, it is also true that (1) they generally dive directly from their perches, whereas Vincent has placed his bird over open water with no obvious perches nearby; and (2) they often hover over the water in the position that Vincent depicts: body vertical with head and tail bent forward and beak pointed downward. In either dive or hover mode, the bird's short wings beat so fast that they become a blur, suggesting that Vincent's precisely drawn bird was added later in the studio to satisfy pictorial, not ornithological requirements (see Ch. 21, n. 343).  384 346. Michelet's L'oiseauVan Heugten argues that The Kingfisher (F 1135 JH 468) was inspired not by Michelet's book, but "was undoubtedly based on a poem by Jules Breton which Van Gogh copied out for Anthon van Rappard [JLB 437, 3/13/1884] shortly after he had sent him the drawing" (Van Heugten, p. 90). The poem (Van Heugten prints it in full [ibid.]), is "Automne (à Jules Dupré)" (Autumn [To Jules Dupré]), which Breton dedicated to the Barbizon painter. Van Heugten points out some shared imagery (grassy banks, tall trees, etc.), but the salient similarity is the presence of the "martin-pêcheur," the kingfisher:

Par instants se répète un cri grêle de grive,
Et lancé brusquement des herbes de la rive,
Etincelle un joyau dans l'air subtil et bleu;

Un chant aigu prolonge une note stridente;
C'est le martin pêcheur qui fuit d'une aile ardente
Dans un furtif rayon d'éméraude et de feu.

Now and then the sharp cry of the thrush echoes,
Piercing the grassy riverbank,
Like a hard jewel in the clear blue air;

A shrill song trills a strident note,
It is a kingfisher, aloft on blazing wings,
In a stealthy streak of emerald and fire.

The latter reference is to the kingfisher's distinctive coloring: a bright blue-green on the back and chestnut on its underparts. We think the connection between Vincent’s monochromatic winter drawing, with its intensely graphic character, and Breton's autumn poem with its emphasis on color and sound, is tenuous at best. Vincent sent Van Rappard more than just this one Breton poem in March 1884, and never explicitly made the connection between the poem and the drawing. Van Heugten's suggestion that the former is almost a program for the latter strikes underestimates Vincent’s history of similar imagery, most notably in Marsh with Water Lillies (F 845 JH 07).

In fact, a more likely "inspiration" for The Kingfisher, in our opinion, is the memory of this 1881 drawing of a marsh that Vincent did in Van Rappard's company, during the latter's visit to the parsonage in Etten that summer. Given Vincent’s renewed campaign for solidarity with his only friend, it cannot be a coincidence that several of the drawings he did at this time, including The Kingfisher and Pollard Birches are closely related in both subject matter and style to the drawings that he described doing with Van Rappard three years before. (See Chapter 13.) The Breton poetry that Vincent sent at the same time was, no doubt, another element in the same campaign. So perhaps it is most accurate to say that the drawing and the poem are both expressions of a common sentiment.

347. name the drawingSee Ch. 21, n. 346 348. knew the sight wellBVG 598, 7/2/1889: In July 1889, in a reverie of nostalgia, Vincent wrote his mother from the asylum in St. Rémy: "Then here one also never sees the mossy peasant roofs on the barns or cottages like at home, and no oak coppices and no spurry and no beech hedges with their red-brown leaves and whitish tangled old stems. Also no proper heathland and no birches, which were so beautiful in Nuenen." We are extrapolating from this that Vincent and his mother shared an admiration for the birches in Nuenen at the time (1884), otherwise Vincent would not have assumed her familiarity with them five years later. 

Context:
JLB 788, 7/8/1889-7/12/1889: "Then here one also never sees the mossy peasant roofs on the barns or cottages like at home, and no oak coppices and no spurry and no beech hedges with their red-brown leaves and whitish tangled old stems. Also no proper heathland and no birches, which were so beautiful in Nuenen."

349. "as if it were"BVG 152, 10/12/1881-10/15/1881. 

Context:
BVG 152, 10/12/1881-10/15/1881: "If one draws a pollard willow as if it were a living being, which after all is what it really is, then the surroundings follow almost by themselves, provided only that one has focused all one's attention on that particular tree and not rested until there was some life in it."
JLB 175, 10/12/1881-10/15/1881: "If one draws a pollard willow as though it were a living being, which it actually is, then the surroundings follow more or less naturally, if only one has focused all one's attention on that one tree and hasn't rested until there was some life in it."

385 350. mise-en-scène of landscapeRoad with Pollard Willows (F R1 JH 50) (letter sketch in JLB 174), Woman on a Road with Pollard Willows (F 1092 JH 270).  351. farmhouse Small House on a Road with Pollard Willows, F 900 JH 47, October, 1881, charcoal, heightened with white, 17.3 x 23.4 in., 44 x 59.5 cm., Otterlo, Kröller-Müller Museum.  352. cloudy sky Pollard Willow, F 947 JH 164, July 1882, watercolor, 14.2 x 22.2 in., 36 x 56.5 cm., Private collection.  353. vanishing road Road with Pollard Willows and Man with Broom (F 1678 JH 46), Road with Pollard Willows (F 152 JH 58) (letter sketch in JLB 175), Pollard Willow (F 947 JH 164).  354. frame a solitary figure Road with Pollard Willows and Man with Broom (F 1678 JH 46), Road with Pollard Willows (F 151 JH 48), Pollard Willow (F 647 JH 164), Pollard Willow (F 221 JH 165), Woman on a Road with Pollard Willows (F 1092 JH 270), Behind the Hedges (F 1129 JH 461).  386 355. In another drawing that March Behind the Hedges, F 1129 JH 461, March 1884, pencil, pen, 15.8 x 20.9 in., 40 x 53 cm., Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam.  356. "A row of pollard willows" BVG 242, 11/5/1882. 

Context:
JLB 292, 12/10/1882: "A row of pollard willows sometimes resembles a procession of orphan men."

357. all of it pent up Hulsker observes that, "During the first fortnight of his stay in Drenthe, Vincent mentioned [Sien] in no less than five letters [JLB 386, JLB 387, JLB 388, JLB 390, JLB 391], and with increasing 'melancholy', but they still do not contain any reproaches directed towards Theo" (Hulsker, "Van Gogh's Years of Rebellion in Neunen," p. 19). He also points out that Vincent's tone began to sharpen somewhat in the penultimate letter from Drenthe, JLB 407 (11/26/1883) (ibid.).  358. "disillusioned" BVG 344, 12/5/1883: Describing his walk from Veenoord to Hoogeveen as he left Drenthe (see Chapter 19), Vincent writes as soon as he arrives in Nuenen, "I thought of you brother, on my long trudge across the heath on that stormy evening. ... I thought, I am disillusioned, that is -- I thought -- I have believed in many things that I now know are in a sorry state at bottom -- I thought, these eyes of mine, here on this gloomy evening, awake here in the solitude, if there have been tears in them from time to time, why should they not have been wrung from me by such sorrow that it disenchants." (JLB 409, 12/6/1883; emphasis in original.) (We have removed the emphasis in original.) 

Context:
BVG 344, 12/5/1883: "I thought, I am disillusioned. I thought, I have believed in many things which I now know are really sorry fallacies -- I thought, Those eyes of mine, here on this gloomy evening, wide awake in this deserted region -- if they have been full of tears at times, why shouldn't these have been wrung from me by a sorrow that disenchants -- yes -- and disturbs illusions -- but at the same time -- makes one wide awake."
JLB 409, 12/6/1883: "I thought, I am disillusioned, that is -- I thought -- I have believed in many things that I now know are in a sorry state at bottom -- I thought, these eyes of mine, here on this gloomy evening, awake here in the solitude, if there have been tears in them from time to time, why should they not have been wrung from me by such sorrow that it disenchants" (emphasis in original).

359. "disenchanted"BVG 344, 12/5/1883. (See Ch. 21, n. 358.) 

Context:
BVG 344, 12/5/1883: "Those eyes of mine, here on this gloomy evening, wide awake in this deserted region -- if they have been full of tears at times, why shouldn't these have been wrung from me by a sorrow that disenchants -- yes -- and disturbs illusions -- but at the same time -- makes one wide awake."
JLB 409, 12/6/1883: "I thought, these eyes of mine, here on this gloomy evening, awake here in the solitude, if there have been tears in them from time to time, why should they not have been wrung from me by such sorrow that it disenchants -- yes -- and banishes illusions -- but at the same time -- awakens one?" (emphasis in original).

360. "bitterly, bitterly sad" BVG 361, 3/11/1884. 

Context:
BVG 361, 3/11/1884: "Last year, the year '83, was a hard, sad year for me, and the end especially was bitterly, bitterly sad."
JLB 420, 1/6/1884-1/13/1884: "The last year, namely '83, was a hard, sad year for me, and the end particularly sad, bitter and bitter."

361. Up to the last minute BVG 344, 12/5/1883: "You write again about Moniteur Universel" (JLB 409, 12/6/1883). This construction ("again"), in the first letter Vincent wrote from Nuenen, indicates that Theo has reiterated a suggestion he previously made in November, to which Vincent responded: "Well, for instance try to get a job on an illustrated magazine, ... about Moniteur Universel, for instance -- which I don't regard as the most desirable, by the way" (JLB 406, 11/12/1883 or 11/13/1883). This suggestion by Theo was apparently in response to an overture Vincent had made in October: "But if I were to work at a printer's or something, it would help rather than hinder me ... And I'd like to try everything of that kind, particularly if there's bread to be earned from it there [in Paris]." (JLB 398, 10/22/1883; emphasis in original.) 

Context:
JLB 409, 12/6/1883: "You write again about Moniteur Universel. Do you think it too gloomy of me when I tell you that I regard it as possible that in a relatively few years' time a number of large art businesses -- for example Moniteur Universel."

362. found a jobSee Ch. 21, n. 361 363. "within relatively few" BVG 344, 12/5/1883: Vincent compares the art business to the "tulip trade" -- a reference to the famous speculative bubble that wreaked havoc on the Dutch economy in the seventeenth century: "In a relatively short space of time, everything that is the art trade developed in rapport with art itself. But it became all too much a sort of bankers' speculation and it still is -- I do not say entirely -- I simply say much too much. Why, in so far as it's a bubble company, shouldn't it go the same way as, for instance, the tulip trade? You'll point out to me that a painting isn't a tulip. Of course there's a universe of difference, and naturally I, who love paintings and tulips not at all, am very well aware of this. But I contend that many rich people who buy the expensive paintings for one reason or another don't do it for the artistic value that they see in them -- the difference between tulip and painting that you and I see isn't visible to them -- they, the speculators and blasé sots [insensate drunks] and a lot of others, would buy tulips now too, just as in the past, provided there was a certain cachet to it. ... there's a great deal in the art trade that could prove to be hot air in the future." (JLB 409, 12/6/1883; emphasis in original.) 

Context:
BVG 344, 12/5/1883: "Do you think my opinion too pessimistic when I declare it possible that within relatively few years a number of great art enterprises, like the Moniteur Universel for instance -- and others still more overexpanded -- will dwindle down -- will fall into decadence as quickly as they came up?"
JLB 409, 12/6/1883: "Do you think it too gloomy of me when I tell you that I regard it as possible that in a relatively few years' time a number of large art businesses -- for example Moniteur Universel -- in a word others that have also expanded enormously -- will decline -- fall into decline as quickly as they came up?" (emphasis in original).

364. expressions of confidence BVG 344, 12/5/1883: Not cited in the text is this classic example of Vincent's defensive condescension toward his brother. Summarizing his thoughts as he returned from Drenthe, Vincent writes, "I thought, is it POSSIBLE that Theo is easy about many things that I'm uneasy about. Could it be just melancholy, that I can't take the old pleasure in this or in that? In short, I thought, can I be mistaking gold for gilding? Am I mistaking something that's in full growth for something withering? I couldn't come up with an answer for myself. Can you? Do you know for sure that there isn't already far-advanced, unrelenting decline on all sides?" (JLB 409, 12/6/1883; emphasis in original.) This passage amounts to: "On my way home, I wondered if maybe I had been wrong. Maybe we are not that much alike. Maybe you can enjoy things I can't. Maybe the things I think have no value do have some value. Maybe the world isn't going to hell in a hand basket. Maybe standards aren't falling apart. ... NAW -- I was right."  365. "I say it is possible"BVG 345a, 12/7/1883-12/8/1883. 

Context:
JLB 411, 12/8/1883: "I think it possible that you'll have a change of heart, be it gradual, be it sudden, so that you'll find yourself compelled to adopt another outlook on life, and that perhaps the upshot will be that you'll yet become a painter."

387 366. "savagery" BVG 347, 12/18/1883: Vincent explicitly excludes his father from the "weaker" group that is exempted from his "wildness": "my passion abates when I'm faced with one who is weaker; then I don't fight. Although, for that matter, taking issue in words or about principles with a man who, mark you, occupies a position in society concerned with guiding people's spiritual lives is, to be sure, not only permitted but cannot in any way be cowardly. For after all, our weapons are equal." (JLB 413, 12/15/1883.) 

Context:
BVG 347, 12/18/1883: "I also thought of Michelet's saying (who had it from a zoologist), 'Le mâle est très sauvage' [The male is very savage]. And because at this time of my life I know myself to have strong passions and believe that I should have them, I grant that I may well be 'très sauvage' myself."
JLB 413, 12/15/1883: "I also thought of Michelet's saying (which he had from a zoologist), 'the male is very wild.' And because now, at this stage in my life, I know that I have strong passions, and so I should have, in my opinion -- looking at myself I see that perhaps I am 'very wild.'"

367. joining the laughter BVG 343, 12/1/1883. 

Context:
JLB 408, 12/1/1883: "I've seen how shaky your finances have been for a long time -- you had too much on your shoulders -- you think now that the future will put it right -- I think you'll find the future hostile in Paris. Again, if I'm wrong you can all laugh at me and I'll laugh about it myself. If it's just my nerves deluding me, well then, it's my nerves -- but I fear you all too effectively have a fatality against you." (Emphasis in original.)

