Notes

Notes

 

Chapters

Chapters

665 1. "Gauguin looks ill" BVG 545, 10/7/1888: Paul [Eugène Henri] Gauguin, 1848-1903; French artist.


Context:
JLB 697, 10/4/1888 or 10/5/1888: "Gauguin looks ill and tormented in his portrait!!

2. "Gauguin has arrived" BVG 557, 10/24/1888.

Context:
JLB 712, 10/25/1888: "Gauguin arrived in good health. He even gave me the impression of being in better shape than me."

3. his guest's resilient stomach BVG B19a, 11/2/1888: One of the first things about Gauguin that fascinated Vincent was that he had a good stomach and good blood: for Vincent, the two crucial indicia of an artist's health. Vincent was always a bit shocked (and not entirely pleased) when he found an artist in good health. It was a part of his mindset -- a crucial part of his defensive apparatus -- that artists had weak constitutions and were subject to illness because of their art. This was Vincent's explanation again and again for his own bad health, even his mental problems: it was just an artist's fate. But Gauguin's good health showed Vincent's problems for what they were: not inevitable fate but something specifically unhealthy about Vincent.

Context:
JLB 716, 11/1/1888 or 11/2/1888: "For a long time it has seemed to me that in our filthy job as painters we have the greatest need of people with the hands and stomach of a labourer. More natural tastes -- more amorous and benevolent temperaments -- than the decadent and exhausted Parisian man-about-town. Now here, without the slightest doubt, we're in the presence of an unspoiled creature with the instincts of a wild beast. With Gauguin, blood and sex have the edge over ambition."

4. and hearty constitution BVG B19a, 11/2/1888. (See Ch. 35, n. 3.)

Context:
JLB 716, 11/1/1888 or 11/2/1888: "For a long time it has seemed to me that in our filthy job as painters we have the greatest need of people with the hands and stomach of a labourer. More natural tastes -- more amorous and benevolent temperaments -- than the decadent and exhausted Parisian man-about-town. Now here, without the slightest doubt, we're in the presence of an unspoiled creature with the instincts of a wild beast. With Gauguin, blood and sex have the edge over ambition."

5. the gaiety and color BVG 545, 10/7/1888. Pointing to the melancholy self-portrait, he had assured his brother that his investment in the combination would "return [Gauguin] to the more serene life" (JLB 697, 10/4/1888 or 10/5/1888). 6. the hale bantam wrestler JLB 716, 11/1/1888 or 11/2/1888: Vincent described him as "an unspoiled creature with the instincts of a wild beast."

Context:
JLB 716, 11/1/1888 or 11/2/1888: "Now here, without the slightest doubt, we're in the presence of an unspoiled creature with the instincts of a wild beast. With Gauguin, blood and sex have the edge over ambition."

7. he had sold Gauguin's painting BVG T2, 10/23/1888: After some confusion because he did not know if Gauguin had left Pont-Aven, Theo sent a money order for the proceeds of the sale to Vincent to hold for Gauguin's arrival (see Ch. 35, n. 8). That means Vincent was able to make a welcoming gift of the 500-franc money order soon after Gauguin arrived -- no doubt an ambivalent beneficence.
Context:
JLB 711, 10/23/1888: "What will please you is that I've sold Gauguin's large painting, the Breton women, which had been deposited with [Aimé François Désiré] Diot art dealer in Paris]."
8. a money-order for Gauguin BVG T3, 10/27/1888: It is difficult to track this payment. When Theo first informed Vincent of the sale of Gauguin's painting in a letter dated October 23, he was unaware that Gauguin had left Pont-Aven and just arrived in Arles. In that letter, he wrote: "I'm sending [Gauguin] 500 francs for it and so he'll be solvent for the moment, but will he come to join you?" (JLB 711, 10/23/1888). Vincent subsequently telegraphed Theo that Gauguin had, indeed, arrived. Vincent's telegram apparently arrived after Theo had sent the letter to Pont-Aven with the money order enclosed, but it is possible that he intended to send the money order separately and that Vincent's telegram stopped him from doing so. If not, then Theo must have either canceled or recalled the previous money order or expected Vincent to tear it up if Theo's earlier letter to Gauguin (the one addressed to Pont-Aven) was forwarded to Arles.

Context:
JLB 713, 10/27/1888: "On returning from Brussels I find your telegram and your letter; I'm sending you a money order, because although it's possible that Gauguin has received the letter that I addressed to Pont-Aven, thinking him still over there, the possibility exists that the two of you may not have received it, …"

9. "So for the moment" BVG T2, 10/23/1888.

Context:
BVG T2, 10/23/1888: "You will be pleased to learn that I sold the big picture of Gauguin's 'Les Bretonnes,' which has been on exhibition at Diot's. I am sending him 500 francs, so for the moment he will be quite well off, but is he going to join you?"
JLB 711, 10/23/1888: "What will please you is that I've sold Gauguin's large painting, the Breton women, which had been deposited with Diot. I'm sending him 500 francs for it and so he'll be solvent for the moment, but will he come to join you?"

10. "a tremendous stroke of luck" BVG 558, 10/28/1888.

Context:
BVG 558, 10/28/1888: "Now I hope to breathe easily at last, since we have all had a tremendous stroke of luck in your being able to sell a picture for Gauguin. One way or another, all three of us, he and you and I, can pull ourselves together enough to realize what we have done."
JLB 715, 10/29/1888: "Now I dare breathe at last, as we've all had a stroke of darned good fortune with the sale you were able to make for Gauguin. One way or another, all three of us, he, you and I, will still be able to pull ourselves together a bit, in order to calmly take in what we've just done."

11. "all three of us" BVG 558, 10/28/1888. (See Ch. 35, n. 10.)

Context:
BVG 558, 10/28/1888: "One way or another, all three of us, he and you and I, can pull ourselves together enough to realize what we have done."
JLB 715, 10/29/1888: "One way or another, all three of us, he, you and I, will still be able to pull ourselves together a bit, in order to calmly take in what we've just done."

12. Any congratulations he offered BVG 557, 10/24/1888. A hint of this comes in Vincent's report to Theo that Gauguin "[is] very happy with the good sale that you made for him" (JLB 712, 10/25/1888).

Context:
JLB 712, 10/25/1888: "Of course, I don't know in advance what Gauguin will say about this part of the world and about our life, but in any case he's very happy with the good sale that you made for him."

666 13. "I cannot help it" BVG 557, 10/24/1888.

Context:
JLB 712, 10/25/1888: "I can do nothing about it if my paintings don't sell."

14. "I myself realize" BVG 557, 10/24/1888.

Context:
JLB 712, 10/25/1888: "I myself feel, to the point of being mentally crushed and physically drained, the need to produce, precisely because in short I have no other means, none, none, of ever recouping our outlay."

15. "But my dear boy" BVG 557, 10/24/1888; JLB 712, 10/25/1888. We have combined elements from both translations.

Context:
BVG 557, 10/24/1888: "But my dear boy, my debt is so great that when I have paid it, when all the same I hope to succeed in doing, the pains of producing pictures taken my whole life from me, and it will seem to me then that I have not lived."
JLB 712, 10/25/1888: "But my dear brother, my debt is so great that when I've paid it, which I think I'll succeed in doing, the hardship of producing paintings will, however, have taken my entire life, and it will seem to me that I haven't lived."

16. "It is agonizing to me" BVG 557, 10/24/1888.

Context:
BVG 557, 10/24/1888: " It is agonizing to me that there is no demand for them now, because you suffer for it, but as far as I am concerned -- if only you were not too worried by my bringing nothing in -- it would pretty much be all the same to me."
JLB 712, 10/25/1888: " The fact that they don't sell now makes me anxious that you're suffering too, but it would be of little concern to me if you didn't become too hard up by my bringing nothing in."

17. "I believe that the time" BVG 557, 10/24/1888.

Context:
JLB 712, 10/25/1888: "I believe that the day will come when I'll sell too, but I'm so far behind with you, and while I spend I bring nothing in. That feeling sometimes makes me sad."

18. Oblivious to his brother's pain Eventually, Theo seems to have noted the dispiriting effect of Gauguin's success on his brother. Later in November, he wrote to Arles proposing to frame one of Vincent's orchard paintings from the previous spring and offering it for sale to his own firm, Boussod & Valadon. Vincent soundly rebuffed the plan: "Now I'm writing to you in reply to what you were telling me, that you would frame a small canvas of a pink peach tree I think, to place it with those gentlemen. I don't want to leave any doubt about what I think of that." (JLB 721, 11/19/1888.) Instead of mollifying Vincent, the proposal triggered a storm of recriminations as Vincent angrily rehearsed the past humiliations and injustices inflicted on him by Goupil: "As for you, you're with the Goupils, but I certainly am not, after however working there for 6 years we were absolutely dissatisfied on both sides with everything, them with me, me with them. It's an old story, but all the same that's how it is. So continue on your way, but as far as the business is concerned it seems to me incompatible with my previous behaviour to come back there with a canvas of such innocence as this little peach tree or some other thing like it. ... as for me, either I'll never return to the Goupils, which is more than likely, or I'll return straightforwardly, which is quite impossible." (ibid.) 19. "It will undoubtedly please you" BVG T3a, 11/13/1888.

Context:
BVG T3a, 11/13/1888: " It will probably please you to learn that your pictures are having a great success. Even before I received my brother's letters I had them mounted on adjustable stretchers, and for showing the size 30 canvases I have taken a very fine white frame of unpainted wood, in which they show up very well. Degas is so enthusiastic about your works that he is speaking about them to a lot of people, and he is going to buy the canvas representing a spring landscape, with a meadow with two female figures in the foreground, the one sitting and the other standing. Two canvases have now been definitely sold."

20. raising Goupil's commissionBVG T3a, 11/13/1888: According to Theo's letter, he had been charging Gauguin an "introductory" rate of 15% -- "the minimum commission the firm takes" -- instead of the regular 25% commission that "[m]any painters accord us" and which came with additional privileges regarding exchanges and sales on credit (ibid.). Typically, Theo frames this change as a badge of Gauguin's success, not a price rise. Gauguin responded on November 16: "As for the 25% asked instead of 15%, I leave it to you completely to judge the question of sound opportunity and what efforts will produce the best rewards" (Gauguin, Paul Gauguin: 45 lettres à Vincent, Theo, et Jo van Gogh, p. 82). 21. "once we begin to sell" Rewald, Studies in Post-Impressionism, p. 35. 22. Forced by events to justify BVG 558, 10/28/1888. This cause-and-effect relationship is established in Vincent's introduction of the issue of his poor sales record (see Ch. 35, n. 14 and n. 26). The final sentence probably should be read with a despairing emphasis on "his."

Context:
JLB 715, 10/29/1888: "For my part, I'd wish just to ask you too that I'm asking for no more than to continue at a very ordinary sum per month of 150 (and the same for Gauguin). Which in any case reduces my personal spending. While his paintings will certainly go up."

23. "from the financial point" BVG 558, 10/28/1888.

Context:
BVG 558, 10/28/1888: "In another way it is only right that I should take some trouble to make a painting such that even from the financial point of view it is better that it should be on my canvas than in the tubes."
JLB 715, 10/29/1888: "On the other hand, it's only fair that I give myself a little trouble to make a painting such that even from the point of view of the money, it was preferable that it should be on my canvas rather than in the tubes."