368. "I ask you point-blank" BVG 345a, 12/7/1883-12/8/1883. We have substituted our own, looser translation for this (ultimately rhetorical) question. In striving for accuracy of translation, we believe that the translations in both Bonger and JLB suffer from a stiffness that frustrates the rhetorical parallelism Vincent is obviously reaching for. (We have removed the emphasis in original.) 

Context:
BVG 345a, 12/7/1883-12/8/1883: "I do not beg for your mediation, I do not beg for anything personal on your part; but I ask you point-blank how we stand -- are you a 'Van Gogh' too? I have always looked upon you as 'Theo.'"
JLB 411, 12/8/1883: "I don't ask you to intercede, I ask you for something more personal, I ask you frankly: how do we stand towards each other; are you a 'Van Gogh' too? I always regarded you as 'Theo.'" (Emphasis in original.)

369. a scolding letter BVG 346, 12/17/1883. 

Context:
JLB 413, 12/15/1883: "I'll start by saying that I think it noble of you, believing that I'm making it difficult for Pa, to take his part and give me a brisk telling-off" (emphasis in original).

370. "coward" BVG 346, 12/17/1883. 

Context:
BVG 346, 12/17/1883: "So you also think that I hurt Father's feelings and that I am a coward."
JLB 413, 12/15/1883: "So you also think that it's I who make it difficult for Pa and that I'm cowardly" (emphasis in original).

371. insisted that he take back BVG 346, 12/17/1883. 

Context:
JLB 413, 12/15/1883: "There's too much in my frankly expressed opinion about Pa that I cannot take back in the circumstances."

372. fury of defensive letters Vincent's response to Theo's "scolding" sounds measured and restrained at first: "I could also raise very many objections to your tips, only I think that would be a long-drawn-out way and that there's a shorter way" (JLB 413, 12/15/1883). But the "shorter way" is, in fact, not measured or restrained at all: it is for Vincent to break relations with both his brother and his father. "I now believe that I'm the stumbling block, and so I must try to work something out so that I don't 'make it difficult' for you or for Pa any more" (ibid.; emphasis in original). This solution, of course, is offered purely out of anger, although it comes accompanied by much melodramatic, leave-taking rhetoric: "I'm deliberately leaving an interval for the sake of order and so that I'll have time to take some steps that really have very little chance of success, but which my conscience won't allow me to postpone in the circumstances. ... if our feelings diverge too far, well then, we mustn't force ourselves to act as if nothing is happening. ... You know very well, don't you, that I consider that you've saved my life, that I shall NEVER forget, I'm not only your brother, your friend, even after we put an end to relations that I fear would create a false position, but at the same time I have an infinite obligation of loyalty for what you did in the past by stretching out your hand to me and by continuing to help me. Money can be repaid, not kindness such as yours." (ibid.)

Despite this paean to brotherly love, Vincent is resolute in his criticisms of their father -- the real subject of Theo's scolding ("There's too much in my frankly expressed opinion about Pa that I cannot take back in the circumstances" [ibid.]). However, in a typical non-retraction retraction, Vincent acknowledges that his criticisms could be "modified by appreciation of very much that's good in Pa" (ibid.). But even this shallow concession is quickly blown away as Vincent's gorge rises. He immediately returns to Theo's criticisms and takes up all the "objections to your tips" that he first dismissed as too tedious to mention (ibid.).

Vincent's next letter is a point-by-point rebuttal of Theo's scolding. In it, Vincent argues: (1) that Theo has changed since the halcyon days of the Rijswijk Road ("To my mind, anyone who turns away from nature, whose head always has to be full of keeping this up or keeping that up" [JLB 414, 12/16/1884]); (2) that Theo is in danger of losing his soul: "one so easily arrives, in my view, at a point where one can no longer distinguish white from black -- and -- and one becomes precisely the opposite of what one is taken to be or thinks oneself to be. ... Why are you ... going to kill, extinguish the best in your soul?" (ibid.); (3) that Theo will become a "mediocrity" and, by implication, sexually impotent ("at this moment you still have a manly fear of mediocrity in the bad sense of the word" [ibid.].); (4) that Vincent is doing their aging father a favor by arguing with him because it provides him an opportunity to effect a reconciliation before he dies ("the time that we have for reconciliation is verily perhaps not very long. I don't think much of deathbed reconciliations, I'd rather see them during life" [ibid.]); and (5) that their father does not have any worries more important than Vincent's ("You say -- Pa does have other things on his mind -- really -- well then, I myself feel how unimportant those things, which prevent Pa's mind from thinking things through year in and year out, appear to me" [ibid.]). 

373. lamented the loss BVG 347, 12/18/1883: In closing one of his letters in response, Vincent once again invokes the ideal of brotherhood that he connected with the trip he and Theo took along the road to Rijswijk (see Chapter 5). (580)

Context:
JLB 413, 12/15/1883: "Something better than the time of the Rijswijk mill -- namely the same once and for all -- two poor brothers, artists -- bound up in the same feeling for the same nature and art -- will it ever come to that? The certain position, the certain affluence, will they win out? Oh, let them win out but that it will be only for a time that ends with your disappointment in this respect, is what I foresee will happen before you're 30. And if not -- Well, if not, then -- then -- then -- Too BAD." (Emphasis in original.)

374. blamed Theo Basically, Vincent revisits the disagreement over Sien, again blaming his brother for the decision to abandon her the previous summer. He argues that this was both a determinative moment in the disastrous course since (culminating in his decision to come home), and an example of the way Theo's influence has sabotaged his decision-making (and, ultimately, his happiness) in the past. "Well -- if what you said had been entirely isolated -- I wouldn't even mention it -- but it's too much like the feelings of other people with whom I also differ for me to be able to regard your opinions as being entirely isolated. I accepted your point of view." (JLB 417, 12/26/1883.) When Vincent returns from his Christmastime visit to Sien, he feels this anger at his brother's influence with especial intensity: "precisely because I myself was not and am not blind to her faults, but sought and seek her preservation despite them, I believe that you could have respected and better understood this feeling of mine -- then you would also have been able to take my part more resolutely against anyone who knew less about it than you, and it wouldn't have got to such a high pitch that I had to give it up." (JLB 418, 12/28/1883; emphasis in original.)  375. blamed his brother BVG 350, 12/25/1883-12/28/1883. In a considerable rewrite of the recent past, Vincent maintains that "levers that worked on me": specifically, "your saying that 'my duty' would perhaps lead me to part. ... But now all that is worse again, and I fear very much for her well-being; and the poor baby, which I cared for as if it were my own, is no longer what it was either. Brother, I found her in great wretchedness and I'm very sad about it. I know that it's more my own fault, of course, but you could have spoken differently too." (JLB 417, 12/26/1883.) This final assumption of blame is merely rhetorical in the context, as Vincent goes on to insist that Theo admit that his advice to part company with Sien had been a mistake -- something he knows Theo will not do.

Theo's refusal to do so (which will give Vincent full license to blame Theo for Sien's fate) is so certain that Vincent does not even wait for the actual refusal before formulating his revenge: "Well, our friendship, brother, has taken a heavy blow from this, and if you should say, we were certainly not mistaken, and if you should reveal yourself to me to be of exactly the same mind now as you were then -- I would no longer be able to esteem you precisely as I did in the past. I respected you then precisely because, at a time when other people didn't want to know me because I was with her, you helped me to keep her alive. I don't say that no change or alteration was necessary, but -- I think we (or rather I) went too far. ... I end by saying, think about it if you will -- but if, after what I've told you, your sentiments remain precisely the same as this summer, I can no longer have the same respect for you as I did before." (ibid.) 

Context:
JLB 417, 12/26/1883: "Know, then, that I look back with deep regret on your visit this summer, on our conversations then, and on what arose out of them. Time has now passed over it, but I can't deny, looking back, that it seems to me that we weren't right. And now I regard your words and you yourself rather differently, and I can no longer think of you with exactly the same feeling as before. For I now see more clearly how you and others appeared to wish that I should part from her."

376. renounce the woman BVG 193a, 12/15/1883-12/31/1883. 

Context:
JLB 418, 12/28/1883: "And now, in my view, the situation is such that I can do nothing for the woman in the circumstances if I have no support, from you for instance, and that consequently I think myself that it is not in my power to help her -- at least not right away. So you have power over me -- you, above all, in conjunction with many others, none of whom are able to agree with me. And yet you will not get me to renounce her -- with all your financial power. And because I won't give in on the issue of the woman and want to say that clearly, make it audible to even the deafest of ears, I declare in advance that I've decided to share with her that which is my property, and I don't wish to accept any money from you except what I can regard as my property without second thoughts." (Emphasis in original.)

377. "Whatever your financial" BVG 193a, 12/15/1883-12/31/1883. We have transposed the two clauses in Vincent's sentence. Emphasis in original.

Context:
BVG 193a, 12/15/1883-12/31/1883: "And yet you will not be able to force me to renounce her, whatever your financial power."
JLB 418, 12/28/1883: "And yet you will not get me to renounce her -- with all your financial power" (emphasis in original).

378. campaign to reclaim favorAs if liberated by Theo's absence, Vincent turned all his energies, yet again, to reversing the judgments of the past, declaring: I've recently been getting on better with the people here than at the outset, which is worth a great deal to me" (JLB 446, 5/12/1884-5/15/1884). His effort to match his sister with the very eligible Van Rappard demonstrated to his parents and their friends a commendable concern for the family's welfare (see Ch. 21, n. 167). In addition to offering his few guilders to help defray his mother's medical expenses, he made a great show of putting his financial house in order. He talked of taking a job "if necessary" (JLB 420, 1/6/1884-1/13/1884) and finally began to pay off some old debts: "Yesterday evening I received your letter and the 100 francs enclosed. I can tell you that I'm now at a point where I can cover my deficit of last year, having had fewer expenses because of my stay here. ... I'm glad that now, at this moment, there's nothing unpaid to suppliers." (JLB 422, 1/15/1884.)

This 100 francs was twice the usual amount. Vincent had written Theo about giving their father all of the last installment of 50 francs to help defray medical expenses, rather than pay off his Hague debts. This increased amount was probably intended to encourage Vincent to take care of that lingering obligation, as well as reimburse him for the money given to Dorus. When Theo questioned the sincerity of his brother's new dedication to financial prudence, Vincent indignantly defended himself in unblushing falsehoods. "I've honestly dealt with and paid suppliers of paint or whatever else," he wrote, "and am in no mood to be indifferent to affairs -- -- on the contrary -- that I assure you" (ibid., emphasis in original). One cannot help but detect a latent sibling wrangle over who is more supportive of their parents in this crisis. Indeed, the blow-up between the brothers that follows -- a blow-up that had a significant effect on Vincent's artistic trajectory -- may have been first ignited by this selfish tussle for credit and favor. It is uncomfortable, but inevitable, to recognize that Vincent's life, and thus his art, was often shaped by pettiness and peevishness.

379. gospel of salability BVG 353, 1/18/1884-1/19/1884. 

Context:
JLB 425, 1/18/1884-1/19/1884: "Theo, do think again hard about whether you might come up with an idea as to how I could earn some money one way or another. Money will be needed, and we should also look again at the possibility of doing something with my work."

380. works like watercolors BVG 360, 2/1/1884. Among these was "Lumber Sale" (F 1113 JH 438), a depiction of an auction that took place in Nuenen on the last day of 1883 (see Van Heugten, pp. 45-48). Vincent mentions doing sketches at the auction in a letter soon thereafter: "I've also made a drawing, although only an impression, of a timber sale" (JLB 419, 1/4/1884). According to Van Heugten, however, this "impression" is not the watercolor Vincent later sent to Theo because "it is highly unlikely that Van Gogh would have referred to such a large, detailed and signed sheet in those terms" (Van Heugten, p. 45). Van Heugten dates Lumber Sale (F 1113 JH 438) to "the first two weeks of January 1884" on the basis of a passage in a letter Vincent wrote to his friend Furnée dated to the middle of the month (i.e., sometime before Anna's accident): "Now, in these last few weeks I have made 4 watercolours of Weavers. And a few others of a timber sale, an interior with a seamstress, and a gardener, all watercolours. Herewith a few scratches of them." (JLB 421, 1/6/1884-1/18/1884; emphasis in original.)

While Van Heugten's linking of this reference to Lumber Sale (F 1113 JH 438) is possible, it is not inevitable. The letter to Furnée does not include a sketch of the "timber sale" referred to, so it is impossible to be certain. Vincent could have done other versions of the image subsequently, and he was clearly still creating the series of watercolors referred to in JLB 422 as of February 1, or he would not have waited another month to send them. The text assumes that either Lumber Sale (F 1113 JH 438) is not the watercolor referred to in JLB 421 or that Vincent created other watercolors after Anna's accident similar in both subject matter and character to Lumber Sale (F 1113 JH 438). In any event, Vincent always associated watercolors with Theo and with Theo's argument that they were more saleable than pen drawings, which is the point of the text. 

Context:
JLB 422, 1/15/1884: "Towards March I'll send you some watercolours from here. I'll take them to somebody else if you don't want them, but I'd rather do business with you. These watercolours will have errors, but still, I don't think it's foolish of me if I make a start on getting my work seen in order to send it into the world. And from March onwards I'll start to send work here and there regularly. And to you first -- but don't consider yourself obliged to take something from me if you don't really care for it yourself." (Emphasis in original.)

381. borrowing both Van Heugten, p. 45: Van Heugten identifies (and illustrates) the related image by Mauve, Lumber Sale (1881), that is in the Mesdag Museum. As to whether Vincent took the subject matter from him directly, Van Heugten is sanguine: "Other artists had depicted lumber auctions in the 19th century. Van Gogh may have been familiar with the subject from a watercolour of 1881 by Anton Mauve which he could have seen in the latter's studio when he was taking painting and drawing lessons there at the end of that year." (ibid.)  382. linked his weaver paintings BVG 367, 4/30/1884. According to Van Spanndonk, Wildenberg, and Mulder-Koenen "by [this] he probably meant work by a painter like Jozef Israëls, which he valued for the low tone of the color in which, on the 17th-century model, it was carried out" (Van Spanndonk, Wildenberg, and Mulder-Koenen, p. 149). If Vincent meant to invoke Israëls, he no doubt meant to invoke his figures as well. 

Context:
JLB 445, 4/30/1884: "We must make sure that we get them so that the colour and tone match with other Dutch paintings, though. I hope to start on two more of weavers soon, where the figure will appear very differently, that's to say where the weaver isn't sitting behind it but is arranging the threads for the cloth."

383. Jozef IsraëlsVan Spanndonk, Wildenberg, and Mulder-Koenen, p. 149. (See Ch. 21, n. 382.)  384. added dreamy French titles The drawings cited in the text have neither the size nor the degree of finish that is typical of Vincent's titled drawings. Nor are they signed, another indicator of Vincent's original ambitions for them at the time of their creation (compare, e.g., The Vicarage Garden [F 1132 JH 463], Winter Garden [F 1128 JH 466], The Kingfisher [F 1135 JH 468], and The Pollard Birches [F 1240 JH 469], all of which are signed). The instant drawings have much more in common, both in size and style, to the other "souvenir" drawings that Vincent did of his parents's homes over the years, and we believe this is how Vincent originally intended them. The fancy French titles suggest a subsequent ambition.  385. "the respectable natives" BVG 363a, 4/1/1884-4/15/1884. 

Context:
BVG 363a, 4/1/1884-4/15/1884: "And at the same time I could establish the fact that this idea was communicated to persons who had absolutely nothing to do with it -- for instance, the respectable natives of these regions -- and further that I was asked three times in one week by absolute strangers, 'Why is it you never sell your work?'"
JLB 442, 3/24/1884: "While I could observe that this opinion was even imparted to people who have absolutely nothing to do with it -- for instance the respectable natives of these parts -- and, for example, 3 times in one week I heard people who were then complete strangers to me ask, 'why is it that you don't sell?'" (emphasis in original).

386. "Why is it" BVG 360, 2/1/1884. 

Context:
BVG 360, 2/1/1884: "And I could establish the fact that this opinion was even communicated to people who had absolutely nothing to do with it -- for instance, the respectable natives of this region -- and I was asked at least three times in one week by absolute strangers, 'Why is it that you never sell your work?'"
JLB 422, 1/15/1884: "While I could observe that this opinion was even imparted to people who have absolutely nothing to do with it -- for instance the respectable natives of these parts -- and, for example, 3 times in one week I heard people who were then complete strangers to me ask, 'why is it that you don't sell?'" (emphasis in original).

387. "Why do others sell" BVG R41, 3/1/1884: We have removed the emphasis in original. 

Context:
BVG R41, 3/1/1884: "I am asked quite often, 'Why do others sell and you don't?'"
JLB 433, 3/2/1884: "Quite often asked: why others do sell and I don't" (emphasis in original).

388. "How strange" BVG 358, 3/1/1884. 

Context:
BVG 358, 3/1/1884: "It's become very clear to me by this time that you couldn't care less about my doings, but while you couldn't care less, I cannot help thinking it is rather wretched of you, and I dread certain things that are bound to occur -- namely that people will say, how strange, don't you do any business with your brother or with Goupil?"
JLB 432, 3/2/1884: "But if you couldn't care less, for my part I always find it fairly wretched and rather dread things that will probably crop up -- namely that people will ask me: what, don't you do business with your brother or with Goupil?"

389. "Everywhere I go" BVG 358, 3/1/1884. 

Context:
BVG 358, 3/1/1884: " Everywhere I go, and especially at home, a constant watch is being kept on what I do with my work, whether I get anything for it, etc. In our society virtually everybody looks out all the time for that sort of thing, trying to find out everything about it."
JLB 432, 3/2/1884: "Well, because you probably plan to come as early as the spring I don't insist that you make a final decision immediately, but realize that I can't accept it as it is now -- for myself, wherever I go and especially at home, too, I'm always being watched -- what I do with my work, whether I get anything for it &c., in short in society almost everyone looks out for it all the time and wants to know all about it." (Emphasis in original.)

390. a stinging rebuke "I'm quite often reproached 'that I don't sell.' … But then I'm more justified in the view of Tom, Dick and Harry, whom I don't have to anticipate accusing me of living off private means or -- absolutely regarding me as ' having NO means of support.'" (JLB 442, 3/24/1884; emphasis in original.)  391. "I have to put up" BVG 363a, 4/1/1884-4/15/1884. 

Context:
BVG 363a, 4/1/1884-4/15/1884: "But in that case I shall be more justified in the eyes of Tom, Dick and Harry, and shall not have to put up with being reproached with idling away my time -- or even being absolutely looked upon as 'having no means of subsistence.'"
JLB 442, 3/24/1884: "But then I'm more justified in the view of Tom, Dick and Harry, whom I don't have to anticipate accusing me of living off private means or -- absolutely regarding me as ' having NO means of support'" (emphasis in original).

392. "One hears that drivel" BVG R43, 3/15/1884-3/31/1884. 

Context:
JLB 439, 3/18/1884: "One hears that rot day in and day out, and later one gets angry with oneself for having taken any notice of it."

393. unflattering impression BVG 363, 3/26/1884: Vincent writes this referring to what he perceives as Theo's lack of enthusiasm for selling his art. 

Context:
JLB 438, 3/15/1884 - 3/19/1884: "Come on -- if you were a little enthusiastic about it, we'd have what's needed. And what sort of an impression must it make, indirectly, on other people when you behave like this? It's certainly hardly likely to create much confidence." (Emphasis in original.)

394. "false position"Vincent uses this term often, but never explains it. Invariably, it arises when he feels entrapped by his financial-emotional-artistic dependence on his brother. Intentionally or not, it expresses his sense of a world. 388 395. "On my coming home" BVG 360, 2/1/1884. 

Context:
BVG 360, 2/1/1884: "Toward the end of January or in the beginning of February I wrote you that, on my coming home, I was struck by the fact that the money I was in the habit of receiving from you was looked upon in the first place as something precarious, and secondly as what I will call charity for a poor fool."
JLB 422, 1/15/1884: "At the end of January or beginning of February I wrote to you that, on coming home, it became all too evident to me that the money which I usually received from you was regarded firstly as something PRECARIOUS, secondly as, yes, what I'll call a gift of charity to a poor nincompoop" (emphasis in original).

396. accusations in his own head That financial success -- or at least self-sufficiency -- is absolutely essential to self-worth is a bedrock belief that never disappears through the flood of defensive protestations Vincent makes to the contrary, and often shows through. In May 1882, he becomes apoplectic at the prospect of a financial scandal involving repossession of his furniture at a time when he is openly living with and considering marrying a prostitute (JLB 233, 5/20/1882). In Nuenen, he cannot contain his fury at his family for not protecting him from the appearance of dependency in the same way Van Rappard's family protects him (JLB 411, 12/8/1883). At the same time, he specifically complains about the embarrassment of appearing to take money from his brother (ibid.). Perhaps the clearest insight into the devastation his years of financial dependency have wrought on Vincent's self-respect is contained in this comment about his younger brother Cor from March 1884: "He's a nice boy now, it seems to me, but it's time that he did something practical, it seems to me, otherwise they go to seed, these young fellows, particularly if they end up in a rather too empty little office -- go to seed in pedantry and nonentity" (JLB 446, 3/28/1884; emphasis added). Assuming this is an honest, unironic statement and not a self-consciously self-deprecating remark intended to invite Theo's contradiction, Vincent here admits his worst fear: that because he is not self-sufficient, he is a nonentity; he is, to use a conceit he often used himself, invisible.  397. "I am feeling more" BVG 363, 3/26/1884: We have slightly altered the translation. 

Context:
BVG 363, 3/26/1884: "If I did not feel more strongly every day that I must earn some money, I should keep my studies quietly for myself, as Rappard does. But, as you say, we are not in Rappard's position -- but for all that I am getting more and more cramped."
JLB 438, 3/15/1884 - 3/19/1884: "As Rappard does. But you say yourself that we're not in Rappard's position -- and with all that I'm becoming more and more hard pressed."

398. two parcels of drawingsBVG 356, 2/13/1884. On February 13, Vincent sent "3 small panels and 9 watercolours" (JLB 429, 2/13/1884). A few days later, he sent five "weavers", adding plaintively, "I hope you'll be able to do something with all of this" (JLB 430, 2/18/1884-2/23/1884). Vincent admits making the pen drawings of weavers in direct response to a suggestion from Theo ("partly in response to your letter" [ibid.]). Normally, of course, Vincent ran in the opposite direction when Theo made a suggestion about his art. All of which leads to the inevitable conclusion that Vincent sent the second batch of drawings, along with the transcribed poems by François Édouard Joachim Coppée (see Ch. 21, n. 405), as both "soundings" and as emoluments while Theo sat in judgment on Vincent's proposal. "Did you get the little consignment I sent last week?" he wrote with barely-disguised anxiety (ibid.). "[P]lease let me know whether the parcel arrived safely, and whether there were enough stamps on it" (ibid.). This is a thinly-disguised effort to expedite Theo's decision on the proposal. 

Context:
JLB 429, 2/13/1884: "Today I sent a parcel to your address containing 3 small panels and 9 watercolours. Please let me know whether you've received it. If there's anything in it you like, so much the better. Ma is going on much the same. Am still working on various weavers, which you'll get later."

399. "proposal for the future" BVG 360, 2/1/1884. He also summarizes: "I'll be very pleased if you approve of my proposal" (JLB 422, 1/15/1884). 

Context:
BVG 360, 2/1/1884: "I owe a great debt to you, however, and if I continued in exactly the same way, it would grow worse and worse. Now I want to make you a proposal for the future."
JLB 422, 1/15/1884: "I owe a great debt to you, though, and I would make it worse and worse were I to continue on exactly the same footing. Now I have a proposal to make for the future."

400. "money I have earned" BVG 364, 4/1/1884. 

Context:
BVG 364, 4/1/1884: "In short, to avoid further discussion or quarreling, in order to have some answer when those leading ordinary lives accuse me of being without any 'source of income,' I want to consider the money I receive from you as money I have earned.'"
JLB 440, 3/20/1884: "For my part I simply wish -- in order to avoid correspondence, dispute -- in order to be able to say something when one is railed at in daily life by one person or another as being 'without means of support' -- that ifI continue to receive the usual from you, I may regard it as money that I've earned" (emphasis in original).

401. take to other dealers BVG 360, 2/1/1884. To this empty threat, Vincent appended a sly afterthought: "but I'd rather do business with you" (JLB 422, 1/15/1884; emphasis in original). He also constructed an elaborate appeal for Theo to view his work with the sympathetic eyes of a patron, not the hard heart of a dealer. 

Context:
JLB 422, 1/15/1884: "Towards March I'll send you some watercolours from here. I'll take them to somebody else if you don't want them, but I'd rather do business with you. These watercolours will have errors, but still, I don't think it's foolish of me if I make a start on getting my work seen in order to send it into the world. And from March onwards I'll start to send work here and there regularly. And to you first -- but don't consider yourself obliged to take something from me if you don't really care for it yourself." (Emphasis in original.)

402. "a straight course"BVG 360, 2/1/1884. 

Context:
BVG 360, 2/1/1884: "I shall be very glad if you approve of my proposal. Then extremes will be avoided and we shall keep a straight course."
JLB 422, 1/15/1884: "I'll be very pleased if you approve of my proposal. Then, in my view, we'll avoid extremes and steer a steady course."

403. "After March" BVG 360, 2/1/1884: We have simplified Vincent's construction slightly (at least as it appears in translation). A few paragraphs later, he appears to convert his proposal from a demand, as it is phrased at first ("I insist"), to a mere option: "If you don't want to enter into [this] proposal, then you must leave it" (JLB 422, 1/15/1884). This seems yet another expression of his underlying ambivalence toward his brother. 

Context:
BVG 360, 2/1/1884: "But after March I will accept no money from you -- or at least absolutely as little as possible -- for which I do not give some work in return."
JLB 422, 1/15/1884: "But after March I don't want to take money from you, or at least absolutely as little as possible, for which I haven't supplied specific work."

404. reviving the deadline See Ch. 19, n. 403 405. comparing himself to a convict BVG 357, 2/18/1884-2/23/1884. Vincent transcribed parts of three poems by François Coppée from a book of his poetry (Poésies [1875]) that Theo had sent their sister Elisabeth (identified in JLB 430 as "L." for "Lies"). Thus, the extensive transcriptions could have been, themselves, a form of fond deference intended to help defuse the confrontational proposal that Theo was considering at the time Vincent sent them. The three poems transcribed were "Désir dans le spleen" (Desire in melancholy), "Douleur bercée" (Sorrow assuaged), and "Blessure rouverte" (A wound reopened). The third, with its startlingly apropos title, is the source of the text's quotation: "O mon coeur, es tu donc si débile et si lâche, / Et serais tu pareil au forçât qu'on relâche ..." ("O, my heart, are you then so craven and so weak? / And would you be like a convict, dragging his ball and chain, / Who, though released, yet hobbles still?") Around the same time, Vincent copied for Van Rappard a number of Coppée poems from the same volume; among them: "Les humbles" (Humble folk), "Promenades et intérieurs" (Walks and interiors) (JLB 431, 2/26/1884), and "Tristement" (Sadly) (JLB 433, 3/2/1884). 

Context:
JLB 430, 2/18/1884 - 2/23/1884: "And would you be like a convict, dragging his ball and chain, Who, though released, yet hobbles still?"

406. with poetry and protestsBVG 357, 2/18/1884-2/23/1884. (See Ch. 21, n. 405.) 