24. "It is better that" BVG 558, 10/28/1888. (See Ch. 35, n. 23.)

Context:
BVG 558, 10/28/1888: "In another way it is only right that I should take some trouble to make a painting such that even from the financial point of view it is better that it should be on my canvas than in the tubes."
JLB 715, 10/29/1888: "On the other hand, it's only fair that I give myself a little trouble to make a painting such that even from the point of view of the money, it was preferable that it should be on my canvas rather than in the tubes."

25. "keep my pictures" BVG 558, 10/28/1888. (See Ch. 35, n. 26.)

Context:
BVG 558, 10/28/1888: "After that, if you keep my pictures for yourself, either in Paris or here, I should so much rather be able to say bluntly that you prefer to keep my work for ourselves and not sell it than join in the scuffle for money just now. Honestly."
JLB 715, 10/29/1888: "Later, then, if you keep my paintings for yourself, either in Paris or here, I'll be much happier to be able to say bluntly that you prefer to keep my work for us than to sell it, than to have to get involved in the struggle for money at this moment. Most certainly."

26. he could tell Gauguin BVG 558, 10/28/1888.

Context:
JLB 715, 10/29/1888: "Later, then, if you keep my paintings for yourself, either in Paris or here, I'll be much happier to be able to say bluntly that you prefer to keep my work for us than to sell it, than to have to get involved in the struggle for money at this moment. Most certainly. Besides, if what I do is good, then we'll lose nothing by it, in terms of money, because, like wine that you would have in the cellar, it would quietly ferment."

27. "Besides" BVG 558, 10/28/1888. We have slightly altered the translation.

Context:
BVG 558, 10/28/1888: "Besides, if what I am doing should be good, then we shall lose nothing in the money line, for it will mature quietly, like wine in the cellar."
JLB 715, 10/29/1888: "Besides, if what I do is good, then we'll lose nothing by it, in terms of money, because, like wine that you would have in the cellar, it would quietly ferment."

28. On his first trip Pickvance, p. 196: According to Pickvance, The Sower (F 494 JH1617) and Trunk of an Old Yew Tree (F 573 JH 1618) were "[p]ainted between Wednesday 24 and Sunday 28 October [1888]," and they were "[the] two landscapes van Gogh completed during Gauguin's first week in Arles." 29. trunk of an old yew tree BVG 558b, 10/28/1888: Here, Vincent included a sketch of the painting, The Old Yew Tree (F 573 JH 1618).

Context:
JLB 714, 10/27/1888 or 10/28/1888: "Then I did another study of ploughed field with the stump of an old yew. Like this."

30. new life springing BVG 514, 7/25/1888. Only about two months before painting The Old Yew Tree (F 573 JH 1618), Vincent had written his brother, "I too become a creative artist in that great revival of art of which we're speaking. ... These things are indeed so, but this eternally existing art and this revival -- this green shoot growing from the roots of the old felled trunk." (JLB 650, 7/29/1888.) In The Hague, Vincent used a similar image to convey a similar message when he sent Theo a drawing called "The Roots" (Study of a Tree [F 933r JH 142]) in May 1882 as part of his careful, if belated, introduction of Sien Hoornik. The drawing depicted a tree in sandy soil with some of its roots exposed. "I've tried to imbue the landscape with the same sentiment as the figure. Frantically and fervently rooting itself, as it were, in the earth, and yet being half torn up by the storm. I wanted to express something of life's struggle, both in that white, slender female figure and in those gnarled black roots with their knots." (JLB 222, 5/1/1882; see Chapter 17.)

Context:
JLB 650, 7/29/1888: "The more completely you become a dealer, the more you become an artist. Just as I very much hope to be in the same case ... The more I become dissipated, ill, a broken pitcher, the more I too become a creative artist in that great revival of art of which we're speaking. These things are indeed so, but this eternally existing art and this revival -- this green shoot growing from the roots of the old felled trunk -- these are things so spiritual that a kind of melancholy remains with us when we reflect that at less expense we could have made life instead of making art."

667 31. "great renaissance" See Ch. 35, n. 30. 32. another version of the Sower BVG 558b, 10/28/1888: Vincent also included a sketch of this painting (The Sower [F 494 JH 1617]) in his letter to Theo.

Context:
JLB 714, 10/27/1888 or 10/28/1888: "This week I did a new study of a sower; the landscape utterly flat, the figure small and blurred."

33. persistence rewarded Beyond the scriptural and family resonances, Vincent had more recent and tangible reasons to "retreat" to this image at this time of stress. The most recent version that he completed and sent to Theo in August (The Sower: Outskirts of Arles in the Background [F 575a JH 1596]) was now framed and hanging on Theo's wall -- the closest Vincent had come to traditional "success" with any of his art (Pickvance, p. 198). Furthermore, he had taken a previous version of the same image (presumably The Sower [F 422 JH 1470], which was done in June at the height of the summer harvest) and hung it in Gauguin's bedroom. Among all Vincent's works, it was one of the few that his guest complimented in his first week at the Yellow House: "I only know that there are some studies that he really does like, namely, the Sower, the Sunflowers, the Bedroom" (JLB 715, 10/29/1888). This positive feedback may explain why the latest version (The Sower [F 494 JH 1617]) looks much more like the Impressionist version from June than the stridently Cloisonnist version from August. (The literature disagrees on the date for the Sower (The Sower: Outskirts of Arles in the Background [F 575a JH 1596]. Druick and Zegers date it to November, while Gauguin is living there; Hulsker dates it to September, prior to Gauguin's arrival. We accept Druick and Zeger's later dating.) 34. Campi Elysii Cook, pp. 5-6. 35. Christ appeared in a vision Cook, pp. 9-10: Cook's 1905 account reports the common story about the Alyscamps: "Here was the true necropolis of Gaul, consecrated, as the legend runs, by the blessing of the Christ Himself, who appeared to St. Trophime upon this sacred spot, and by the chapel dedicated to the living Virgin … 'sacellum dedicatum deiparae adhuc viventi.'" (Local legend held that Trophimus [or Torphime] was the first bishop of Arles; in the mid-fifth century, the legend was elaborated to identify the local bishop with the person named Trophime in the Acts of the Apostles ["Saint Trophimus of Arles"].) Silverman uncovers the interesting fact that one of the chapels of the Alyscamps, the Genouillade Chapel, was "built on the spot where, according to legend, Christ left an imprint of his knee when he miraculously appeared to the first bishop of Arles and the assembled congregation to bless the newly consecrated necropolis" (Silverman, p. 54). 36. float their dead down Cook, pp. 9-10. 37. arranged as randomly as death Venture, Arles, "Far from being arranged in alley, the sarcophagi were in an indescribable disorder." 668 38. the cemetery's antique gates Cook, pp. 10-11. The arch is the Arch of Saint-Césaire at the western end of the allée des tombeaux. 39. The trees were still young Venture, p. 64: Venture gives the window 1865-1870 for the date of the "refitting" of the Alyscamps. Silverman keeps this window for the "renovations" of the avenue, but puts the catastrophic railroad construction several decades earlier, between 1845 and 1856 (Silverman, p. 54). Other sources are less specific. 40. "Roman virgins" Druick and Zegers, pp. 171-172. 41. the rue des Récoletts Clébert and Richard draw the boundaries of the red-light district to include the nearby rue du Bout-d'Arles, the rue du Petit-Puits, and the impasse du Lambourdet (or de Gratte-Cul), which together with the rue des Recoléts formed "a hospitable labyrinth" incongruously situated between the chapel of Saint Isidore and the Carmelite convent (Clébert and Richard, p. 17). 42. Egged on by Bernard BVG 545, 10/7/1888. In a letter Vincent wrote Bernard (Émile Henri Bernard, 1868-1941; French artist) the same day, he provides an explanation for why he preferred the paid companionship of the red-light district to the courting games of the Alyscamps: "You know, Bernard, it always seems to me that if I want to do studies of brothels I'd need more money than I have; I'm not young or womanizer enough for them to pose for me for free" (JLB 698, 10/5/1888).

Context:
JLB 697, 10/4/1888 or 10/5/1888: "Bernard has sent me another collection of ten or so drawings, with a gallant piece of verse -- the whole thing's entitled 'at the brothel.'"

43. took Gauguin on a tour BVG 558, 10/28/1888: Vincent wrote Theo soon after Gauguin arrived. After completing this initial "to go" less than a week later, he wrote Bernard: "Now something that will interest you -- we've made some excursions in the brothels, and it's likely that we'll eventually go there often to work" (JLB 716, 11/1/1888 or 11/2/1888).

Context:
JLB 715, 10/29/1888: "I'm writing in haste, we have heaps of work. He and I plan to go to the brothels a lot, but only to study them."

44. who left for Africa soon after BVG 558b, 10/28/1888. On October 28, Vincent reported that Paul Eugéne Milliet "will leave on the 1st November." Around the latter date, Vincent wrote Bernard, "Milliet the 2nd lieut. Zouaves has left for Africa" (JLB 716, 11/1/1888 or 11/2/1888). About a week later, Vincent informed Theo, "I don't think I've yet told you that Milliet has left for Africa" (JLB 718, 11/10/1888). The excitement and preoccupation of Gauguin's arrival probably accounts for this unheralded leave-taking. Vincent does not record any interaction with Milliet or between Milliet and Gauguin in the week they overlapped in Arles except this exchange: "Gauguin gave him a little drawing in exchange for an illustrated edition of Madame Chrysanthème" (ibid.). On the basis of this one-sentence report and a brief mention of Milliet in a letter from Gauguin to Bernard ("I discussed you with the Zouave") (Paul Gauguin to Émile Bernard, November 1888, in Malingue, ed., pp. 112-113), Druick and Zegers speculate about a three-way conversation about the so-called "studio of the tropics" that would later become another of Vincent's idées fixes as he struggled to keep the delusion of the combination with Gauguin alive (Druick and Zegers, pp. 183-184). (See Chapter 36).

According to Druick and Zegers: "Soliciting Milliet's advice on the matter of Bernard's possible military service in North Africa, Vincent brought up the related topic of the South's creative potential. From this starting point, the Studio of the South concept blossomed at once into talk of a parallel project in the tropics, an idea that Gauguin acknowledged was Vincent's. One can imagine it taking shape in Vincent's mind as he listened to Gauguin and Milliet swapping stories about their exploits in France's colonies in the Caribbean, North Africa, and Southeast Asia, calling up [Pierre] Loti's various exotic narratives." (ibid.) We would suggest that Vincent's silence about Milliet in the last week of October is conspicuous, and his abrupt and delayed reports of the lieutenant's departure surprising. Both suggest that by this time the two had experienced a falling out, or at least a falling apart, as the time for Milliet's departure approached. In support of this, we would cite Vincent's odd, emphatic report of his intent to take Gauguin on a tour of the brothels: " He and I plan to go to the brothels a lot, but only to study them" (JLB 715, 10/29/1888, emphasis added). Milliet was still in Arles at the time. That he was not included on this tour (or even excluded), suggests the relationship had cooled. Milliet did, however, as noted, make contact with Gauguin and he did write Vincent a letter from Algeria in December (see Ch. 35, n. 42), so if there was a last-minute estrangement, it was not complete.