Context:
JLB 430, 2/18/1884-2/23/1884: "A wound reopened … O, my heart, are you then so craven and so weak? And would you be like a convict, dragging his ball and chain, Who, though released, yet hobbles still? I find Désir dans le spleen, in particular so true, paints how, in those very souls who are wearied and those who almost fall, there arises at times that infinite renewal of desire, as if they had no past behind them." (Emphasis in original.)

407. "Whatever the difference" BVG 360, 2/1/1884. 

Context:
BVG 360, 2/1/1884: "Moreover, whatever the difference in feelings may be, and the difference over this or that, we are brothers, and I certainly hope that we shall go on behaving like brothers."
JLB 422, 1/15/1884: "Moreover, whatever differences in feelings there may be about this or that, something that I hope really will remain is that we're brothers and will conduct ourselves as brothers."

408. In language as unequivocal There are hints in Vincent's response to Theo's criticism that Theo tried to offset his devastating comments with some mild, mitigating encouragements. Although Vincent did this often himself, he mercilessly ridicules Theo's efforts at it. "As you can see, I'm not getting angry about it — but — there's no need to beat about the bush" (JLB 432, 3/2/1884; emphasis in original). "I think it's silly ... well I think several other things are silly. And then, the other part is the little compliment in this form at the end: if I did this and did that, then I would be the person who would make you more reconciled to one thing and another." (JLB 436, 3/10/1884.)  409. "not good enough" BVG 358, 3/1/1884. This, like all the quotes from Theo's response, is taken from Vincent's angry rebuttals. The citations appear to vary in specificity. Some are no doubt paraphrases while others appear to be precise quotes. We have chosen the words quoted in the text with care, discounting for Vincent's natural tendency to overstate Theo's charges against him, both to vent his anger and to make them easier to refute. ("[The] drawings I'm working on now, aren't so dull on the whole that they're nothing at all" [JLB 432, 3/2/1884].) In the instant case, the quotation appears to be loosely drawn but unexaggerated: "So frankly, I won't take it amiss if you say straight out that you don't think my work is good enough" (ibid.). 

Context:
BVG 358, 3/1/1884: "So, frankly, I shall not blame you for telling me candidly that you don't think my work is good enough, or perhaps that there are other reasons why you cannot be bothered with it, but if you put it away in a dark corner somewhere and do not show it, it isn't kind to couple that with the assurance -- which is not accepted -- that you yourself see something in it."JLB 432, 3/2/1884: "So frankly, I won't take it amiss if you say straight out that you don't think my work is good enough or that there are, moreover, yet other reasons why you can't be bothered with it, but if you leave it in a corner somewhere and you don't show it, this isn't kind if it's accompanied by the assurance -- WHICH IS NOT LIKELY -- that you yourself see something in it" (emphasis in original).

410. "not yet made enough" BVG 358, 3/1/1884. 

Context:
BVG 358, 3/1/1884: "Now supposing I realized that you, in the belief that I had not yet made enough progress, were trying to do something to further that progress -- for instance, Mauve having fallen by the wayside, to put me in touch with some other able painter -- or, anyway, something, some sign or bother that would prove to me that you really believed in my progress or had it to heart."
JLB 432, 3/2/1884: "Now if I saw that, if you didn't think I'd improved enough, you did something about it to get me further along by introducing me to another capable painter, for instance, because Mauve has dropped out, or anyway something, some sign or other that proved to me that you really believed in my progress or promoted it."

411. first clumsy efforts BVG 358, 3/1/1884: It is not clear whether Theo was first to cast an unfavorable light on Vincent's progress by citing his unsalable work in Etten in 1881. Also, in this passage, Vincent appears to characterize Theo's assessment of his commercial prospects in a more qualifiedly negative way ("almost saleable") than he does elsewhere in the same letter: "I have a stretch of years in front of me, as you say yourself, when my work will have very little commercial value" (JLB 432, 3/2/1884). 

Context:
JLB 432, 3/2/1884: "I have to fight my way through, too, Theo, and with you I'm still at precisely, precisely the same level as a few years ago. What you say of my current work -- 'it is almost saleable but' -- is word for word the same as what you wrote to me when I sent you my first Brabant sketches from Etten." (Emphasis in original.)

412. as a dealer or as a patron BVG 358, 3/1/1884: In the last part of this passage, Vincent is probably exaggerating Theo's position somewhat for the purpose of casting him into the same unflattering light of rigidity and "irreconcilability" in which Vincent casts his father (JLB 415, 12/18/1883). 

Context:
JLB 432, 3/2/1884: "Well, you repeatedly write, actually most definitely, that you haven't made, aren't making, nor believe for the present you're able to make the least or slightest effort for my work; first, not as a dealer (I let that pass, and at least don't take it amiss of you) but, secondly, not in private either (and that I do take somewhat amiss of you)."

413. "improved a great deal" BVG 358, 3/1/1884: We have slightly altered the translation. 

Context:
BVG 358, 3/1/1884: "I must also tell you frankly that for my part I'm sure you're right to say that my work must improve a great deal, but at the same time I also think that your efforts to do something with it could become a bit more determined."
JLB 432, 3/2/1884: "For my part, too, I'll tell you frankly that I think that what you say is true, that my work will have to get much better, but at the same time also that your efforts to do something with it might also be a little more decisive."

414. ridiculed the notion BVG 358, 3/1/1884. 

Context:
JLB 432, 3/2/1884: "You'll tell me that I'll be treated by other dealers exactly the same as by you, except that, although you can't be bothered with my work, you furnish me with money anyway, and other dealers certainly won't do that, and without money I'll become completely stuck."

415. advance him moneyBVG 358, 3/1/1884. (See Ch. 21, n. 414.) 

Context:
JLB 432, 3/2/1884: "You'll tell me that I'll be treated by other dealers exactly the same as by you, except that, although you can't be bothered with my work, you furnish me with money anyway, and other dealers certainly won't do that, and without money I'll become completely stuck. I say in reply that things aren't as clear-cut as that in real life, and that I'll see how far I get living from day to day."

416. "a good many years" BVG 358, 3/1/1884. 

Context:
BVG 358, 3/1/1884: "But we have certainly not reached that point yet -- as you said yourself, I still have a good many years to get through during which my work will have precious little commercial value."
JLB 432, 3/2/1884: "But we're certainly not that far at present -- I have a stretch of years in front of me, as you say yourself, when my work will have very little commercial value."

417. any really commercial value BVG 358, 3/1/1884. 

Context:
JLB 432, 3/2/1884: "But we're certainly not that far at present -- I have a stretch of years in front of me, as you say yourself, when my work will have very little commercial value."

418. support himself on it BVG 358, 3/1/1884: That is the implication of this passage in which Vincent extrapolates from Theo's assessment of his work's limited commercial value. 

Context:
JLB 432, 3/2/1884: "We'd perpetually return to the same questions. Just ask yourself now if I'm alone among those in the same profession who would most definitely turn down patronage if it entails obligations to maintain some sort of position while the money wasn't enough to be able to do it, so that one gets into debt rather than make progress. If it could be done on the money, I might perhaps not refuse to bend, any more than others do. But we're certainly not that far at present -- I have a stretch of years in front of me, as you say yourself, when my work will have very little commercial value. Very well -- THEN I WOULD RATHER FALL INTO THE HANDS OF MUDDLING ALONG and of living through hard times -- which I've done more than once -- than into the hands of Messrs Van Gogh." (Emphasis in original.)

419. "take offense" BVG 358, 3/1/1884. Vincent responds testily that it is Theo, not the public, who cares about such trivial imperfections: "Now listen, that may be so, but this or that bothers you, the dealer, much more than the public in question, I've already remarked on that so often -- and you start with that" (JLB 432, 3/2/1884; emphasis in original). 

Context:
BVG 358, 3/1/1884: "You say the public will take offense at this little smudge or that, etc., etc."
JLB 432, 3/2/1884: "You say: the public will be annoyed by this little spot and that, &c. &c."

420. the superficiality BVG 358, 3/1/1884. Vincent defangs this criticism by agreeing with it in principle -- "I said that myself" -- but argues that he did not intend them to have a deeper significance: "but what do I get served up for the ones that were simply painted quietly and calmly outdoors, trying to say nothing in them but what I saw?" (JLB 432, 3/2/1884; emphasis in original). In fact, Vincent made far grander claims for them when he painted them and sent them to Theo from Drenthe as part of his argument for the heath. 

Context:
JLB 432, 3/2/1884: "Yes -- what am I supposed to think about what you say about my work? For example, I'll now turn specifically to the studies from Drenthe -- there are some among them that are very superficial, I said that myself -- but what do I get served up for the ones that were simply painted quietly and calmly outdoors, trying to say nothing in them but what I saw? I get in return: aren't you too preoccupied with Michel?" (Emphasis in original.)

421. drabness of his colors See Chapter 22. 422. "too obsessed"BVG 358, 3/1/1884. To create the paintings in question, "he [would make a] study of the little hut in the dark and about the largest of the sod huts, namely the one with the little green field in the foreground" (JLB 432, 3/2/1884). Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop identify the second of these as Farm with Stacks of Peat (F 22 JH 421), a canvas attached to cardboard that may have been one of the "panels" Vincent reported sending in mid-February (JLB 430, 2/18/1884-2/23/1884) (Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop, p. 45) (see Ch. 21, n. 398). The former may have been the painted study that Vincent sketched in JLB letter 398 (Peasant Burning Weeds, and Farmhouse at Night [F 335 JH 419]).

No doubt because it constituted such a roundhouse rejection of Vincent's campaign to lure Theo to Drenthe -- as well as a rejection of the identity between brothers that Vincent had so often argued -- this criticism sparked a furious, defensive rebuttal. "You would certainly say exactly the same thing about the little old churchyard. And yet, neither looking at the little churchyard nor at the sod huts did I think about Michel, I thought about the subject I was looking at. A subject indeed such that I believe, if Michel had passed by, it would have brought him to a halt and struck him. For my part, I certainly don't put myself on a par with master Michel -- but I definitely don't therefore imitate Michel either." (JLB 432, 3/2/1884; emphasis in original.) The irony, of course, is that Vincent, by his own telling, was inspired by Michel and clearly intended to invoke this beloved imagery. Nor are the lines between inspiration, invocation, and imitation nearly so bright as Vincent tries to make them. 

Context:
BVG 358, 3/1/1884: "So, what am I to make of what you say about my work -- say, the studies from Drenthe. Some of them are very superficial, and I said as much myself. But why do I get chided for those painted out of doors, quietly, calmly and simply, in which I was trying to express nothing but what I saw? What I get is: aren't you too obsessed with Michel?"
JLB 432, 3/2/1884: "Yes -- what am I supposed to think about what you say about my work? For example, I'll now turn specifically to the studies from Drenthe -- there are some among them that are very superficial, I said that myself -- but what do I get served up for the ones that were simply painted quietly and calmly outdoors, trying to say nothing in them but what I saw? I get in return: aren't you too preoccupied with Michel?" (Emphasis in original.)

389 423. "no good"BVG 363a, 4/1/1884-4/15/1884: A month later, after Vincent sent another painting, he recalled Theo's criticism. The Drenthe painting referred to is almost certainly one of the two that Theo had previously criticized. (See Ch. 21, n. 422.) We have slightly altered the translation. 

Context:
BVG 363a, 4/1/1884-4/15/1884: "Well, and as to the painted study, I said a few words in my previous letter to the effect that I felt discouraged about sending it, because you did not think the one from Drenthe any good, and I do not think this one would please you either."
JLB 442, 3/24/1884: "Well then, I've already dropped you a line about the painted study in a previous letter, that I was discouraged from sending it because if you don't see anything in the ones from Drenthe I don't think you'll like this one either."

424. "if [my work] should not" BVG 360, 2/1/1884. 

Context:
BVG 360, 2/1/1884: "If there should be something in my work that pleases you, I shall feel very happy; and if it should not please you and you should not want to have anything to do with it, then I should not be able to say anything about it."
JLB 422, 1/15/1884: "If there's something in my work that you like, it will give me great pleasure, and if you don't like it and you would want to stay out of it, I can have nothing to say about it."

425. "I want to feel free" BVG 360, 2/1/1884. Emphasis in original. Vincent always asks for honesty in Theo's criticism but can never tolerate it. These contrary needs can be heard in this tortured passage from Drenthe. Basically, Vincent wants a cheerleader: someone who will encourage him in whatever direction he has chosen, not try to alter that direction; someone who will reassure him with a heartfelt "continuez" if he does not succeed, but will not challenge him to change. He doesn't want the challenge of real criticism. He is too fragile for challenges. 

Context:
JLB 422, 1/15/1884: "I do want to be free with you, but at the same time I want you to feel you're equally free with me" (emphasis in original).

426. done nothing to sell it BVG 358, 3/1/1884. 

Context:
JLB 432, 3/2/1884: "Now listen -- when I'd read your letter about the drawings, I immediately sent you a new watercolour of a weaver and five pen drawings. For my part, too, I'll tell you frankly that I think that what you say is true, that my work will have to get much better, but at the same time also that your efforts to do something with it might also be a little more decisive. You have never yet sold a single thing of mine -- not for a lot or a little -- and IN FACT HAVEN'T TRIED TO YET." (Emphasis in original.)

427. "put it away" BVG 358, 3/1/1884. 

Context:
BVG 358, 3/1/1884: "So, frankly, I shall not blame you for telling me candidly that you don't think my work is good enough, or perhaps that there are other reasons why you cannot be bothered with it, but if you put it away in a dark corner somewhere and do not show it, it isn't kind to couple that with the assurance -- which is not accepted -- that you yourself see something in it."
JLB 432, 3/2/1884: "So frankly, I won't take it amiss if you say straight out that you don't think my work is good enough or that there are, moreover, yet other reasons why you can't be bothered with it, but if you leave it in a corner somewhere and you don't show it, this isn't kind if it's accompanied by the assurance -- WHICH IS NOT LIKELY -- that you yourself see something in it." (Emphasis in original.)

428. "not lifted a finger" BVG 362, 3/21/1884. We have slightly altered the translation. 

Context:
BVG 362, 3/21/1884: "Really and truly I am furious that you have been so terribly lax since then -- I am furious for this reason -- it is not because of anything else -- it is because of that damned way you have of saying over and over again, 'Keep on working,' 'have a little patience,' whereas in the meantime you do not lift a finger to see that I get satisfaction out of my work."
JLB 436, 3/10/1884: "Truly, I'm angry because you've been so lax since then, and that's why I'm angry -- it's not about anything else -- it's because of that damned telling me each time 'keep on working', 'have a little more patience', and not lifting a finger to see to it that I get the slightest satisfaction from my work" (emphasis in original).

429. "wretched" BVG 358, 3/1/1884. 

Context:
BVG 358, 3/1/1884: "It's become very clear to me by this time that you couldn't care less about my doings, but while you couldn't care less, I cannot help thinking it is rather wretched of you, and I dread certain things that are bound to occur."
JLB 432, 3/2/1884: "I do understand that you couldn't care less about my doings. But if you couldn't care less, for my part I always find it fairly wretched and rather dread things that will probably crop up."

430. "feathering his own nest" BVG 358, 3/1/1884. Although Vincent couches it in a generalization, the presence of this accusation in the long indictment of JLB 432, 3/2/1884 makes its true target unmistakable. We have slightly altered the translation. 

Context:
BVG 358, 3/1/1884: "I pity dealers when they grow old -- though they may feather their own nest, that isn't any cure-all, at least it won't be by then."
JLB 432, 3/2/1884: "I pity dealers when they get old -- even if they've already made their piles -- that doesn't solve everything -- at least not then."

431. "You couldn't care" BVG 358, 3/1/1884. (904)

Context:
BVG 358, 3/1/1884: "It's become very clear to me by this time that you couldn't care less about my doings, but while you couldn't care less, I cannot help thinking it is rather wretched of you, and I dread certain things that are bound to occur -- namely that people will say, how strange, don't you do any business with your brother or with Goupil?"
JLB 432, 3/2/1884: "I do understand that you couldn't care less about my doings. But if you couldn't care less, for my part I always find it fairly wretched and rather dread things that will probably crop up -- namely that people will ask me: what, don't you do business with your brother or with Goupil?"

432. without oversight or obligation BVG 358, 3/1/1884. 

Context:
JLB 432, 3/2/1884: "Just ask yourself now if I'm alone among those in the same profession who would most definitely turn down patronage if it entails obligations to maintain some sort of position while the money wasn't enough to be able to do it, so that one gets into debt rather than make progress. If it could be done on the money, I might perhaps not refuse to bend, any more than others do. But we're certainly not that far at present -- I have a stretch of years in front of me, as you say yourself, when my work will have very little commercial value. Very well -- THEN I WOULD RATHER FALL INTO THE HANDS OF MUDDLING ALONG and of living through hard times -- which I've done more than once -- than into the hands of Messrs Van Gogh." (Emphasis in original.)

433. "tugging at the purse" BVG 358, 3/1/1884. We have slightly altered the translation. 

Context:
BVG 358, 3/1/1884: "And although you say you leave me completely free, it seems to me that ultimately, for example, if I keep company with a woman of whom you and others do not approve, perhaps rightly, though sometimes I don't give a damn about that, there is a small tug at the purse strings to make me feel that it is 'in my own interests' to defer to your opinion."
JLB 432, 3/2/1884: "And although you say you give me a completely free hand, it seemed to me, at bottom, that if I do this or that with a woman, for instance, that you and others don't approve of (perhaps rightly disapprove of, but sometimes I don't give a damn about that), there comes one of those little tugs on the purse-strings just to make me feel that it's 'in my interest' to go along with your opinion" (emphasis in original).

434. "knuckle under" BVG 358, 3/1/1884. In addition to the accusation that Theo has been attempting to force Vincent to "bend," this passage contains the clearest statement yet of perhaps the most astonishing contrary subtheme in the long rant of JLB 432, 3/2/1884: that Vincent's real complaint is not that Theo has interfered, it is that he has not given Vincent enough money to justify his interference. The clear implication here and elsewhere is that Vincent would be willing to knuckle under -- live however Theo and their parents preferred him to live -- if they gave him enough money to make it worth his while. Discussing the possibility that he might become involved with another woman of the "lower orders," and that the family might again oppose their relationship, Vincent allows that the "opposition that you people could only carry through with any semblance of fairness if I received so much from you that I could do something different" (JLB 432, 3/2/1884; emphasis in original). This mercenary willingness stands in the starkest possible contrast to Vincent's repeated and elaborate claims to emotional, philosophical, and artistic justification for his repudiation of Theo; and suggests that these hyperventilating arguments and dramatic threats were -- to the extent they reflect a coherent thought process -- employed for their coercive value. 

Context:
BVG 358, 3/1/1884: "Could it be done on the money, I might perhaps knuckle under like so many others. But we have certainly not reached that point yet -- as you said yourself, I still have a good many years to get through during which my work will have precious little commercial value."
JLB 432, 3/2/1884: "If it could be done on the money, I might perhaps not refuse to bend, any more than others do. But we're certainly not that far at present -- I have a stretch of years in front of me, as you say yourself, when my work will have very little commercial value."

435. "a wife ... a child" BVG 358, 3/1/1884. Emphasis in original. The first part of this passage is often quoted: "You can't give me a wife, you can't give me a child, you can't give me work. Money -- yes. But what good is it to me if I have to do without the rest?" (JLB 432, 3/2/1884; emphasis in original.) However, the passage is usually stripped from the context of Vincent's larger and longer battle with Theo, thus making it sound plaintive and poetic rather than vituperative and unfair, which it certainly is. To preserve the desired effect, the remainder of the passage is often omitted: "It remains sterile because of it, your money, because it's not used the way I've always told you -- a labourer's household if need be, but if one doesn't make sure that one has a home of one's own, art doesn't thrive" (ibid.). Vincent's real complaint -- which he repeated often -- was that Theo did not allow him absolute control over the money that Theo sent him. It is not an eschewal of the value of cash (i.e., there are some things money can't buy), it is a demand for control of the cash, which is a surrogate for control in the relationship with Theo. Vincent argues vehemently, here and elsewhere, that enough money can buy happiness -- and, indeed, would have bought him happiness in The Hague, if Theo had provided it. 

Context:
BVG 358, 3/1/1884: "Just think it over, my dear fellow -- I do not hide my innermost thoughts from you -- I weigh the pros and cons on both sides. A wife you cannot give me, a child you cannot give me, work you cannot give me. Money, yes -- but what good is it to me? If I have to forgo the rest, your money remains sterile, because it is not used in the way I have always told you it should be -- a working man's household if needs be, but if one doesn't make sure of having a home of one's own, then art cannot flourish."
JLB 432, 3/2/1884: "Think about it, old chap -- I'm not hiding my deepest feelings from you -- I'm weighing up both one side and the other. You can't give me a wife, you can't give me a child, you can't give me work. Money -- yes. But what good is it to me if I have to do without the rest? It remains sterile because of it, your money, because it's not used the way I've always told you -- a labourer's household if need be, but if one doesn't make sure that one has a home of one's own, art doesn't thrive."

436. What a fool BVG 358, 3/1/1884. 

Context:
JLB 432, 3/2/1884: "I found the idea that our relationship might not last almost unbearable at first. And I so very much wished that it had been simple to change things. However I can't always keep on fooling myself that this can be done against the grain. The depression about it has thus been one of the reasons I wrote to you so assertively from Drenthe, become a painter yet. Which cooled off immediately when I saw that your dissatisfaction about business matters vanished when you were on better terms with Goupil again. At first I thought it was only half sincere -- then later, and now, still, I think it very understandable and think it more a mistake on my part that I wrote to you, become a painter, than on yours that you resumed your affairs with enthusiasm when they became more possible to resume and the machinations making it impossible for you ceased."

437. meaningless encouragements BVG 358, 3/1/1884. 

Context:
JLB 432, 3/2/1884: "So frankly, I won't take it amiss if you say straight out that you don't think my work is good enough or that there are, moreover, yet other reasons why you can't be bothered with it, but if you leave it in a corner somewhere and you don't show it, this isn't kind if it's accompanied by the assurance -- WHICH IS NOT LIKELY -- that you yourself see something in it. I don't believe that -- you mean practically none of it. And precisely because you say yourself that you know my work better than anyone else, I may assume that you must think very badly of it indeed if you don't want to soil your hands with it. Why should I force myself on you?" (Emphasis in original.)

438. "soil his hands"BVG 358, 3/1/1884. (See Ch. 21, n. 437.) We have slightly altered the translation. 

Context:
BVG 358, 3/1/1884: "And from the very fact that you yourself say that you know my work better than anyone else, I am entitled to conclude that you must have a very poor opinion of it indeed if you won't soil your hands with it."
JLB 432, 3/2/1884: "And precisely because you say yourself that you know my work better than anyone else, I may assume that you must think very badly of it indeed if you don't want to soil your hands with it."

439. "manly action" BVG 362, 3/21/1884. 

Context:
BVG 362, 3/21/1884: "Look here, this will not do. In your letter you speak about an 'amour traînant' [flagging love] and that when you had to face that question, you finally broke it off. Well, this as at least a manly action."
JLB 436, 3/10/1884: "Well -- but that simply won't do. What I get from your letter is this -- you talk about a 'flagging love', and say that when you were faced with this question, you eventually broke it off. Well, at least this is something manly."

440. "wretched business" BVG 358, 3/1/1884. 

Context:
BVG 358, 3/1/1884: "But being permanently in a false position is a wretched business for me."
JLB 432, 3/2/1884: "And this is very understandable. Well, it's very wretched for me always being in a false position."

441. brotherhood had degenerated BVG 358, 3/1/1884. Later, he puts the point even more sharply: "For myself I know that, precisely because we started out as friends and with respect on both sides -- for myself I know that I won't tolerate its degenerating into patronage. I don't choose to become your protégé, Theo. Why? Because. And this is what it's threatening more and more to come down to." (JLB 436, 3/10/1884; emphasis in original.) 

Context:
BVG 358, 3/1/1884: "The fact is that I see more good in the most miserable, most wretched drudgery than in patronage, into which matters are degenerating."
JLB 432, 3/2/1884: "It's a matter of my seeing more benefit in even the poorest, most wretched muddling along than in patronage (which it's degenerating into)" (emphasis in original).

442. "It is perfectly" BVG 358, 3/1/1884. 

Context:
BVG 358, 3/1/1884: "I am no better than the next man, inasmuch as I have my needs and desires as everybody else, and it is perfectly natural to kick when one knows for certain that one is being kept dangling, being kept in the dark. If one goes from bad to worse -- which is not impossible in my case -- what difference does that make?"
JLB 432, 3/2/1884: "I'm no better than anyone else, in so far as I have my needs and desires like everyone, and it's very understandable that one reacts knowing for sure that one is really being kept dangling, in the dark. If one goes from bad to worse -- this wouldn't be impossible in my case -- what would it matter?"

443. "I cannot leave" BVG 358, 3/1/1884. 

Context:
BVG 358, 3/1/1884: "Anyway, seeing that you may already be planning to come here in the spring, I am not going to insist that you make a final decision immediately, but I must tell you that as far as I am concerned, I cannot leave matters as they are."
JLB 432, 3/2/1884: "Well, because you probably plan to come as early as the spring I don't insist that you make a final decision immediately, but realize that I can't accept it as it is now …"

444. "I have resolved" BVG 358, 3/1/1884: Just as in Drenthe, when he framed his ultimatum as a self-sacrifice, here Vincent tries to portray the threat of separation as an act of brotherly love. In short, Vincent argues, he must end the relationship in order to save it. 

Context:
BVG 358, 3/1/1884: "It would be wrong to carry on, since -- if we did -- we should most probably have a violent quarrel in a few years' time, and it might end in hatred. I have found peace of mind now that I have resolved on a separation, because I am convinced that if we went on as before, we should later become of a hindrance to each other rather than a help."
JLB 432, 3/2/1884: "I would do wrong to carry on -- since -- if we carried on -- a few years later we'd most probably have a serious quarrel that could end in hatred. I've found calm now that I've resolved on separation, and am convinced that later on, if we went on, we'd be more likely to put a spoke in each other's wheels than help." (Emphasis in original.)

445. rejecting Theo's verdict BVG 358, 3/1/1884. 

Context:
JLB 432, 3/2/1884: "You'll tell me that I'll be treated by other dealers exactly the same as by you, except that, although you can't be bothered with my work, you furnish me with money anyway, and other dealers certainly won't do that, and without money I'll become completely stuck. I say in reply that things aren't as clear-cut as that in real life, and that I'll see how far I get living from day to day."

446. develop new contacts BVG 358, 3/1/1884. 

Context:
JLB 432, 3/2/1884: "But accepting everything, though, will be regretted later -- so -- one has to act. Working here and seeking a new connection is the way forward -- unfortunately money is needed for both, and the prospect of a breakthrough is poor."

447. exhibit his work BVG R43, 3/15/1884-3/31/1884. 

Context:
JLB 439, 3/18/1884: "I have to tell you that, rather than wanting to hide the candle under the bed instead of putting it in a candlestick, I wish there were more and better opportunities than exhibitions to bring art to the people" (emphasis in original).

448. Antwerp to find buyers BVG 358, 3/1/1884: Vincent follows this immediately with the report of framing some of his Drenthe studies, indicating that this procedure was probably in preparation for a planned Antwerp sales trip. 

Context:
JLB 432, 3/2/1884: "Well, I may perhaps try to sell something in Antwerp, and I'd like to put a couple of those selfsame Drenthe studies in black wooden frames -- which I'm looking for at a carpenter's here -- I prefer to see my work in a deep black frame, and he makes them cheaply enough."