Context:
JLB 714, 10/27/1888 or 10/28/1888: "It's now quite likely that Bernard will go to Africa, where he'll be with Milliet, who greets you warmly and will leave on the 1st November."

45. "study" BVG 558, 10/28/1888. (See Ch. 35, n. 43.)

Context:
BVG 558, 10/28/1888: "He and I intend to make a tour of the brothels pretty often, so as to study them."
JLB 715, 10/29/1888: "He and I plan to go to the brothels a lot, but only to study them."

46. "the proletariat of ugliness" Corbin, pp. 60-63. 47. "My body is not attractive" BVG B19, 10/7/1888.

Context:
BVG B19, 10/7/1888: "You know, Bernard, I feel sure that if I wanted to do studies of brothels, it would cost me more money than I have; I am no longer young and my body is not attractive enough to women to get them to pose for me free for nothing."
JLB 698, 10/5/1888: "You know, Bernard, it always seems to me that if I want to do studies of brothels I'd need more money than I have; I'm not young or womanizer enough for them to pose for me for free."

669 48. hypnotic sensuality Mathews, p. 1: Mathews paints a persuasive portrait: "[Gauguin] was physically attractive -- not classically handsome, but exuding a heavy-lidded sensuality that others, particularly men, found intriguing. Few artists inspired so many descriptions of their physical appearance. Reminiscences of Gauguin record how he stood out in a crowd, how his expression was hypnotically inscrutable, and how his body had a menacing power that seemed just barely held in check. Recognizing his own appeal, Gauguin came to expect as his due the influence he exerted over others by sheer physicality." 49. and lack of conscience BVG 571, 1/17/1889. In January the following year (1889), Vincent referred cryptically to some experiences with Gauguin during the latter's stay in Arles. We believe this could only be a reference to Gauguin's virtuoso, conscience-free seductions among the Arlésiennes.

Context:
JLB 736, 1/17/1889: "Several times over I've seen him do things that you or I wouldn't permit ourselves to do, having consciences that feel things differently -- I've heard two or three things said of him in the same vein -- but I, who saw him at very, very close quarters, I believed him led by his imagination, by pride perhaps but -- -- quite irresponsible."

50. breathless with envy BVG 558b, 10/28/1888. A few days later, Vincent added this paean to Gauguin's virility: "For a long time it has seemed to me that in our filthy job as painters we have the greatest need of people with the hands and stomach of a labourer. More natural tastes -- more amorous and benevolent temperaments -- than the decadent and exhausted Parisian man-about-town. Now here, without the slightest doubt, we're in the presence of an unspoiled creature with the instincts of a wild beast. With Gauguin, blood and sex have the edge over ambition." (JLB 716, 11/1/1888 or 11/2/1888.)

Context:
JLB 714, 10/27/1888 or 10/28/1888: "Be that as it may, he, like me, nevertheless likes what he sees, and is particularly intrigued by the Arlésiennes."

51. abstinent, monklike artists BVG B14, 8/4/1888.

Context:
JLB 655, 8/5/1888: "If we want, ourselves, to get a hard-on for our work, we must sometimes resign ourselves to fucking only a little, and for the rest to be, according as our temperament demands, soldiers or monks" (emphasis in original).

52. "to fuck only a little" BVG B14, 8/4/1888. (See Ch. 35, n. 51.) We have combined elements from both translations.

Context:
BVG B14, 8/4/1888: "If we want to be really potent males in our work, we must sometimes resign ourselves to not fuck much, and for the rest be monks or soldiers, according to the needs of our temperament."
JLB 655, 8/5/1888: "If we want, ourselves, to get a hard-on for our work, we must sometimes resign ourselves to fucking only a little, and for the rest to be, according as our temperament demands, soldiers or monks" (emphasis in original).

53. "blood and sex prevail[ed]" BVG B19a, 11/2/1888.

Context:
BVG B19a, 11/2/1888: "Well, here we are without the slightest doubt in the presence of a virgin creature with savage instincts. With Gauguin blood and sex prevail over ambition."
JLB 716, 11/1/1888 or 11/2/1888: "Now here, without the slightest doubt, we're in the presence of an unspoiled creature with the instincts of a wild beast. With Gauguin, blood and sex have the edge over ambition."

54. "creative sap" BVG B14, 8/4/1888.

Context:
BVG B14, 8/4/1888: "Why exert ourselves to pour out all our creative sap where the well-fed professional pimps and ordinary fools do better in the matter of satisfying the genital organs of the whore, who is in this case more submissive than we are ourselves?"
JLB 655, 8/5/1888: "Why exert ourselves in spending all our creative juices when those who pimp for a living and even their simple, well-fed clients work more to the satisfaction of the genital organs of the registered whore in this case than we do?"

55. "found the means" BVG W19, 1/20/1890. "Whilst at Arles [Vincent] felt extremely jealous of Gauguin's virility and success with the Arlesiennes. It was a direct reminder of his own potency difficulties. ... He envied his ability to be sexually free and to produce children with¬out any noticeable impairment of his ability to paint. For him these were incompatible alternatives and he had decided -- perhaps forced by circumstances -- for painting at the expense and sacrifice of everything else including the possibility of a family of his own." (Nagera, p. 144.)

Context:
BVG W19, 1/20/1890: "I am so fond of my friend Gauguin because he has found the means of producing children and pictures at the same time; at the moment he is horribly distressed and uneasy in his mind because one of his children met with an accident and he was not there, and unable to assist."
JLB 841, 1/20/1890: "I like friend Gauguin so much because he has found the means to make both children and paintings at the same time, at the moment he's horribly in distress and has this worry that one of his children has had a misfortune and he not there and in no condition to come to its aid."

56. Gauguin immediately embarked BVG 558b, 10/28/1888: Vincent reported this to Theo soon after Gauguin arrived. This painting was either aborted or lost, according to Druick and Zegers: "No corresponding picture by Gauguin exists -- it was probably soon abandoned and either destroyed or painted over" (Druick and Zegers, pp. 162, 165). Noting that "Gauguin knew that the van Gogh brothers esteemed him for these [Martinique] paintings," Druick and Zegers make the more limited argument that Gauguin reprised the subject because "he felt compelled to produce a demonstration piece" (ibid.).

Context:
JLB 714, 10/27/1888 or 10/28/1888: "Now we've done some work already, of course; he has a negress on the go, and a big landscape of this region."

57. painted three lovely Arlésiennes Les Alyscamps (W 307). Always eager to serve his images with a gloss of myth, Gauguin gave the painting an alternate name: " Les Trois Grâces au temple de Vénus (Three Graces at the Temple of Venus). One can almost hear him describing this elevated theme, which flatters the town's history as well as the sitters' iconic beauty, to the three women posing for him. 58. a menacing scene "Vous y passerez, la belle!" (also called Les Arbres Bleus [The Blue Trees]). Druick and Zegers place this painting in "late November" and pairs it, unnervingly, with the image of "a girl skipping rope with the Roubine du Roi canal in the background" -- an image that would not, at innocent glance, appear to have any sexual content (Druick and Zegers, pp. 224-225). 59. forced to staff his Alyscamps The most obvious example is the couple in Vincent's Allée de Tombeau [Avenue of Tombs], which is Les Alyscamps (F 568 JH 1622). This crudely drawn woman in Arlesian costume and what appears to be a Zouave soldier bear a generic similarity to other "couples" that Vincent added to other paintings, like Starry Night over the Rhône (F 474 JH 1592), with a few specific details (like the Zouave's red pants) presumably observed at the scene. 60. a brothel scene The Brothel, F 478 JH 1599, October 1888, oil on canvas, 13 x 16.1 in., 33 x 41 cm., The Barnes Foundation, Merion Station, Pennsylvania. 61. "habitual smile" BVG 622a, 1/20/1890: In January 1889, Vincent wrote Ginoux's husband, Joseph, in response to news that Marie was ill.

Context:
BVG 622a, 1/20/1890: "So I write you this letter, my dear friends, in order to try and distract our dear patient for a moment, so that she may once again show us her habitual smile and give pleasure to all who know her."
JLB 842, 1/20/1890: "I'm therefore writing to you, dear friends, to try to distract for a moment our dear patient so that she can resume her habitual smile, to please all of us who know her."

62. Marie had married a man Pickvance, p. 210: According to Pickvance, Joseph-Michel Ginoux and Marie Julien were married on February 2, 1866. 63. Vincent, too, had been drawn BVG 595, 6/17/1889-6/18/1889: There is no direct epistolary evidence that Vincent was attracted to Madame Ginoux in the first eight to ten months of his stay in Arles, yet she emerges in early 1889 as an extremely important figure in his emotional life. To some extent this can be explained by Vincent's relationship with Gauguin, who developed a liaison of some kind with Ginoux during his short time in Arles. After Gauguin's departure in December, Vincent exploited the Gauguin-Ginoux relationship on both sides: to curry favor with Ginoux (by pretending his relations with Gauguin were better than they were), and to help repair the breach in relations with his fellow artist. However, there are also signs that Vincent's relationship with Ginoux predated Gauguin's appearance in October. In the first eight months of letters from Arles, we see the possible outlines of a turbulent infatuation with Ginoux -- much like the one with Segatori -- in Vincent's up-and-down reports on Arlesian women generally. After starting with the unequivocal February declaration in the text ("The women really are beautiful here, it's no joke" [JLB 578, 2/24/1888]), Vincent draws back in May with this elaborate internal debate: "As for the Arlésiennes they talk about so much, don't they, do you know what I think of them, in short? Certainly, they're truly charming, but it's not what it must have been once. ... they're in decline but be that as it may, it's beautiful, really beautiful, and here I'm only talking about the Roman type -- a bit boring and ordinary. But what exceptions!" (JLB 604, 5/4/1888.)

In June, Vincent seems re-engaged with Arlesian womanhood, especially the mature kind, waxing poetic to Bernard about Daudet's description of the "real Lady's shrug of her shoulder" (JLB 628, 6/19/1888, emphasis in original). In July, there is a hint of another very personal disappointment in this strange, cryptic confession disguised as generalization: "If a painter ruins his character by working hard at painting, which makes him sterile for many things, for family life, &c. &c. If as a consequence he paints not only with paint but with self-denial and self-abnegation and a broken heart." (JLB 650, 7/29/1888.) By August, Vincent is singing the praises of and hunting for younger women ("I saw another very tranquil and quite beautiful thing the other day, a young girl with a café au lait complexion ... A real countrywoman, a great virginal look" [JLB 658, 8/9/1888]), and at the end of the month he makes the ill-considered and ill-fated modeling deal with the "little Arlésienne" mentioned in the text (JLB 671, 8/29/1888 or 8/30/1888).