449. Rappard had discussed it BVG 358, 3/1/1884. 

Context:
JLB 432, 3/2/1884: "Rappard said, don't go to Antwerp before you're sure you'll find something there -- but how can one know beforehand what one will encounter? And if I keep my studio on here as a refuge, then now is the time to begin. It will be there, though, so for the time being it's certainly not my plan to leave these parts altogether" (emphasis in original).

450. he would even move there BVG 358, 3/1/1884: Vincent reports a conversation with Van Rappard (presumably during Vincent's visit to Utrecht at Christmastime 1883) in which the possibility of moving to Antwerp was clearly raised. Despite Van Rappard's caution, Vincent continues to entertain the idea. In fact, he ultimately does move to Antwerp in November of the following year, 1885. 

Context:
JLB 432, 3/2/1884: "Rappard said, don't go to Antwerp before you're sure you'll find something there -- but how can one know beforehand what one will encounter? And if I keep my studio on here as a refuge, then now is the time to begin. It will be there, though, so for the time being it's certainly not my plan to leave these parts altogether." (Emphasis in original.)

451. renewing his relations at Goupil BVG 362, 3/21/1884: This is such a strange idea that it is hard to credit it as serious, except that it has a kind of delusional logic. In fact, Vincent's most serious problems at Goupil occurred at the Paris branch, not during his six years working in The Hague. What is not at all clear is how he imagined he could reach a rapprochement with the implacable gérant Tersteeg; or how he could justify such a course after his recent apocalyptic denunciations of art dealers in general and Goupil in particular. 

Context:
BVG 362, 3/21/1884: "And to tell you the truth, I have repeatedly thought that things would become impossible between you and me unless I could renew some relation, however slight, with Goupil & Co. -- Goupil & Co., toward whom after all I have never misbehaved myself, except that during six long years I worked for them to the best of my ability. Which was most certainly a serious misdemeanour on my part, and surely a sufficient reason for hating each other, hein? -- such is commerce after all."
JLB 436, 3/10/1884: "And to tell you the truth, I've already often thought that the situation between you and me would become intolerable unless I could renew some sort of relationship, albeit slight, with G&Cie -- G&Cie to whom, after all, I've done nothing wrong other than working for them for 6 years to the best of my ability. Which is obviously a great crime on my part and quite enough to hate each other accordingly, eh? That's business, after all." (Emphasis in original.)

452. "After all"BVG 362, 3/21/1884. (See Ch. 21, n. 451.) We have slightly altered the translation. 

Context:
BVG 362, 3/21/1884: "And to tell you the truth, I have repeatedly thought that things would become impossible between you and me unless I could renew some relation, however slight, with Goupil & Co. -- Goupil & Co., toward whom after all I have never misbehaved myself, except that during six long years I worked for them to the best of my ability. Which was most certainly a serious misdemeanour on my part, and surely a sufficient reason for hating each other, hein? -- such is commerce after all."
JLB 436, 3/10/1884: "And to tell you the truth, I've already often thought that the situation between you and me would become intolerable unless I could renew some sort of relationship, albeit slight, with G&Cie -- G&Cie to whom, after all, I've done nothing wrong other than working for them for 6 years to the best of my ability. Which is obviously a great crime on my part and quite enough to hate each other accordingly, eh? That's business, after all." (Emphasis in original.)

390 453. build some frames BVG 358, 3/1/1884. 

Context:
JLB 432, 3/2/1884: "Well, I may perhaps try to sell something in Antwerp, and I'd like to put a couple of those selfsame Drenthe studies in black wooden frames -- which I'm looking for at a carpenter's here -- I prefer to see my work in a deep black frame, and he makes them cheaply enough."

454. for selling them BVG 358, 3/1/1884. 

Context:
JLB 432, 3/2/1884: "Well, I may perhaps try to sell something in Antwerp, and I'd like to put a couple of those selfsame Drenthe studies in black wooden frames -- which I'm looking for at a carpenter's here -- I prefer to see my work in a deep black frame, and he makes them cheaply enough."

455. he thought they looked best BVG 358, 3/1/1884. 

Context:
JLB 432, 3/2/1884: "Well, I may perhaps try to sell something in Antwerp, and I'd like to put a couple of those selfsame Drenthe studies in black wooden frames -- which I'm looking for at a carpenter's here -- I prefer to see my work in a deep black frame, and he makes them cheaply enough."

456. some Drenthe studies BVG 358, 3/1/1884: Vincent specifically references Theo's criticism of these works when he designates them for frame. 

Context:
JLB 432, 3/2/1884: "Well, I may perhaps try to sell something in Antwerp, and I'd like to put a couple of those selfsame Drenthe studies in black wooden frames -- which I'm looking for at a carpenter's here -- I prefer to see my work in a deep black frame, and he makes them cheaply enough."

457. best of his recent drawings BVG R44, 3/10/1884-3/20/1884: The Pollard Birches (F 1240 JH 469), Avenue of Poplars (F 1239 JH 464), Behind the Hedgerows (F 1129 JH 461), The Kingfisher (F 1135 JH 468), and Winter Garden (F 1130 JH 465). There is no surviving work that corresponds to Vincent's description of "in the marsh" (JLB 437, 3/13/1884). 

Context:
JLB 437, 3/13/1884: "Well, it pleases me that you like my little winter garden. This garden set me so to dreaming, and I've since made another of the same subject, also with a little black apparition, I'm sending you that one too, and a few others, sepia sketch, in the marsh -- pen drawing, Pollard birches -- Avenue of poplars -- Behind the hedgerows -- The kingfisher and Winter garden."

458. "show them to people"BVG R44, 3/10/1884-3/20/1884: In order to preserve the impression that he is supported by his family (as Van Rappard is) and that he remains on good terms with his brother, Vincent is at great pains to make this request sound as casual as possible. (For more, see Ch. 21, n. 451.) Vincent's approach to Van Rappard at this time may not have come entirely uninvited. In June 1883, Vincent reported a conversation in which Van Rappard offered to act as an intermediary to a potential buyer of Vincent's work named Lantsheer (JLB 356, 6/22/1883). Van Heugten reads this as a precedent for the approach in March 1884, but the earlier offer is vague even in Vincent's telling, and Lantsheer was, according to Vincent, "uncle of Rappard or something like that" to Van Rappard (Van Heugten, p. 9). Van Rappard's offer, if it was made at all, was probably a very specific and limited offer, more in the nature of a courtesy. 

Context:
BVG R44, 3/10/1884-3/20/1884: "And if I ask you to show them to people as the opportunity arises, I repeat, I do this because it is not altogether impossible that you will be able to bring me into contact with such an art lover. If it does not happen, well, then it doesn't; but, inasmuch as my life is getting more difficult instead of easier, it is my bounden duty to look for opportunities to hunt up chances to sell my work."
JLB 437, 3/13/1884: "And if I ask you to show them to people you may meet it's because, once again, it isn't entirely impossible sometime that you might be able to provide me with such an art lover. If this doesn't happen, well and good -- but for me, on account of my life getting more difficult rather than easier, it's a duty to seek opportunities, track down chances to place my work." (Emphasis in original.)

459. another batch of weavers BVG 358, 3/1/1884. In the next letter, Vincent writes: "One of these days I'll send you another new pen drawing of a weaver -- larger than the 5 others" (JLB 434, 3/5/1884-3/9/1884); and he warns Theo not to return the weavers he sent with JLB 432, 3/2/1884: "It would disappoint me a bit to get these little weavers back" (JLB 434, 3/5/1884-3/9/1884). In the second letter, written during a brief respite in his anger, Vincent tries to persuade Theo to "buy" the weavers for himself, if he can't find buyers for them: "I'd think this is an article that perhaps you could take for yourself, in order to bring together a number of pen drawings of Brabant artisans, with this as the start" (JLB 434, 3/5/1884-3/9/1884). This passage has led to a general presumption in the literature that Vincent embarked around this time on a new series of "Brabant artisans" of which the weavers was the first. There is no other convincing evidence for this ambition, and there is a distinct possibility that he intended this reference, as he intended many of the things he wrote to Theo in March 1884, caustically or mockingly. 

Context:
JLB 432, 3/2/1884: "As far as saleability and unsaleability are concerned, that's an old file I don't intend to blunt my teeth on. Well, you see that my answer is that I send some new ones -- and I'll very willingly go on doing so -- Id like nothing better than that. Only you must be totally frank for once -- which is what I'd prefer -- as to whether you think you'll bother yourself with them in the future, or whether your dignity won't permit it. Leaving aside the past -- I'm facing the future, and not counting what you think of them, I fully intend to try to do something with them."

460. daring his brother BVG 358, 3/1/1884: By sending yet more works accompanied by such a coruscating letter, Vincent must have intended an act of defiance. The passage in which he "invites" Theo's opinion of them seems steeped in sarcasm (see context). If this letter proved one thing to Theo, it was that Vincent could not tolerate "total frankness" (JLB 432, 3/2/1884). 

Context:
JLB 432, 3/2/1884: "As far as saleability and unsaleability are concerned, that's an old file I don't intend to blunt my teeth on. Well, you see that my answer is that I send some new ones -- and I'll very willingly go on doing so -- Id like nothing better than that. Only you must be totally frank for once -- which is what I'd prefer -- as to whether you think you'll bother yourself with them in the future, or whether your dignity won't permit it."

461. torment of second thoughtsSee Ch. 21, n. 463 462. "unsay"See Ch. 21, n. 463 463. "You see it is not" BVG 359, 3/9/1884: Vincent acts as if the previous letter had not happened. One way he does this is to fill this letter with shop talk: pricing strategy, for instance. He proposes putting a low price on his drawings so that Theo can sell them together, as a group, rather than individually. Then he adds nonchalantly: "However, for my part I'll go along with what you think best in this regard." The reversal in tone between these two letters, JLB 432 and JLB 434, only a week apart, is so startling that it may be evidence that the first of them was the result of a psychotic episode. It is also true, however, that Vincent resumes his furious tirade at the end of the month (JLB 436, 3/10/1884 ), and that the intervening mild letters (JLB 434, 3/5/1884 - 3/9/1884; JLB 420, 1/6/1884-1/13/1884) appear to have a specific agenda: ensuring that Theo continues his payments through the end of March, and that thereafter he will continue to send money to their father to help pay for Vincent's living expenses at home (an arrangement almost indistinguishable from the existing one). "After March we are free on both sides. But if you could still give Pa some contribution for a while, because I don't want to be too much of a burden, that would be wise and good in my view." (JLB 420, 1/6/1884-1/13/1884; emphasis added.)

Indeed, it appears that Vincent's purpose in these letters is specifically to withdraw from his threat of separation -- without having to directly admit doing so. One can hear his muddled agenda in passages like this: "Only be aware that I definitely mean it, facing the fact that we evidently couldn't remain sufficiently in agreement were we to go on any further, I'll try not to accept any more favours in the form of money from you, since they can't leave me completely free in my approach to life. ... You mustn't take this to mean that I want nothing to do with you any more, the opposite is true -- you're a dealer. Very well, if I make something saleable in your view, I would even rather sell it to you than to someone else, but it must be an arrangement such that my position doesn't become false as a result, so I really do want a sale in the literal sense." (ibid.; emphasis added.) This constitutes essentially a reprise of the arguments in the earlier, angry letter minus the absolute separation and the vow to stop taking Theo's money. So Vincent is trying, yet again, to construct a scenario in which he can have both the money and the independence.

Vincent's effort in JLB 434 to backtrack and smooth over the rift created by JLB 432 is upset almost immediately by Theo's suggestion that perhaps Vincent wrote "in haste" (i.e., rashly) (reported in JLB 420, 1/6/1884-1/13/1884). Even this surprisingly mild rebuke sends Vincent back into an aggressive defense of his original position: "But -- this is what I want, and what you would approve of my wanting. I must take measures such that I have what I have. I mean that I can only accept that money that I can do with as I see fit without having to ask anyone's opinion." (JLB 420, 1/6/1884-1/13/1884; emphasis in original.) He even restates his ultimatum: "But where there's too much difference in views, where there's too little understanding each other, an arrangement such as the one agreed between you and me isn't viable or wise. Supposing that, after all, both your character and mine want to avoid disorder or commotions, then we'll break it off quietly and calmly -- but definitely in such a way that neither you nor I can be criticized for folly or rashness." (ibid.) It is probably in response to this refreshed ultimatum that Theo withholds the next payment to Vincent, triggering the final round in this, the brothers' bitterest fight. 

Context:
BVG 359, 3/9/1884: "And you see it is not my aim to break off relations with you; I only wanted to point out that it seemed necessary to me that, when I send the pen drawings, you at least show them to somebody."
JLB 434, 3/5/1884-3/9/1884: "And you see that it isn't my endeavour to break off business with you -- only, I've pointed out to you that it occurred to me that it might be useful to show the drawings as I send them."

464. retaliated by delaying Whether Theo withheld the March 20 payment as a slap on the wrist (or a yank on the chain), there is no doubt Vincent took it that way: "One of the things (there are still more in that genre) about which I say 'that simply won't do' is that now, when you send me money, you send me 1/3 and say, 'I can actually send the rest too, but it suits me better to do it at the end of the month if it doesn't inconvenience you' -- or something of the kind. So, do you still have to ask that, whether or not it's convenient to me?" (JLB 436, 3/10/1884.) Vincent claims that he has committed himself to pay some important bills with the money withheld: "I promised to pay various things off on 1 March that I owed when I came here, now having to wait till the end of the month again -- whether that's exactly a stroke of luck for me -- you must just think about that for yourself" (ibid.). But this is probably mostly rhetoric to mask the real injury. Only a month before, he reported to Theo that he had paid off all his old bills (JLB 422, 1/15/1884). If this was true, no bill could have been too pressing. Nor has Vincent ever been reluctant in the past to put creditors off when it suited him. A week later, when the payment still has not arrived, Vincent is absolutely convinced he is being punished and he lashes out in retaliation: "It surprised me a little that I haven't heard from you. Because you write: 'if it isn't convenient for you to wait, write to me by return.' Very well, I wrote back to you that as far as being convenient to wait longer, it indeed certainly wasn't -- but I got a less direct response to that." (JLB 438, 3/15/1884 - 3/19/1884.) He dismisses the excuse (perhaps advanced by Theo) that the delay was caused by financial difficulties in Paris, attributing it entirely to "our friendship was really beginning to flag," "coldness," and "slackening" on Theo's part (ibid.).  465. his rage redoubled BVG 363a, 4/1/1884-4/15/1884. 

Context:
JLB 442, 3/24/1884: "If you'd written again then, I'm sorry but I haven't got it, I shouldn't have had to get ideas into my head that you're deliberately being lax in order to make my life a bit more difficult. And -- when you haven't got it, I can't take it amiss -- when you ignore -- deliberately or not deliberately -- that's something that I really wish you could cure yourself of, and something about which one really has to get angry." (Emphasis in original.)

466. "You commit this negligence" BVG 363a, 4/1/1884-4/15/1884. 

Context:
BVG 363a, 4/1/1884-4/15/1884: "If you had written at the time, I am sorry, but I haven't got it, I should not have tortured my brain with thoughts such as that you commit this negligence on purpose in order to make life a little more difficult for me."
JLB 440, 3/20/1884: "If you'd written again then, I'm sorry but I haven't got it, I shouldn't have had to get ideas into my head that you're deliberately being lax in order to make my life a bit more difficult" (emphasis in original).

467. bitter, helpless language BVG 362, 3/21/1884: Of all Vincent's complaints against his brother, one is probably the most irrational -- and most illustrative of the incurable depth of the injury Theo has done him. In offering again to accept Theo's money, Vincent poses this condition: "that in the meantime my life wasn't too lonely and wretched, my position not too false, but I could resign myself to the present with a feeling of freedom" (JLB 436, 3/10/1884). In comparing this ideal state to his actual state, Vincent lodges a further complaint against his brother: "You're doing absolutely nothing to give me a bit of distraction, which I sometimes need so much, by meeting people and seeing things now and again" (ibid.). That Vincent holds his brother accountable for his loneliness, isolation, and boredom in Nuenen suggests that the underlying grievance will not and cannot be ameliorated with money, no matter how much. 

Context:
JLB 436, 3/10/1884: "On one condition, though -- that in the meantime my life wasn't too lonely and wretched, my position not too false, but I could resign myself to the present with a feeling of freedom -- I wouldn't even mind waiting a very long time before my work was shown. But how do things stand at present? You're doing absolutely nothing to give me a bit of distraction, which I sometimes need so much, by meeting people and seeing things now and again."

468. a frustrated child There are a number of examples in the letters from late March of Vincent's language regressing to childhood. "I don't choose to become your protégé, Theo. Why? Because!" (JLB 436, 3/10/1884.) "[I]t would be stupid to carry on in this way. STUPID. … I think that what you say about my work is silly … I think it's silly." (ibid.; emphasis in original.) It may also be a petulant act that Vincent omits the traditional "with a handshake" closing in some of these letters.  469. injuries of the past year BVG 362, 3/21/1884. 

Context:
JLB 436, 3/10/1884: "It's been like this for the best part of a year, and now the reaction is that I say: this way will lead to nothing whatsoever -- neither for you nor for me, and it would be stupid to carry on in this way. Stupid." (Emphasis in original.)

470. and long before that BVG 362, 3/21/1884: In very general language (avoiding any mention of Sien), Vincent invokes all the injustices visited on him in The Hague, and blames Theo for not intervening more decisively to prevent or ameliorate them (see context). 

Context:
JLB 436, 3/10/1884: "But you were too high and mighty to take the slightest notice not only of my work but also of everything else I've told you, namely that what happened to me in The Hague in the last few years could and ought to have been redressed at the time."

471. "high and mighty" BVG 362, 3/21/1884. 

Context:
BVG 362, 3/21/1884: "But you were too high and mighty to take the slightest notice not only of my work but also of what I told you about what happened to me during these last years in The Hague, which might and should have been redressed."
JLB 436, 3/10/1884: "But you were too high and mighty to take the slightest notice not only of my work but also of everything else I've told you, namely that what happened to me in The Hague in the last few years could and ought to have been redressed at the time."

472. gérant had tortured him BVG 363a, 4/1/1884-4/15/1884: Vincent writes this referring to the missing payment in March. 

Context:
JLB 440, 3/20/1884: "If you'd written again then, I'm sorry but I haven't got it, I shouldn't have had to get ideas into my head that you're deliberately being lax in order to make my life a bit more difficult" (emphasis in original).

473. "conceited" BVG 363, 3/26/1884. 

Context:
BVG 363, 3/26/1884: "If you want to think this conceited of me -- well, that's your own business -- but for myself I think you conceited where there is no occasion for it."
JLB 438, 3/15/1884 - 3/19/1884: "If you want to think this pedantic of me -- that's up to you -- but I think you yourself rather pedantic here, where it isn't appropriate."

474. "dear little Van Goghish tricks" BVG 362, 3/21/1884. 

Context:
BVG 362, 3/21/1884: "This is such a dear little Van Goghish trick, such a nice bit of self-righteousness; for my part I shall not grudge you it if it means something to you."
JLB 436, 3/10/1884: "That's such a mean Van Goghish trick, such a bit of self-righteousness, that you can have with great pleasure if you're attached to it."

475. "silly, insipid" BVG 362, 3/21/1884. We have slightly altered the translation. 

Context:
BVG 362, 3/21/1884: "What you say about my work is silly -- I call it silly when you tell me how the Salon's jury would judge my work when I never said a syllable about sending it to the Salon -- I think it silly and insipid … "
JLB 436, 3/10/1884: "I think that what you say about my work is silly on two counts -- I think it's silly of you to give your opinion of how the Salon jury would judge my work when I've never uttered a syllable to you about sending anything to the Salon. I think it's silly …" (Emphasis in original.)

476. Vincent could not suffer BVG 362, 3/21/1884: Vincent writes this referring to Theo's explanation for why he had to delay the payment in March. 

Context:
JLB 436, 3/10/1884: "Speaking of brotherly, are these things part of brotherliness? And -- how can I find something like you write: SO just have a little more patience, anything but insufferable?"

477. "narrow-mindedness" BVG 362, 3/21/1884: After rejecting Theo's criticisms of his art as "silly," Vincent picks a surrogate battle over the relative merits of two artists, Millet and [Léon] Lhermitte. Theo has, apparently, criticized Lhermitte -- or at least failed to show appropriate enthusiasm. In the circumstances, Vincent clearly intends this artistic discourse (and criticism of Theo) to reflect on the larger and more immediate dispute between the brothers. We have combined elements of both translations. 

Context:
BVG 362, 3/21/1884: "If you do not care so much for Lhermitte any more, I tell you that the fault lies with you. I agree with you that I rate Millet perhaps even higher, but damn! To see so many things of Lhermitte's as you do, and not to be sufficiently impressed, to forget all comparisons -- I call that narrow-minded."
JLB 436, 3/10/1884: "To what you say about not liking Lhermitte so much any more, I say that the fault lies with you. I think perhaps, as you do, that Millet ranks even higher, but by Jove -- if, as you do, one sees a lot by Lhermitte yet isn't sufficiently carried away by it not to think of comparisons, in my view it betrays a certain small-mindedness."

478. "self-righteousness" BVG 362, 3/21/1884: This attack on Theo is perhaps the most egregious example of hypocrisy (or, to be fair, delusion) in the entire correspondence. No one, of course, uses the "Van Goghish tricks" of indirection and implication more brazenly than Vincent (JLB 436, 3/10/1884). Indeed, the argument that Theo is responsible for the brothers' "splitting up" is, itself, a Van Goghish trick of the first order. 

Context:
BVG 362, 3/21/1884: "When I read over the letters you've sent me recently, I see in them that you exert yourself to make it look as though I am the one to blame if we part company. This is such a dear little Van Goghish trick, such a nice bit of self-righteousness; for my part I shall not grudge you it if it means something to you."
JLB 436, 3/10/1884: "When I read your recent letters, what I see from them is that you're contriving to make it seem that the whole thing is my fault if we split up. That's such a mean Van Goghish trick, such a bit of self-righteousness, that you can have with great pleasure if you're attached to it."

479. Theo had become their father BVG 362, 3/21/1884. In condemning Theo for attempting to shift the blame for their break to him, Vincent calls that "such a bit of self-righteousness" and adds "Pa would do the same" (JLB 436, 3/10/1884). Vincent had laid the groundwork for this bitter accusation in the form of a warning in a letter only a few weeks before: "I don't want to get into a second series of quarrels with Pa II like I've had with pa I. You would be pa II. One is enough." (JLB 474, 12/10/1884; emphasis in original.) 

Context:
JLB 436, 3/10/1884: "When I read your recent letters, what I see from them is that you're contriving to make it seem that the whole thing is my fault if we split up. That's such a mean Van Goghish trick, such a bit of self-righteousness, that you can have with great pleasure if you're attached to it. Pa would do the same -- I know for myself how I've felt for the last year and what thoughts I have about our friendship. As it now is, intolerable." (Emphasis in original.)

480. grown absolutely unbearableBVG 362, 3/21/1884: This is Vincent's summary after drawing the parallel between Theo and their father (see Ch. 21, n. 479). 

Context:
BVG 362, 3/21/1884: "I know for myself what I have felt during the past year, and what my thoughts are about our friendship -- as it is now -- unbearable."
JLB 436, 3/10/1884: "I know for myself how I've felt for the last year and what thoughts I have about our friendship. As it now is, intolerable." (Emphasis in original.)

481. "It would be stupid" BVG 362, 3/21/1884; emphasis in original. In fact, Vincent underscores extensively in the original: "op die manier leidt het tot glad niets -- noch voor u noch voor mij en het zou bête zign op die manier voort te gaan. Bête." ([T]his way will lead to nothing whatsoever -- neither for you nor for me, and it would be stupid to carry on in this way. Stupid.) (JLB 436, 3/10/1884.) It is interesting that Vincent uses the French word "bête" -- a word that connotes the bestial dullness of a simpleton, not reckless foolishness. We have repeated the emphasis used in the first instance of the word "stupid" in the second instance. 

Context:
BVG 362, 3/21/1884: "It has already been this way for more than a year, and now the reaction is that I say, None of it's of any use this way -- neither for you nor for me, and it would be stupid to go on in this way, stupid!"
JLB 436, 3/10/1884: "It's been like this for the best part of a year, and now the reaction is that I say: this way will lead to nothing whatsoever -- neither for you nor for me, and it would be stupid to carry on in this way. Stupid." (Emphasis in original.)

482. send him all his workBVG 364, 4/1/1884: This term immediately became the source of controversy. (See Ch. 21, n. 493.) Theo apparently noted that Vincent had not honored previous, informal agreements that all of Vincent's work would belong to Theo, or even that he would send Theo examples of his work on a regular basis. Perhaps because the accusation rang so true, Vincent responds angrily: "I have still not withdrawn my proposal for a regular supply of work" (JLB 442, 3/24/1884; emphasis in original). Indeed, as far as is known, he never "withdrew" the proposal; he just never honored it. 

Context:
JLB 440, 3/20/1884: "Naturally I'll send you work every month. That work, as you say, is then your property -- and I completely agree with you that in that case you have every right to do nothing with it -- indeed, I wouldn't even be in a position to object if you thought fit to tear it up."

483. "tear it to pieces" BVG 364, 4/1/1884. 

Context:
BVG 364, 4/1/1884: "As you say, that work will be your property then, and I perfectly agree with you that you have every right to do anything with it; even I couldn't make any objection if you should want to tear it to pieces."
JLB 440, 3/20/1884: "That work, as you say, is then your property -- and I completely agree with you that in that case you have every right to do nothing with it -- indeed, I wouldn't even be in a position to object if you thought fit to tear it up."

484. brother had bought his work BVG 364, 4/1/1884. (879)

Context:
JLB 440, 3/20/1884: "Even if it pleases you to tear my work up or if you want to do nothing with it, or if you want to do something with it, I no longer have the right to criticize as soon as, for my part, I may regard it as a purchase" (emphasis in original).

485. "earned" BVG 364, 4/1/1884. So critical was this term to the deal that Vincent reconfirmed it again only a few days later: "I approve of us coming to an agreement that you will send me drawings monthly which you can consider as the equivalent of the 150 francs that I usually send you, so that you can consider this money as money earned" (JLB 442, 3/24/1884; emphasis added). 

Context:
BVG 364, 4/1/1884: "In short, to avoid further discussion or quarreling, in order to have some answer when those leading ordinary lives accuse me of being without any 'source of income,' I want to consider the money I receive from you as money I have earned."
JLB 440, 3/20/1884: "For my part I simply wish -- in order to avoid correspondence, dispute -- in order to be able to say something when one is railed at in daily life by one person or another as being 'without means of support' -- that if I continue to receive the usual from you, I may regard it as money that I've earned" (emphasis in original).

486. "that way I have something" BVG 364, 4/1/1884: We have slightly altered the translation. 

Context:
BVG 364, 4/1/1884: "If I receive money from you and you receive drawings or paintings from me, and if I have something to justify myself in the eyes of the world, though we might have nothing else in common, though we should write and speak about nothing, even then I feel satisfied for the moment, and I agree to it completely."
JLB 440, 3/20/1884: "If I receive money from you, you drawings or paintings from me -- and I have something to justify myself in the view of society and we otherwise have nothing in common with each other, if need be -- don't write or talk about anything -- even then it's enough for me for the moment and I accept it completely."