By September, he sounds as much like a jilted lover as a disappointed artist: "I believe that the town of Arles was once infinitely more glorious for the beauty of its women, for the beauty of its traditional dress. Now it all looks sickly and faded as far as character goes." (JLB 686, 9/23/1888 or 9/24/1888.) Yet, again like a frustrated suitor, he cannot let go entirely: "But if you look at it for a long time, the old charm reveals itself. ... I'm beginning now to see better the beauty of the women here." (ibid.) To what extent was Vincent's roller coaster attitude toward Arlesian women a direct function of his interaction with Madame Ginoux? It is not necessary to infer a relationship like the one Vincent had with Agostina Segatori. Vincent's displaced heart may have suffered another disastrous, one-sided "affair" like the one in Paris, or the drama may have unfolded entirely in his own head -- an infatuation unexpressed in observance of his pledge to Theo not to get involved in another "petticoat episode" (JLB 602, 5/1/1888). Either way, it is highly unlikely that he would have revealed his feelings explicitly to Theo, given his recent sad history with Segatori.

After Gauguin left, however, Vincent could be forthcoming about the important role Marie Ginoux played in his emotional recovery after being released from the hospital in Arles. In June 1889, when Theo reported that one of Vincent's (many) portraits of Ginoux had received a compliment, he responded: "that doesn't surprise me, although I think that its merit lies in the model and not in my painting" (JLB 782, 6/18/1889). For the rest of that year, after leaving Arles for the asylum at Saint-Rémy, Vincent clung desperately to some words of generic affection that Marie Ginoux either said to him or he overheard her say (it is not clear which): "when people are friends they're that way for a long time" (JLB 842, 1/20/1890). Neither the start date of Vincent's affection for Madame Ginoux nor the extent to which she reciprocated his feelings is clear from the record (the latter subject will be developed in later chapters). We believe, however, given Vincent's history with such relationships, that his fondness, perhaps starting as a "crush," likely developed quite soon after his arrival in Arles.

Context:
JLB 782, 6/18/1889: "And that, as you say, there was another who found something in the yellow and black figure of a woman, that doesn't surprise me, although I think that its merit lies in the model and not in my painting."

64. "splendid mature Arlésienne" James, p. 261. 65. "enthroned" James, p. 261. 66. "admirable dispenser of lumps" James, p. 262. 670 67. "Greek" James, p. 256. 68. "intensely feminine" James, pp. 261. 69. "the women here" BVG 464, 2/25/1888; emphasis added.

Context:
BVG 464, 2/25/1888: " The women here are beautiful, no humbug about that; but on the other hand the museum in Arles is a horror and a humbug, and ought to be in Tarascon. There is also a museum of antiquities, but these are genuine."
JLB 578, 2/24/1888: " The women really are beautiful here, it's no joke -- on the other hand, the Arles museum is dreadful and a joke, and fit to be in Tarascon -- there's also a museum of antiquities, they're genuine."

70. only one old woman An Old Woman of Arles, F 390 JH 1357, February 1888, oil on canvas, 21.7 x 16.9 in., 55 x 43 cm., Van Gogh Museum, Amsterdam. 71. he paid a young girl BVG 529, 8/29/1888. Vincent had arranged at least two other young women to pose for him -- one, the "mudlark" (see Ch. 31, n. 331); the other, the model for The Mousmé (see Ch. 31, n. 357). So we are assuming that what distinguished this "little Arlésienne" was her willingness to pose in the traditional local costume.

Context:
JLB 671, 8/29/1888 or 8/30/1888: "Unfortunately, I fear that the little Arlésienne will stand me up for the rest of the painting. The last time she came she had innocently asked for the money in advance that I'd promised her for all the sittings, and as I made no difficulty about that she scarpered without my seeing her again. Anyway, one of these days she owes it to me to come back, and it would be a bit rich if she didn't turn up at all."

72. "Gauguin has already found" BVG 558, 10/28/1888.

Context:
JLB 715, 10/29/1888: "Gauguin has already just about found his Arlésienne, and I could wish that I too had got as far."

73. her parasol and gloves Druick and Zegers observe that the parasol and gloves were added "after the impasto of the table had already completely dried" (Druick and Zegers, p. 190; n. 87). They speculate that Vincent included these "attributes of decorous femininity" perhaps months later (as late as January 1889 based on a pair of similar gloves in a still life Still Life with Oranges, Lemons and Blue Gloves [F 5202 JH 1664]) as a way of defending Madame Ginoux against the imputed "attacks" of Gauguin's Night Café, in which prostitutes were depicted in the background (ibid.). But the controversy over prostitution in Arles was never-ending and neither Vincent nor Ginoux seems likely to have cared enough about it to engage in the kind of defensive posturing described by Druick and Zegers. There was indeed, as they point out, a special effort to curb solicitation by prostitutes in the "cafetons" around this time, but it did not extend to forbidding café owners from serving single women or men in the company of disreputable-looking women (ibid., p. 189). Neither the Ginoux nor the authorities would have been surprised to see such women in a late-night depiction of the Café de la Gare, (which, by law, served all comers). While Gauguin did refer to the three women in question specifically as "prostitutes" (to Bernard, quoted in Pickvance, p. 211) and Vincent reported that the painting included "figures seen in the brothels," Gauguin described one of the ladies as "bristling with curl papers" and the others look similarly "off-duty" -- therefore specifically not in violation of the crackdown on soliciting (JLB 716, 11/1/1888 or 11/2/1888).

In any event, the painting should not be seen as some kind of public record likely to come to official notice. If, in fact, Vincent added the parasol and gloves after the initial paint surface had dried, we believe he did so based on drawings made at the time or perhaps on roughed-in outlines done in the initial, rushed painting effort. Given Vincent's difficulty with perspective, and given the unusual cropping of the parasol, we find the possibility that they were added later "de tête" unlikely. The portrait would never have satisfied, even for a day, with the table's large, undifferentiated triangle of dark green at the bottom. Besides, Madame Ginoux would have worn gloves and carried a parasol in the streets of Arles in early November to complete her Sunday-best costume; and we know from her posture that there was, in fact, a table in front of her when she posed. Placing her accessories there would have been both natural and a way of signaling her intent not to stay for a long visit.

74. focusing her gaze The literature is eager not to see a snub of Vincent in Madame Ginoux's pose. Druick and Zegers suggest that it is Ginoux's direct look at Gauguin that is odd, not her disregard of Vincent (Druick and Zegers, p. 186). Yet all of Vincent's previous portraits (Joseph Roulin, Patience Escalier, Eugène Boch) involve the subject looking directly at the artist. Druick and Zegers allow that Ginoux's posture suggests a special interaction with Gauguin from which Vincent was, by methods both conscious and unconscious, excluded: "she is not so much sitting to the artist [i.e., Gauguin] as engaging with him. This is an interaction that Vincent, standing several feet back, observed but did not join. Marie Ginoux's look, as he repre¬sented it, excluded him. ... Her body language also shows her attention directed elsewhere: rather than sinking into the chair's embrace, she sits forward, her torso held erect and slightly turned away from Vincent and toward the other artist in the studio." (ibid.) 75. "Monsieur Paul" BVG 626b, 2/1/1890-2/15/1890: We infer this from a letter that Vincent wrote to Madame Ginoux in February 1890. Since Vincent does not refer to Gauguin in this manner anywhere else on record, we conclude this was Madame Ginoux's nom familier for him.

Context:
BVG 626b, 2/1/1890-2/15/1890: "Only the other day I had a letter from Mr. Paul, and it is possible that I shall go and see him soon, for I am longing to make the acquaintance of my brother's little boy, who was born a short time ago, safe and sound fortunately."
JLB 851, 2/2/1890: "I had news of Mr. Paul again the other day, and it's possible I may soon go and see him, especially because I also have a great desire to go and make the acquaintance of my brother's little one, who has fortunately just been born safe and sound."

671 76. slashing on a blue-black dress BVG 559, 11/6/1888.

Context:
JLB 717, 11/3/1888: "Then I have an Arlésenne at last, a figure (no. 30 canvas) knocked off in one hour, background pale lemon -- the face grey -- the clothing dark dark dark, just unmixed Prussian blue. She's leaning on a green table and is sitting in a wooden armchair -- coloured orange." (Emphasis in original.)

77. Gauguin finished his drawing Gauguin's drawing is not a "finished" drawing, but it was broken off only after the artist had all the "documentation" that he needed for the painting to follow (Gauguin, quoted in Druick and Zegers, p. 206). Druick and Zegers believe, and we agree, that "from the beginning Gauguin intended to trace the portrait and insert it into a painting" (ibid., p. 187). 78. "At last"BVG 559, 11/6/1888: Note: we have inverted Bonger's quote.

Context:
BVG 559, 11/6/1888: "Then I have an Arlésienne at last, a figure (size 30 Canvas) slashed on in an hour, background pale lemon, the face grey, the clothes black, deep black, with perfectly raw Prussian blue. She is leaning on a green table and seated in an armchair of orange wood."
JLB 717, 11/3/1888: "Then I have an Arlésenne at last, a figure (no. 30 canvas) knocked off in one hour, background pale lemon -- the face grey -- the clothing dark dark dark, just unmixed Prussian blue. She's leaning on a green table and is sitting in a wooden armchair -- coloured orange." (Emphasis in original.)

79. Over the next two weeks Druick and Zegers suggest that Gauguin "elaborated" the painting "over a period of roughly a week" (Druick and Zegers, p. 190). But Vincent reports in a letter dated c. November 2: "At the moment Gauguin has a canvas in progress of the same night café that I also painted, but with figures seen in the brothels" (JLB 716, 11/1/1888 or 11/2/1888). As of a letter dated c. November 12, the painting is still not complete ("Gauguin has also almost finished his night café" [JLB 718, 11/10/1888]). If the letter datings are correct, the minimum time from start to finish was eleven days. 80. to a large canvas Gauguin's Un Café de Nuit (Night Café) (W 318) is 28¼ x 36¼ inches; 72 x 92 cm. 81. a trio of glum prostitutes BVG B19a, 11/2/1888. (See Ch. 35, n. 143.)

Context:
JLB 716, 11/1/1888 or 11/2/1888: "At the moment Gauguin has a canvas in progress of the same night café that I also painted, but with figures seen in the brothels. It promises to become a beautiful thing."

82. symbol of female licentiousness Druick and Zegers, p. 190. 83. "petty and shabby" Paul Gauguin to Émile Bernard, December 1888, in Malingue, ed., pp. 115-116. 84. "scummy local color" Silverman, p. 461: According to Silverman's translation: "Gauguin denigrates the Arles café and expresses distaste for its couleur locale canaille, 'scummy local color.'" 85. "the filthiest spot" BVG 576, 2/3/1889.

Context:
BVG 576, 2/3/1889: "Here, the so-called worthy town of Arles is such a peculiar sort of place that it is with good reason our friend Gauguin calls it the filthiest spot in the South."
JLB 745, 2/3/1889: "Here -- the so-called good town of Arles is a funny place which for good reasons friend Gauguin calls the filthiest place in the south."

86. "He tells me" BVG 558b, 10/28/1888.

Context:
BVG 558b, 10/28/1888: "What he tells me about Brittany is very interesting, and Pont-Aven is a most marvellous country. Certainly everything there is better, larger, more beautiful than here. It has a more solemn character, and especially purer in its totality and more definite than the shrivelled, scorched, trivial scenery of Provence."
JLB 714, 10/27/1888 or 10/28/1888: "What he tells me about Brittany is very interesting, and Pont-Aven is a quite amazing part of the world. Of course, everything there is better, bigger, more beautiful than here. Of a more solemn character, and above all more of a whole and more defined than the small, stunted, scorched countryside of Provence."

87. "period of incubation"Gauguin, in Stein, ed., p. 124: "You should know that I have never had the cerebral facility that others, without any trouble, find at the tip of their brushes. Those others get off the train, pick up their palette, and in no time at all set you down a sunlight effect. ... In every country, I need a period of incubation to learn each time the essence of the plants, the trees, of all of nature, in short -- so varied and so capricious, never wanting to let itself be divined or revealed. So it was several weeks before I clearly sensed the sharp flavor of Arles and its environs." At the time (on October 27, 1888), Gauguin wrote Theo to the same effect: "It will take me some time to get to know the character of the countryside and I do not count on doing any serious work for a month. Everything I paint between now and then will be in the nature of an exercise and trial." (Gauguin, Paul Gauguin: 45 lettres à Vincent, Théo et Jo van Gogh, p. 61.) 88. a month at leastGauguin, Paul Gauguin: 45 lettres à Vincent, Théo et Jo van Gogh, pp. 61-65. 89. "learning the essence" Gauguin, in Stein, ed., p. 124. 672 90. "documents" Druick and Zegers, p. 206. 91. synthesize into tableaux Druick and Zegers, p. 206. 92. "those who wait" BVG 553, 10/14/1888. We have paraphrased the translation.

Context:
BVG 553, 10/14/1888: "If I had worked more quietly, you can easily see that the mistral would have caught me again. If it is fine here you must take advantage of it, otherwise you would never do anything.
JLB 704, 10/15/1888: "If I'd worked more calmly, you can see clearly that the mistral would have caught me out again. Ah, if the weather's fine here you have to take advantage of it, otherwise you'd never do anything."

93. blocking in colors Druick and Zegers, pp. 178-180. 94. and fierce intent BVG B16, 9/18/1888. Note that this is exactly the opposite of what Vincent tells Theo he is doing. As discussed in Chapter 32, Vincent's descriptions of his work method to his brother emphasize the calculations that go into his work, while here, to Bernard, he emphasizes his spontaneity. To some extent, he is just telling both parties what they want to hear (Theo was concerned about Vincent's expensive consumption of paint; Bernard, about the Symbolist mandate to remain open to the unconscious). The truth about Vincent's artistic process lies somewhere between these two extremes of calculation and spontaneity.

Context:
JLB 684, 9/19/1888-9/25/1888: "Projects so often fall through, and the best calculations you make; while by taking advantage of chance, and working from day to day without bias, you do a whole lot of unforeseen things."

95. imagined that Gauguin BVG 557, 10/24/1888: Vincent wrote this letter the day after Gauguin arrived in Arles.

Context:
JLB 712, 10/25/1888: "He's very, very interesting as a man, and I have every confidence that with him we'll do a great many things. He'll probably produce a great deal here, and perhaps I shall too, I hope."

96. " lazy" Paul Gauguin to Émile Schuffenecker, l. 141, late February-early March 1888, in Merlhès, Paul Gauguin et Vincent van Gogh, 1887-1888: Lettres retrouvées, sources ignorées, p. 153: Seven months before joining Vincent in Arles, Gauguin wrote to Émile Schuffenecker describing his recent arrival in Brittany from Paris: "I am becoming lazy and allowing myself to live in the silent contemplation of nature, completely absorbed in my art." 97. "One dreams, then paints" According to Merlhès, this epigram "appears to sum up well [Gauguin's] usual morphology." (Merlhès, Paul Gauguin et Vincent van Gogh, 1887-1888: Lettres retrouvées, sources ignorées, p. 153.) 98. he had vehemently defended See Ch. 31, n. 459. With Bernard, Vincent is much less circumspect and defensive about his impulsiveness than he is with his brother, e.g.: "I've sometimes worked excessively fast; is that a fault? I can't help it. For example I've painted a no. 30 canvas -- the summer evening [Sunset: Wheat Fields Near Arles (F 465 JH 1473)] -- at a single sitting. It's not possible to rework it; to destroy it -- why, because I deliberately went outside to make it, out in the mistral. Isn't it rather intensity of thought than calmness of touch that we're looking for -- and in the given circumstances of impulsive work on the spot and from life, is a calm and controlled touch always possible? Well -- it seems to me -- no more than fencing moves during an attack." (JLB 633, 6/27/1888.) 99. "Our days are taken up" Vincent van Gogh to Theo van Gogh, in Merlhès, Paul Gauguin et Vincent van Gogh, 1887-1888: Lettres retrouvées, sources ignorées, p. 153.

Context:
JLB 723, c. 1/1/1888: "Our days pass in working, working always, in the evening we're worn out and go to the café before retiring to bed early. That's our existence."

100. "Vincent is working himself" Paul Gauguin to Mette Gauguin-Gad, l. 190, c. mid-December 1888, in Merlhès, Paul Gauguin et Vincent van Gogh, 1887-1888: Lettres retrouvées, sources ignorées, p. 153. 101. "Aren't we seeking" BVG B9, 6/24/1888.

Context:
BVG B9, 6/24/1888: " Aren't we seeking intensity of thought rather than tranquillity of touch? But under the given conditions of working spontaneously, on the spot, and given the character of it, is a calm, well-regulated touch always possible?"
JLB 633, 6/27/1888: " Isn't it rather intensity of thought than calmness of touch that we're looking for -- and in the given circumstances of impulsive work on the spot and from life, is a calm and controlled touch always possible?"

102. "crudity" BVG B8, 6/23/1888: We have altered the translation.

Context:
BVG B8, 6/23/1888: "What I've been doing looks very ugly -- a drawing of a seated Zouave, a painted sketch of the Zouave against a completely white wall, and finally his portrait against a green door and some orange bricks in a wall. It is harsh, and taking it all in all, ugly and unsuccessful. Yet, because I was tackling a real difficulty with it, it may pave the way for the future."
JLB 632, 6/26/1888: "What I've done is very ugly: a drawing of the Zouave, seated, a painted sketch of the Zouave against an all-white wall and lastly his portrait against a green door and some orange bricks of a wall. It's harsh and, well, ugly and badly done. However, since that's the real difficulty attacked, it may smooth the way in the future." (Emphasis in original.)

103. "ugliness" BVG B8, 6/23/1888.

Context:
BVG B8, 6/23/1888: "What I've been doing looks very ugly -- a drawing of a seated Zouave, a painted sketch of the Zouave against a completely white wall, and finally his portrait against a green door and some orange bricks in a wall. It is harsh, and taking it all in all, ugly and unsuccessful. Yet, because I was tackling a real difficulty with it, it may pave the way for the future."
JLB 632, 6/26/1888: "What I've done is very ugly: a drawing of the Zouave, seated, a painted sketch of the Zouave against an all-white wall and lastly his portrait against a green door and some orange bricks of a wall. It's harsh and, well, ugly and badly done. However, since that's the real difficulty attacked, it may smooth the way in the future." (Emphasis in original.)

104. fashioned deft, delicate Druick and Zegers, p. 166: Druick and Zegers elegantly sum up Gauguin's style in this alliterative trio: "deft, delicate, discreet." 105. simplistic Merlhès, Paul Gauguin et Vincent van Gogh, 1887-1888: Lettres retrouvées, sources ignorées, p. 140: "As with his spiritual life, Vincent could not create his art without reference points, examples, and laws, beginning with the famous 'law of simultaneous contrast in color' that he defends strongly but that Gauguin instinctively contests, challenging its overly simplistic and systematic nature, and condemning it for trying to establish laws regarding infinitely varied harmonies.'" 106. and monotonous Gauguin, in Stein, ed., p. 125. 107. "Shit, shit" Gauguin, in Stein, ed., p. 125: In his recollection, Gauguin puts this damning quote in the mouth of "an Italian painter," but he cites it approvingly. It is therefore, we believe, an accurate reflection of his own views on the subject. The same contempt can be heard in his seemingly sarcastic description of the scene that welcomed him in Arles: "In my yellow chamber -- sunflowers with purple orbs stand out upon a yellow background; the stems are immersed in the water of a yellow pot which stands upon a yellow table. In a corner of the painting, the painter's signature: Vincent. And the yellow sun which passes through the yellow curtains of my room, all this florescence is bathed in gold. In the morning upon awaking in my bed I imagine that all this must smell quite pleasant." 108. grind their own colors BVG 538a, 9/17/1888.

Context:
JLB 682, 9/18/1888: "If Gauguin came, I'm inclined to believe that we'd make our colours at home ourselves; I daren't do it on my own, because I fear that it would discourage me if it didn't work straightaway."

109. Gauguin hated Vincent's paints Paul Gauguin to Émile Bernard, l. 178, c. 11/9/1888-11/12/1888, in Merlhès, Correspondence de Paul Gauguin: Documents, témoignages, pp. 274-275: In mid-November, Gauguin wrote Bernard: "Tell [Theo] Van Gogh that from the proceeds of the first picture he sells for me he is to give you enough to send me the following paints I need -- I do not like Vincent's paints and want [Père] Tanguy's. I am writing to you in Paris in the knowledge you have to leave there about the 10th." By "Vincent's paints," Gauguin must be referring to the huge order of paints that Vincent placed with Theo around October 22 (JLB 710, 10/22/1888). 673 110. Vincent typically finished Peres, p. 42: Peres believes that Vincent continued to use some varnish, despite its disrepute among avant-garde painters at the time, because his "greatest concern after 1887 was the intensity and contrast of colour." Peres makes the point that Vincent often asked Theo to varnish (and/or wash) his paintings after they arrived in Paris and had dried more completely. 111. egg-white or resin Peres, pp. 41-42: Vincent used egg white varnish -- despite warnings in contemporary painter's manuals -- because it allowed touch-ups, protected paintings during shipping, saturated dark colors, and evened out surface reflectivity with a more matte finish than resinous varnish. Peres concludes her brilliant investigation on a sad note: "Obviously neither [Vincent or Theo] had the chance to observe the alteration of egg white by aging. Once one understands Van Gogh's intended colour composition based on contemporary colour theories it seems very unlikely that he would have accepted this greyish veil of the aged coatings that today masks the brilliance of his colours." 112. unvarnished matte surface Peres, p. 41: "A matte surface was an important consideration for many Impressionists, Neo-Impressionists and subsequent generations of painters. It was closely related to their colour theories, and to the chromatic effects of the distinctive refraction index of each pigment and medium, called metier mat. They often achieved this effect by soaking the oil off the tube colours onto blotting paper, and used absorbent grounds or very thinly primed canvases to paint on. ... Consequently, they refused to apply any resinous or oily varnishes to their paintings, because these darken and yellow with age, cre¬ating an imbalance in the carefully selected colour harmony and interfering with the delicate ranges of light and colour reflectance with their glossy surface effects." 113. bought a bolt of jute BVG 559, 11/6/1888. This comes less than two weeks after Vincent sent an order to Theo for "another 10 metres of canvas" (JLB 710, 10/22/1888). According to Druick and Zegers, "Gauguin found that the jute fostered his aim to disguise his brushwork; since its rough texture fractured individual strokes, contours, and flat areas, he could work more broadly and directly than usual, without returning to obscure his marks" (Druick and Zegers, p. 180). This project to de-emphasize brushwork ran completely contrary to Vincent's Monticelli-inspired obsession with impasto. The literature makes much of Gauguin's use of this coarse jute "sackcloth" (see Christensen, "The Painting Materials and Technique of Paul Gauguin," Peres, "An Impressionist Concept of Painting Technique," and Newton, "Observations on Gauguin's Painting Techniques"). Vincent experimented with Gauguin's jute during the latter's stay in Arles, producing about half a dozen paintings using the heavy, coarse canvas (Newton, p. 110, n. 15). His reasons for doing so, which were probably as much personal as artistic, will be discussed later in this chapter. Suffice it to say that, after Gauguin left, Vincent never used or sought out the support again.