487. impose no conditions BVG 363a, 4/1/1884-4/15/1884: Vincent uses an interesting conceit to explain this part of the arrangement with Theo (see context). The "reigns" is the money, Vincent is the horse, and Theo is the rider. Vincent proposes leaving the bridle reins in Theo's hands but removing the bit from his mouth. Unintentionally, Vincent reveals just what a charade this arrangement is: a rider holding the reins of a bridle attached to a free-hanging bit. 

Context:
JLB 440, 3/20/1884: "In addition to this, I had already made up my mind this summer -- on account of your letting me feel the reins then, that it was in my interests to go along with this and that -- just to let you feel that, for my part, if you made it difficult for me by fiddling with those reins a lot, I would leave the reins in your hands but not be on the end of them myself -- in other words -- if I'm not at liberty in my private life, I decline this allowance from you. In short that my work (not my private life) should be what determined whether or not I stayed on my feet financially, at least as far as the 150 francs are concerned." (Emphasis in original.)

488. no additional demands BVG 363a, 4/1/1884-4/15/1884. 

Context:
BVG 363a, 4/1/1884-4/15/1884: "I hope this letter is as cool as your own -- and I thank you very much for the money sent -- which makes up for a good deal -- at least makes up for all the other things, because I can now count on its continuing for a year, and I shall make no additional demands on you, and shall be delighted to send you my work."
JLB 440, 3/20/1884: "I hope this letter is as cool as yours -- and I thank you very much for what you sent -- which makes up for the rest -- at least makes it such that, if I could count on its continuing thus for a year, I ask nothing more of you and will right gladly send you my work."

489. Theo would tell no one Vincent appears to accuse Theo of sharing details of their financial relationship with people in Nuenen, probably via letters with their father. Vincent demands a stop to this back-channel communications (at least about their deal), no doubt to protect the fiction that Theo was "buying" his work -- a charade that was crucially important to Vincent, for all of his talk about ignoring the world's opinion. "I could observe that this opinion was even imparted to people who have absolutely nothing to do with it -- for instance the respectable natives of these parts -- and, for example, 3 times in one week I heard people who were then complete strangers to me ask, 'why is it that you don't sell?'" (JLB 440, 3/20/1884; emphasis in original.) To silence such questions, Vincent underscores that the arrangement with his brother is "in this respect it's still a very private affair" (ibid.; emphasis in original). The qualifying prepositional phrase ("in this respect") applies to the substance of the deal, not the degree of privacy. The part of the deal related to Theo "buying" Vincent's art is not private at all. The whole point is for Vincent to make it public.  490. his own financial straits At the same time he is demanding more money, Vincent commiserates with his brother on the depressed state of the economy (throughout the continent): "Now this is most certainly not economizing," he writes, apparently agreeing with a complaint that Theo has lodged, perhaps by way of excuse (JLB 438, 3/15/1884-3/19/1884). "But you should know this for yourself" (ibid.). To show that he shares in his brother's hardship, Vincent adds: "one even has to wait for paint," and dismisses the subject with an odd condemnation: "that is economizing at its most radical, even ABSURD, to my mind" (ibid.). In February 1884, Dorus wrote Theo, also commiserating about his financial straits: "We are so sorry that you don't have many things to be happy about at work it seems to be a bad time everywhere and in all businesses" (b2252 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 2/10/1884).  491. two hundred and fifty francs BVG 364, 4/1/1884: This total must have included the missing third payment for March as well as the first 50-franc payment for April. 

Context:
JLB 440, 3/20/1884: "My dear Theo, I just received your letter and the 250 francs enclosed."

492. "definite arrangement"BVG 363a, 4/1/1884-4/15/1884: Vincent revives a term he has been using since he first arrived in The Hague and sought his brother's assistance. In fact, this ambition had been central to Vincent's artistic endeavor since its inception. In the Borinage, when he first wrote asking for money from his brother, he used a different term. "It's because I think you'd prefer to see me doing something good than doing nothing at all that I'm writing to you on this subject, and perhaps it would be a reason why good understanding and friendship might be re-established between the two of us, and we might perhaps be useful to one another" (JLB 156, 8/20/1880; we have slightly altered the translation). 

Context:
BVG 363a, 4/1/1884-4/15/1884: "Summing up these and similar things, I said in my letter of the end of January that I should be unwilling to go on in the same way as up to then, that is to say, without a definite agreement."
JLB 442, 3/24/1884: "Summing these things up, I said in a letter at the end of January that I didn't want to keep it exactly as it was until today, namely without any specific agreement" (emphasis in original).

493. revisions to the agreement BVG 363a, 4/1/1884-4/15/1884: After the deal is struck, Vincent tries in multiple ways to revise it to make it less onerous for him. The primary bone of contention is whether the agreement called for him to send Theo all his work. The earliest iterations appear to show that this was, indeed, the case: "Naturally I'll send you work every month" (JLB 440, 3/20/1884). "If I receive money from you, you drawings or paintings from me" (ibid.). In the very next letter, however, Vincent tries to suggest that this was not the agreement, nor was it ever intended to be; but that instead he would send Theo "drawings monthly which [I] can consider as the equivalent of the 150 francs" (JLB 442, 3/24/1884). This, of course, is a very different proposition. It leaves the question of how much Vincent's work is "worth" entirely in Vincent's hands. ("I want to be able to consider the 150 francs ... more or less as the equivalent of what I send you" [ibid.].)

Eventually, Vincent rejects even this loose standard and tries to substitute the vaguest possible language ("I'll continue to receive the usual monthly in return for supplying my work" [JLB 440, 3/20/1884]). The other revision Vincent attempts relates to the sensitive issue of Theo's obligations to Vincent's art once he "buys" it. The original agreement was hyperbolically clear on this point: "I completely agree with you that in that case you have every right to do nothing with it -- indeed, I wouldn't even be in a position to object if you thought fit to tear it up" (ibid.). Vincent explicitly absolves Theo from any duty to show the work: "Even if it pleases you ... to do nothing with it, or if you want to do something with it, I no longer have the right to criticize" (ibid.). Now Vincent wants to impose an affirmative duty on Theo to show the work: "I do in any event insist that you show it from time to time" (JLB 442, 3/24/1884). This is the revision over which Vincent issues another ultimatum ("either this change or -- finished" [ibid.; emphasis in original]). Vincent does offer a concession in return for these demands: "if I can sell something in Antwerp or somewhere, I notify you of it, and it's deducted from the 150 francs" (JLB 440, 3/20/1884; emphasis in original). 

Context:
JLB 440, 3/20/1884: "Because it's possible that you didn't properly understand what I asked you before, and so that there can't be any question later of having misunderstood something or anything like that, I say it again" (emphasis in original).

391 494. "or else we're finished" BVG 363a, 4/1/1884-4/15/1884: We have slightly altered the translation. Vincent uses a slightly more elaborate version of this expression: "so either this change or -- finished" but it is clearly exactly what he means (JLB 440, 3/20/1884; emphasis in original). The sentence reads: "if you refuse to enter into my proposal to supply you with work regularly ... I would go ahead with a separation. It seems to me that honour is at stake -- so either this change or -- finished." (ibid.; emphasis in original.) 

Context:
BVG 363a, 4/1/1884-4/15/1884: "However, I end with the assurance that in case you refuse to accept my proposal to send you my work regularly (you can do or not do whatever you like with it, at least as far as doing business with it is concerned, but at all events I insist on your showing it from time to time, as you did at the very beginning, and in my opinion rightly so), I shall carry through the separation -- so either this alteration -- or else finished."
JLB 440, 3/20/1884: "I end with the assurance, though, that if you refuse to enter into my proposal to supply you with work regularly (you can do whatever you like with that work as regards whether or not you deal in it, although I do in any event insist that you show it from time to time as you already did at the very outset, and rightly to my mind) then I would go ahead with a separation. It seems to me that honour is at stake -- so either this change or -- finished." (Emphasis in original.)

495. not showing sufficient BVG 363a, 4/1/1884-4/15/1884: Theo's tepid response to the watercolors and drawings Vincent sent in early March brought this pouty scolding. 

Context:
JLB 440, 3/20/1884: "But now that I see that your expressions remain just as vague, I can do nothing other than say to you most decidedly that this is no way to behave. As far as my work is concerned, up to now it was indeed apparently the case that you would rather I didn't send something than that I did."

496. "too frivolously" BVG 363a, 4/1/1884-4/15/1884. 

Context:
BVG 363a, 4/1/1884-4/15/1884: "If this is still the case -- well then, I am of the opinion that either I am not worth your protection, or you think a little too frivolously of my work. I have never withdrawn my proposal to send you my work regularly."
JLB 440, 3/20/1884: "If that's still the case -- well, then in my view either I'm not worthy of your patronage or you think only too flippantly about my drawings. I have still not withdrawn my proposal for a regular supply of work." (Emphasis in original.)

497. He repudiated the imagesBVG 363a, 4/1/1884-4/15/1884. (See Ch. 21, n. 499.) 

Context:
JLB 440, 3/20/1884: "Well then, I've already dropped you a line about the painted study in a previous letter, that I was discouraged from sending it because if you don't see anything in the ones from Drenthe I don't think you'll like this one either. It seems to me -- as I recall -- that among the ones from Drenthe there are some that I would do precisely the same way if I had to do them again."

498. embraced those he rejected When Theo criticized one of Vincent's paintings from Drenthe, Vincent's reaction was to send him a similar one accompanied by this defiant note: "because if you don't see anything in the ones from Drenthe I don't think you'll like this one either. It seems to me -- as I recall -- that among the ones from Drenthe there are some that I would do precisely the same way if I had to do them again." (JLB 440, 3/20/1884; emphasis added.)

In the first half of 1884, Vincent flooded his brother with images of weavers. At first, Theo may have encouraged him in this imagery -- or so Vincent claimed: "I think those things of the looms with that quite complicated machinery, in the middle of which sits the little figure, will also lend themselves to pen drawings, and I'll make some as a result of the tip you give me in your letter" (JLB 428, 2/3/1884; emphasis added). But Vincent follows up this "tip" by sending watercolors, with a note that suggests Theo was not pleased with some previous, similar works Vincent sent: "If there's anything in it you like, so much the better" (JLB 429, 2/13/1884). Then, a week later, he sends five drawings of weavers, with another apology for previously-sent work: "[They] are slightly different -- and I think livelier -- in execution than the pen drawings of mine you've seen so far" (JLB 430, 2/18/1884-2/23/1884). These seem to be the works that Theo criticizes so strongly that it brings the brothers to the edge of separation: "I think that what you say is true, that my work will have to get much better" (JLB 432, 3/2/1884). But what is Vincent's reaction to this devastating criticism? To send yet more of the same: "when I'd read your letter about the drawings, I immediately sent you a new watercolour of a weaver and five pen drawings" (ibid.).

Except for the "tip" purported by Vincent, there is no indication anywhere in the record that Theo liked any of Vincent's weaver images; and there is ample inferential evidence that he did not. Theo's rejection of the French artist-illustrator Lhermitte (and Vincent's defense thereof) might be a surrogate dispute over Vincent's weaver imagery. "To what you say about not liking Lhermitte so much any more, I say that the fault lies with you. I think perhaps, as you do, that Millet ranks even higher, but by Jove -- if, as you do, one sees a lot by Lhermitte yet isn't sufficiently carried away by it not to think of comparisons, in my view it betrays a certain small-mindedness." (JLB 436, 3/10/1884.) 

499. Vincent never did another As far as is known from his surviving work, Vincent did not complete another finished, pen-and-ink landscape drawing until Arles in 1888. (890) 500. "I have somewhat changed"BVG 369, 5/15/1884-5/31/1884: In May, Van Rappard visited and returned the drawings that Vincent had sent him (see Ch. 21, n. 458). Vincent mailed them to Theo in the latter half of the month. 

Context:
BVG 369, 5/15/1884-5/31/1884: "Since I made them, though it is a relatively short time ago, I have somewhat changed my technique."
JLB 447, 5/28/1884: "Since I made them -- even though that's a relatively short time ago -- I've got a little out of that way of doing it."

501. "freedom" BVG 361, 3/11/1884. 

Context:
BVG 361, 3/11/1884: "But this is what I want, and what you yourself will call reasonable. I must take such measures as are necessary to have freedom in disposing of what I receive."
JLB 420, 1/6/1884-1/13/1884: "But -- this is what I want, and what you would approve of my wanting. I must take measures such that I have what I have. I mean that I can only accept that money that I can do with as I see fit without having to ask anyone's opinion. I would rather have 100 francs a month and free use of it, than 200 francs and not entirely free use of it." (Emphasis in original.)

502. betrayed by faithless backers BVG 363a, 4/1/1884-4/15/1884: Vincent takes this story from Sensier's biography of Millet and invests it with rich autobiographical subtext. 

Context:
JLB 434, 3/5/1884-3/9/1884: "Would Millet have been able to do this without Sensier? Perhaps not. But why did Millet break with those men who were originally his friends and from whom he had an annuity? Sensier says enough about this to make out that the trouble was that they rated both Millet's person and Millet's work as mediocre, and plagued both themselves and Millet with it until that pitcher finally broke, having been too many times to the well. And yet Sensier doesn't go into details about those days -- just as if he understood that Millet himself found that time a dreadful bore and preferred not to think of it. Sensier says somewhere that when Millet thought about his first wife and the struggle of those days, he would clasp his head between his two hands with a gesture as if the great darkness and inexpressible melancholy of that period overwhelmed him again."

503. "He clasped his head" BVG 363a, 4/1/1884-4/15/1884. 

Context:
BVG 363a, 4/1/1884-4/15/1884: "Somewhere Sensier says, When Millet thought of his first wife [Pauline Virginie Ono] and the worries of those days, he clasped his head with both hands in a gesture as if once again he were overwhelmed by the huge darkness and unutterable melancholy of that period."
JLB 434, 3/5/1884-3/9/1884: "Sensier says somewhere that when Millet thought about his first wife and the struggle of those days, he would clasp his head between his two hands with a gesture as if the great darkness and inexpressible melancholy of that period overwhelmed him again."