Context:
JLB 717, 11/3/1888: "Gauguin has bought a chest of drawers for the house, various household utensils and 20 metres of very strong canvas."

114. primed himself Druick and Zegers, p. 360: "In preparing supports with barium sulfate, Gauguin used a mixture of glue and starch, as he had with his chalk grounds, while Vincent used mixtures of glue and oil." 115. stiff dollops of color Druick and Zegers, pp. 178, 180: According to Druick and Zegers, Gauguin used "a dry, stiff paint and a light touch ... achieving a surface that is neither remarkably smooth nor notably textured." 116. short, parallel hatches These strokes, typically vertical, are often referred to as "flamelike" (e.g., Jirat-Wasiutyn, Paul Gauguin in the Context of Symbolism, p. 100). Most scholars attribute this characteristic stroke to the influence of Cézanne (Paul Cézanne, 1839-1906; French artist) (see Silverman, p. 205). 117. "mess" Gauguin, quoted in Silverman, pp. 206-207. 118. "He likes the accidents" Gauguin, quoted in Silverman, pp. 206-207. House translates this passage with more gusto: "From the point of view of color [Vincent] views the chance effects of impasto as in Monticelli, but I detest messy, incoherent handling" (House, in Homburg, p. 192). 119. "he wept" Gauguin, Intimate Journals (Avant et après), p. 31: "When he thought of Monticelli he wept." 120. Gauguin despised theMarseille Silverman, pp. 206-207. 121. bid for Gauguin's favor BVG B11, 7/17/1888: In July 1888, Vincent sent to Bernard some sketches of his paintings, which he knew Gauguin would see, accompanied by a note that he knew Gauguin would read.

Context:
JLB 643, 7/17/1888-7/20/1888: "In this way you'll see some of the subjects from this nature that inspires père Cézanne. Because La Crau near Aix is roughly the same thing as the surroundings of Tarascon and La Crau here. Knowing how much you love Cézanne, I thought these croquis of Provence might please you. Not that there are similarities between a drawing by me and by Cézanne; …"

122. a special kinship BVG 497, 6/12/1888-6/13/1888. Vincent goes on to acknowledge, however, that his "kinship" with Cézanne is entirely spiritual (i.e., shared connectedness to the countryside), not artistic: "Goes without saying that seen together [with Cézanne's] they'd hold their own, but there would be no resemblance" (JLB 624, 6/12/1888 or 6/13/1888). In July, he expressed nearly identical sentiments to Bernard (and thus to Gauguin) to accompany some sketches of his paintings: "In this way you'll see some of the subjects from this nature that inspires père Cézanne. Because La Crau near Aix is roughly the same thing as the surroundings of Tarascon and La Crau here. ... Knowing how much you love Cézanne, I thought these croquis of Provence might please you. Not that there are similarities between a drawing by me and by Cézanne." (JLB 643, 7/17/1888-7/20/1888.) Note the recurring acknowledgement that their works, despite their geographic proximity and spiritual kinship, had little in common. Elsewhere, Vincent acknowledged how little of Cézanne's work he had actually seen: "Now the appearance of things has changed and nature has become much harsher. But what greenness and what a blue! I must say that the few landscapes by Cézanne that I know render it very, very well, and I regret not having seen more of them." (JLB 610, 5/14/1888.)

Context:
JLB 624, 6/12/1888 or 6/13/1888: "What I've seen of Cézanne involuntarily comes back to mind, because he has presented the harsh side of Provence so forcefully -- as in the harvest we saw at [Alphonse] Portier's. It has become something quite different from in the spring, but I certainly have no less love for nature that is starting to get scorched as early as now. ... The countryside near Aix -- where Cézanne works -- it's precisely the same as here, it's still the Crau. If, coming home with my canvas, I say to myself: look, I've arrived precisely at père Cézanne's tones, I only want to say this, that Cézanne, belonging absolutely to the region itself, like Zola, and therefore knows it so intimately." (Emphasis in original.)

123. "Look! I've got the very" BVG 497, 6/12/1888-6/13/1888. (See Ch. 35, n. 122.)

Context:
BVG 497, 6/12/1888-6/13/1888: "If coming home with my canvas, I say to myself, 'Look! I've got the very tones of old Cézanne!' I only mean that Cézanne like Zola [Émile Zola, 1840-1902; French writer] is so absolutely part of the countryside, and knows it so intimately, that you must make the same calculations in your head to arrive at the same tones."
JLB 624, 6/12/1888 or 6/13/1888: "If, coming home with my canvas, I say to myself: look, I've arrived precisely at père Cézanne's tones, I only want to say this, that Cézanne, belonging absolutely to the region itself, like Zola, and therefore knows it so intimately, you have to do the same internal calculation to achieve the same tones."

124. Cézanne's lack of energy BVG B9, 6/24/1888. In another passage, Vincent refers to the "wild" look of Cézanne's brushwork (JLB 644, 7/17/1888-7/20/1888). We take this to refer to their lack of intensity, which Vincent also mentions in JLB 633, 6/27/1888 (see Ch. 35, n. 101) -- more a weariness of execution than the shoddiness implied by the English word "wild." We suspect that when Gauguin recalls in Avant et après that Vincent considered Cézanne "nothing but a faker," this is his distorted, self-reinforcing version of the same criticism: that Cézanne did not bring sufficient conviction to his painting (Gauguin, Intimate Journals (Avant et après), p. 31). This criticism, of course, is directed at the same tranquil touch and deliberative construction that Gauguin admired so much in Cézanne's work.

Context:
JLB 633, 6/27/1888: "If you saw my canvases, what would you say about them -- you wouldn't find Cézanne's almost diffident and conscientious brushstroke there."

125. "great genius" BVG B13, 7/25/1888.

Context:
BVG B13, 7/25/1888: "Daumier is also a great genius."
JLB 651, 7/30/1888: "Daumier is also a really great genius."

126. sublime ridiculousness BVG 531, 9/3/1888.

Context:
JLB 673, 9/3/1888: "Tartarin, now, is so genuinely great -- with the greatness of a masterpiece, just like Candide" (emphasis in original).

127. "superb, sublime country" BVG 552, 10/13/1888.

Context:
BVG 552, 10/13/1888: "Yes, I am content with my lot, it isn't a superb, sublime country, this; it is only a Daumier come to life."
JLB 703, 10/13/1888: "Yes, I'm happy with my lot; it isn't a superb and sublime country, it's all something out of Daumier come to life."

128. Testaments to his conviction BVG 544a, 10/3/1888.

Context:
JLB 695, 10/3/1888: "Only I'm afraid that you'll find Brittany more beautiful -- even though you may well see nothing more beautiful than things out of Daumier, figures here are often pure Daumier."

129. meanness and squalor Paul Gauguin to Émile Bernard, December 1888, in Malingue, ed., pp. 115-116. Gauguin condemns both the town and its inhabitants in the same sweeping indictment: "I am at Arles quite out of my element, so petty and shabby do I find the scenery and the people." 130. "It's strange that Vincent" Paul Gauguin to Émile Bernard, November 1888, in Malingue, ed., pp. 112-113. 131. Pierre Puvis de Chavanne Paul Gauguin to Émile Bernard, November 1888, in Malingue, ed., pp. 112-113. 132. "Women here have a Greek" Paul Gauguin to Émile Bernard, November 1888, in Malingue, ed., pp. 112-113; emphasis in original: In early October, Vincent had written Gauguin: "the figures here are often pure Daumier. It shouldn't take you long to discover that antiquity and the renaissance lie dormant under all this modernity. Well, you are free to revive them." Gauguin turns this challenge around, using Vincent's classical reference to a completely different end: "Women here with their elegant coiffure have a Greek beauty. Their shawls, falling in folds like the primitives, are, I say, like Greek friezes." (Paul Gauguin to Émile Bernard, November 1888, in Malingue, ed., pp. 112-113.) Gauguin sees Puvis de Chavannes''s evocative classicism, not Daumier's Boccaccio-inspired neo-Renaissance style (Vincent's apparent referent). Instead of antiquating modernity, as Vincent suggests Gauguin (the new Petrarchwould do, Gauguin proposes the route of modernizing antiquity that Puvis staked out with images like The Sacred Grove. 674 133. Vincent's entire pantheon Roskill makes the valid point that, in fact, Vincent and Gauguin probably could have found some points of artistic agreement: Japanese art and Courbet to name two (Roskill, pp. 201-204). Or they could have chosen to emphasize their shared admiration for particular artists -- like Delacroix for his color -- rather than their different perspectives on those artists' greatness, as discussed in the text. While Roskill's argument provides a helpful corrective to commentators like Tralbaut who see "so little in common between Gauguin's and Vincent's artistic point of view that it is difficult to see how they could have had any sane and pro¬ductive conversation about their art," his argument exists entirely in vacuo -- more like the wishful suggestion of a marriage counselor than a helpful insight into what actually took place in the Yellow House (Tralbaut, p. 257). Yes, they could have emphasized points of artistic agreement rather than disagreement, but all the evidence suggests that they did exactly the opposite: that, for personal reasons, each allowed their differences to define his experience of the other. 134. "could not tolerate" Rewald, Post-Impressionism from Van Gogh to Gauguin, pp. 235-236. 135. "hated" Gauguin, in Merlhès, Paul Gauguin et Vincent van Gogh, 1887-1888: Lettres retrouvées, sources ignorées, p. 213: "In spite of all my efforts to disentangle from his uncoordinated thoughts a line of logical reasoning running through his critical opinions, I have been unable to explain all the contradictions between his painting and these opinions. For example, he thus had boundless admiration for Meissonier and a profound hatred of Ingres. Degas drove him to despair and Cézanne was a mere chimney sweep. 136. cared not a jot Druick and Zegers, p. 193: According to Druick and Zegers: "Gauguin had never before expressed any spe¬cial reverence for Millet (and never would)." Vincent appears to have been aware of Gauguin and Bernard's lack of esteem for Millet. In June, to Bernard, he expressed a rare caveat in his veneration of the peasant painter: "My God, if only I'd known this country [i.e., the Midi] at 25, instead of coming here at 35 -- in those days I was enthusiastic about grey, or rather, absence of colour. I was always dreaming about Millet." (JLB 628, 6/19/1888.) 137. master of contour, Degas Druick and Zegers, p. 207: Druick and Zegers draw out the relationship between Gauguin's proposed favorites rejected by Vincent: "[Gauguin] found substantiation in Vincent's dislike of Raphael, Ingres, and Degas, a trio of painters who -- in the traditional aesthetic debate about the relative virtues of line versus color -- stood for analysis over spontaneity; controlled contour over excessive, actively brushed color; rationality over emotion; and, according to contemporary formulations proposed by writers such as Charles Blanc, masculinity over femininity." 138. "despairing" Gauguin, Intimate Journals (Avant et après), p. 31. 139. "universal genius" BVG B13, 7/25/1888.

Context:
BVG B13, 7/25/1888: "When Delacroix paints humanity, life in general, instead of an epoch, he belongs no less to the same family of universal geniuses."
JLB 651, 7/30/1888: "When Delacroix paints humanity, life in general instead of an epoch, he belongs to the same family of universal geniuses all the same."

140. "he paints humanity" BVG B13, 7/25/1888. (See Ch. 35, n. 101.)

Context:
BVG B13, 7/25/1888: "When Delacroix paints humanity, life in general, instead of an epoch, he belongs no less to the same family of universal geniuses."
JLB 651, 7/30/1888: "When Delacroix paints humanity, life in general instead of an epoch, he belongs to the same family of universal geniuses all the same."

141. consummate draftsmanship Roskill, p. 202. 142. "Generally speaking" Rewald, Post-Impressionism from Van Gogh to Gauguin, pp. 235-236. 143. an imaginary scene BVG B19a, 11/2/1888: Vincent reveals the "constructed" nature of Gauguin's image.

Context:
JLB 716, 11/1/1888 or 11/2/1888: "At the moment Gauguin has a canvas in progress of the same night café that I also painted, but with figures seen in the brothels."

144. an impossible angle Gauguin's painting assumes the perspective of a patron seated in a chair against the wall on the far right side of the café (as seen in Vincent's painting). This is an "impossible" perspective in that there was not enough room between the table (where Madame Ginoux sits) and the wall to set up an easel and work, as Vincent surely knew. 145. the human quotient In her survey, Herbert explores the origins in contemporary philosophy of this "new form of idealism" in art: "[It] borrowed from Schopenhauer [Arthur Schopenhauer, 1788-1860; German philosopher] the assertion that external 'reality' is nothing more than the projection of the individual consciousness, man's own representation. Speaking of the impact of the new idealism in art, Remy de Gourmont wrote: 'A new truth has recently entered literature and art ... This truth ... is the ideality of the world. In relation to man, the conscious subject, the world and all that is exterior exists only according to the idea that he forms of it. We know only phenomena, we reason only from appearances; all truth as such escapes us. Essence is unattackable ... This doctrine ... [is] a universal principle of emancipation for every man capable of understanding it. It has revolutionized more than esthetics.' ... Literature, even if it is avowedly individualistic, has universal significance in that 'a superior individual, a great writer is by virtue of his very genius inevitably a synthesis of his race and epoch, the representative of a fleeting or fragmentary humanity, the brain and mouth of an entire nation, and not an ephemeral monster.'" 146. "My artistic center" Paul Gauguin to Mette Gauguin-Gad, March 1892, in Malingue, ed., p. 165. 147. "childish trivialities" House, in Homburg, pp. 192-193. 148. " sans exécution" House, in Homburg, pp. 192-193. 149. " idée" House, in Homburg, p. 190: "For van Gogh, the physical paint mark was itself an expressive medium, whereas Gauguin's process of "abstraction" was designed to rid his paintings of such effects, in favor of the pursuit of the essential Idée, uncompromised by such contingencies." 675 150. fought an epistolary battle See Ch. 32, n. 231. As early as April 1888, Vincent responded with elaborate resistance to Bernard's encouragements to work more from the imagination: "Sometimes I regret that I cannot make up my mind to work more at home and extempore. The imagination is certainly a faculty which we must develop, one which alone can lead us to the creation of a more exalting and consoling nature than the single brief glance at reality -- which in our sight is ever changing, passing like a flash of lightning -- can let us perceive." This is a harbinger of Vincent's ultimate strategy with Gauguin's encouragements as well: a grand theoretical reconciliation accompanied by only token compromise on canvas. During the summer, this conversation morphs into a debate about religious imagery (see Chapter 32), but it never loses its subtext of an attack on Vincent's traditional working method and his defense thereof. 151. adopted Gauguin's vocabulary See Ch. 32, n. 191. 152. a few de tête images As early as March 1888, Vincent had tried finishing a painting in the studio by adding figures to a depiction of the Langlois Bridge. That effort ended badly. "I completely worked this study to death," he reported (JLB 589, 3/25/1888). In May, he attempted to create a landscape de tête, but relying on a drawing: "There's a small landscape with a tumbledown house in white, red, green and a cypress beside it -- you have the drawing of it and I painted it entirely at home" (JLB 606, 5/7/1888). The next month, he appears to have drawn a portrait of the prostitute he called "[t]his dirty 'mudlark'" entirely from memory in a letter to John Peter Russell: "Well, instead of continuing the letter I began to draw on the very paper the head of a dirty little girl I saw this afternoon whilst I was painting a view of the river with a greenish yellow sky" (JLB 627, 6/17/1888). This drawing appears not to be based on an existing drawing or painting, as he adds this note: "This dirty 'mudlark' I thought yet had a vague florentine sort of figure like the heads in the Monticelli pictures, and reasoning and drawing this wise I worked on the letter I was writing to you" (ibid.; emphasis added). In September, with Gauguin's arrival imminent, Vincent boasts that sometimes "the painting comes to me as if in a dream," but this is more rhetoric than practice; more prospective than descriptive (JLB 687, 9/25/1888). He does promise to study "this question of drawing figures from memory" (ibid.). By October, he undertakes to color a photograph of his mother "as I see her in my memory" -- a gesture in Gauguin's direction (JLB 699, 10/8/1888). And at the same time, he begins a study of a brothel for Bernard "from memory" (JLB 700, 10/9/1888 or 10/10/1888). The portrait is Portrait of the Artist's Mother (F 477 JH 1600); the brothel study is The Brothel (F 478 JH 1599). 153. "I never work from memory" BVG B19, 10/7/1888: It is interesting to note that, as Gauguin's arrival approached, Vincent's defiance on this issue weakened. Only ten days after this absolute rejection -- and less than a week before Gauguin's appearance in Arles -- Vincent writes Bernard: "Anyway, you'll see it with the others, and we'll talk about it. Because I often don't know what I'm doing, working almost like a sleepwalker" (JLB 706, 10/17/1888). By describing his working method in terms of an altered state of dream-like consciousness, Vincent is clearly trying to close the gap, in practice, between his devotion to nature and Gauguin's call to pure imagination. The claim is impossible to reconcile in any meaningful way with Vincent's many protests to Theo about the numerous "calculations" that go into his work (see Chapter 32).

Context:
BVG B19, 10/7/1888: "I won't sign this study, for I never work from memory. There is some colour in it which will please you, but once again, I have painted a study for you which I should have preferred not to paint."
JLB 698, 10/5/1888: "But I don't want to sign this study, because I never work from memory -- there will be colour in it, which will suit you, but to repeat, here I'm doing a study for you that I would prefer not to do."

154. "My attention" BVG B19, 10/7/1888.

Context:
BVG B19, 10/7/1888: "I don't mean I won't do it after another ten years of painting studies, but, to tell the honest truth, my attention is so fixed on what is possible and really exists that I hardly have the desire or the courage to strive for the ideal as it might result from my abstract studies."
JLB 698, 10/5/1888: "Later, after another ten years of studies, all right, but in very truth I have so much curiosity for what's possible and what really exists that I have so little desire or courage to search for the ideal, in so far as it could result from my abstract studies" (emphasis in original).

155. "arranging the colors" BVG B19, 10/7/1888: We have amended both translations because of Vincent's use of the word "enlarge" instead of "exaggerate" confuses the distinction between color "transgressions" and transgressions of form (one cannot "enlarge" color). That distinction is, of course, the entire thrust of the passage.

Context:
BVG B19, 10/7/1888: "I won't say that I don't turn my back on nature ruthlessly in order to turn a study into a picture, arranging the colours, enlarging and simplifying; but in the matter of form I am too afraid of departing from the possible and the true."
JLB 698, 10/5/1888: "I'm not saying that I don't flatly turn my back on reality to turn a study into a painting -- by arranging the colour, by enlarging, by simplifying -- but I have such a fear of separating myself from what's possible and what's right as far as form is concerned."

156. never abandoned it This is Merlhès's apt way of putting the same point: "for Vincent the physical and the metaphysical go hand in hand and he considers that by becoming too distanced from reality the artist is displaying the futile pretention of recreating a world that is certainly new but gratuitous, without an outcome and peopled with chimeras. Indeed, as a man who adheres to logic and earthly things -- to Voltaire, [Ernest] Renan and Zola -- Vincent is as distrustful of this new world as he is of all phantasmagoria and the unconscious." (Merlhès, Paul Gauguin et Vincent van Gogh, 1887-1888: Lettres retrouvées, sources ignores, p. 151-52.) 157. Romantic nature According to House: "In Gauguin's view, Vincent's 'romanticism' prevented him from being a true artist. However, van Gogh came to feel that this romanticism was integral to his vision." (House, in Homburg, p. 193.) 158. "logic and earthly things" Merlhès, Paul Gauguin et Vincent van Gogh, 1887-1888: Lettres retrouvées, sources ignorées, pp. 151-52. 159. "That painter" Van Gogh, Vincent, "On Vincent in Paris," p. 107. 160. give up his beloved rituals Jirat-Wasiutynski, Painting from Nature versus Painting from Memory, p. 99: Jirat-Wasiutynski quotes from a letter Gauguin wrote to Vincent before his arrival in Arles: "Some advice: do not paint too much from nature. Art is an abstraction; extract it from nature, while dreaming in front of it, and think more of the creation that will be the result." 161. "hand-to-hand struggle" BVG B21, 11/20/1889.

Context:
BVG B21, 11/20/1889: "I don't say one might not try one's hand at it after a whole life long of experimentation, of hand-to-hand struggle with nature, but personally, I don't want to trouble my head with such things."
JLB 822, 11/26/1889: "I'm not saying that one may not take the risk after a whole manly life of searching, of fighting hand-to-hand with reality, but as far as I'm concerned I don't want to rack my brains over that sort of thing."

162. nameless terrors of memory See Ch. 32, n. 256. Several commentators offer articulate insights into why Vincent recoiled from an art that required introspection. Druick and Zegers are particularly powerful in describing the "risk" of paintings like A Memory of the Garden: "[Vincent] had come to understand that working quickly before a natural motif allowed him to render reality as subjectively experienced and, in a psychic parallel, allowed him to lose self-consciousness through total immersion in his activity. Working from the imagination foreclosed this escape and, in a sense, reversed it. Untethered in the reality of the here-and-now, no longer focused by changing weather conditions or a human presence, Vincent's mind could drift. The effort of executing A Memory of the Garden led him deeper into rather than out of himself. ... If painting quickly, in a rush, afforded ecstatic glimpses of eternity, painting from the imagination led in the opposite direction, to memories of the parsonage gardens he associated with his personal Gethsemane. ... Emotional pitfalls were inextricably entwined with creative ones." (Druick and Zegers, pp. 202-203.) Merlhès adds: "By calling upon the artist's dreams and most deep-rooted enthusiasms, work executed 'from memory' is full of potential. For Gauguin, this remains or can remain a purely cerebral operation, a form of pure artistic research or plastic creativity; for Vincent, however, constrained by his human frailties, this form of creativity was destined to lead towards an abstract painting charged with meaning that dangerously combined a faith in the future with a nostalgia for the past. ... He would thus soon abandon this way of painting from the imagination that promised either too little or too much." (Merlhès, Paul Gauguin et Vincent van Gogh, 1887-1888: Lettres retrouvées, sources ignores, p. 150.) 163. "individual intention" BVG 607, 9/19/1889.

Context:
BVG 607, 9/19/1889: "Altogether I think nothing in it at all good except the 'Field of Wheat,' the 'Mountain," the "Orchard,' the 'Olives' with the blue hills and the portrait and the 'Entrance to the Quarry,' and the rest tells me nothing, because it lacks individual intention and feeling in the lines."
JLB 805, 9/20/1889: "All in all the only things I consider a little good in it are the Wheatfield, the Mountain, the Orchard, the Olive trees with the blue hills and the Portrait and the Entrance to the quarry, and the rest says nothing to me, because it lacks personal will, feeling in the lines" (emphasis in original).

164. "as I imagined the place" BVG 097, 5/28/1877: Note: we have slightly altered the translation slightly. The scene Vincent sketched in 1877 was the cave of Machpelah where Abraham buried Sarah, as described in Genesis 23. (See Ch. 11, n. 157.) The same year, Vincent reported doing a small drawing "[he] cannot help making" of another scene from the Bible: "I made this morning of Elijah in the desert with stormy skies and a couple of thorn-bushes in the foreground, it's nothing special, but sometimes I see it all so clearly in my mind's eye, and I believe that at such moments I should be able to talk about it passionately, may it later be granted me to do so." See Chapter 12.

Context:
BVG 097, 5/28/1877: "Last week, I got as far as Genesis 23, where Abraham buries Sarah in the cave of Machpelah, the plot he had bought, and without really thinking about it I drew a little sketch of how I imagined the place; it is not worth much, but I enclose it herewith."
JLB 116, 5/28/1877: "Last week I got as far as Gen. XXIII, the burial of Sarah in the field that Abraham bought to bury her there in the cave of Machpelah, and I couldn't help making a little drawing of how I imagined that place to be, it's nothing very special but I'm enclosing it anyway."

676 165. "truer than the literal" BVG 418, 7/1/1885. (See Chapter 24 and the following notes thereto: 669, 670, and 924.) Of course, this recurring defense of his work lies uncomfortably alongside Vincent's repeated attacks on works done "off the top of their head" (JLB 515, 7/14/1885). The most heated such attack comes in 1882 in response to the paintings of George Breitner: "But when I see young painters composing and drawing off the top of their head -- then daubing on all sorts at random, also off the top of their head -- then holding it at a distance and putting on a very profound, sombre expression to find out to what in God's name it might bear some resemblance, and finally, still off the top of their head, making what they can of it, it makes me feel feeble and faint, and I find it truly tedious and heavy going. The whole thing makes me sick!" (JLB 252, 7/31/1882, emphasis in original.)

A year later, Vincent writes more calmly but still unequivocally to Anton van Rappard: "I very seldom work from the imagination -- I almost never practise that" (JLB 437, 3/13/1884, emphasis in original). But at the same time he adds a caveat to this rule that re-opens the door to images that are more a product of the imagination than of nature. Explaining how his best figure drawings usually emerge after repeated efforts using the same model, Vincent writes: "I drew them repeatedly before these and the feeling wasn't in them. After that -- after those iron-like ones -- came these; so too the clumsy and awkward ones. How it comes about that I express something with them [emphasis in original] is: because the thing has already formed itself in my mind when I begin [emphasis added]." (ibid.) The argument appears to be that repeated drawings of the same figure (from nature) gradually create a kind of Aristotelian "ideal" in his head which can guide his hand to a better image. This strikes us as just another sadly convoluted rationalization for his unruly process and high ratio of failed images.

Context:
BVG 418, 7/1/1885: "Tell him that I long most of all to learn how to produce those very inaccuracies, those very aberrations, reworkings, transformations of reality, as may turn it into, well -- a lie if you like -- but truer than the literal truth."
JLB 515, 7/14/1885: "Tell him that my great desire is to learn to make such inaccuracies, such variations, reworkings, alterations of the reality, that it might become, very well -- lies if you will -- but -- truer than the literal truth."

166. " par coeur" BVG 403, 4/15/1885-4/30/1885. Note the contradiction built into the passage with the introduction ("He pretended ...") (JLB 496, 4/28/1885). Vincent never does successfully unwind the contradiction between his support of unrelenting struggle with nature and passionate, inner-directed execution. Later in the year of this passage (1885), he tries mightily, however. Citing a doctor's maxim -- "One begins by killing, one ends by healing" -- he suggests that following nature is a necessary preparation for creating "By heart": "One begins by fruitlessly working oneself to death to follow nature, and everything is contrary. One ends by quietly creating from one's palette, and nature is in accord with it, follows from it. But these two opposites don't exist without each other. Swotting, even if it's apparently in vain, gives a familiarity with nature, a sounder knowledge of things." (JLB 537, 10/28/1885.) He concludes with another ambivalent maxim, this one attributed to Gustave Doré ("who's sometimes so clever" [ibid.]): "I remember" -- which appears to be a direct parallel to Gauguin's injunction to paint "de mémoire" (see Jirat-Wasiutynski, in Peres, Hoyle and Van Tilborgh, eds., p. 99) -- but arrives at another impasse of contradictory feelings: "Although I believe that the finest paintings are made relatively freely from the imagination, I can't break with the idea that one can't study nature, swot even, too much" (JLB 537, 10/28/1885, emphasis in original).

Context:
BVG 403, 4/15/1885-4/30/1885: "The first time it was his theory about colours, but later I read a conversation he had with other painters about the making, namely the creation of a picture. He pretended that the best pictures are made from memory. Par coeur! He said. And about that conversation I read that, when all those worthy people were going home in the evening, Delacroix, with his usual vivacity and passion, loudly called after them in the middle of the boulevard, Par coeur! Par coeur! Probably to the great astonishment of the respectable passers-by."
JLB 496, 4/28/1885: "The first was his theory of colour, but I also read a conversation that he had with other painters about the making, that is the creation, of a painting. He asserted that one made the best paintings -- from memory. By heart! he said. And I read of the conversation in question that when all those good people were going home late in the evening -- Delacroix, with his usual vivacity and passion -- shouted out after them in the middle of the boulevard, By heart! by heart!, probably to the great surprise of respectable passers-by."

167. "I don't mean I won't" BVG B19, 10/7/1888. Vincent repeats this wan hope like a mantra: elsewhere in the same letter to Bernard ("Others may have more clarity of mind than I for abstract studies -- and you might certainly be among them, as well as Gauguin and perhaps myself when I'm old"); and again in almost exactly the same terms a year later in Saint-Rémy: "I'm not saying that one may not take the risk [i.e., abstraction] after a whole manly life of searching, of fighting hand-to-hand with reality, but as far as I'm concerned I don't want to rack my brains over that sort of thing" (JLB 822, 11/26/1889). This comes after -- and to some extent is precipitated by -- his last version of Starry Night (F 612 JH 1731), a painting that both he and Theo considered a failure precisely because of its resort to "abstraction": "And the whole year, have fiddled around from life, hardly thinking of Impressionism or of this or that. However, once again I'm allowing myself to do stars too big, &c., new setback, and I've enough of that." (ibid.)

Context:
BVG B19, 10/7/1888: " I don't mean I won't do it after another ten years of painting studies, but, to tell the honest truth, my attention is so fixed on what is possible and really exists that I hardly have the desire or the courage to strive for the ideal as it might result from my abstract studies."
JLB 698, 10/5/1888: " Later, after another ten years of studies, all right, but in very truth I have so much curiosity for what's possible and what really exists that I have so little desire or courage to search for the ideal, in so far as it could result from my abstract studies" (emphasis in original).

168. "make up" Merlhès, Paul Gauguin et Vincent van Gogh, 1887-1888: Lettres retrouvées, sources ignorées, p. 14: According to Merlhès, recalling Marie Henry, the proprietress of an inn in Le Pouldu, La Buvette de la Plage), "Gauguin, … was fond of recalling that the work had to be completely finished in the painter's mind before he approached his canvas" (see Chassé, p. 34). 169. "When Gauguin was in Arles" BVG B21, 11/20/1889. (See Ch. 35, n. 167.)

Context:
BVG B21, 11/20/1889: " When Gauguin was in Arles, I once or twice allowed myself to be led astray into abstraction, as you know, for instance in the Berceuse, in the Woman Reading a Novel, black against a yellow bookcase. At the time, I considered abstraction an attractive method. But that was delusion, dear friend, and one soon comes up against a brick wall."
JLB 822, 11/26/1889: " When Gauguin was in Arles, I once or twice allowed myself to be led into abstraction, as you know, in a woman rocking a cradle, a dark woman reading novels in a yellow library, and at that time abstraction seemed an attractive route to me. But that's enchanted ground, -- my good fellow -- and one soon finds oneself up against a wall."

170. "I am too afraid" BVG B19, 10/7/1888.

Context:
BVG B19, 10/7/1888: "I won't say that I don't turn my back on nature ruthlessly in order to turn a study into a picture, arranging the colours, enlarging and simplifying; but in the matter of form I am too afraid of departing from the possible and the true."
JLB 698, 10/5/1888: "I'm not saying that I don't flatly turn my back on reality to turn a study into a painting -- by arranging the colour, by enlarging, by simplifying -- but I have such a fear of separating myself from what's possible and what's right as far as form is concerned."

171. "a genius" BVG 607, 9/19/1889: Vincent provided an example of this "genius" in September 1889.

Context:
BVG 607, 9/19/1889: "Gauguin and Bernard ... do not ask the correct shape of a tree at all, but they do insist that one can say if the shape is round or square -- and honestly, they are right, exasperated as they are by certain people's photographic and empty perfection. They will not ask the correct name of the mountains, but they will say: By God, the mountains were blue, were they? Then chuck on some blue and don't go on telling me that it was a blue rather like this or that, it was blue, wasn't it? Good -- make them blue and it's enough! Gauguin is sometimes like a genius when he is explaining that."
JLB 805, 9/20/1889: "Bernard and Gauguin feel a little bit, they won't ask for the correct shape of a tree at all, but they absolutely insist that one says if the shape is round or square -- and my word, they're right -- Exasperated by certain people's photographic and inane perfection. They won't ask for the correct tone of the mountains but they'll say: for Christ's sake, were the mountains blue, then chuck on some blue and don't go telling me that it was a blue a bit like this or like that, it was blue wasn't it? Good -- make them blue and that's enough! Gauguin is a genius sometimes when he explains that."

172. orange leaves drift down Vincent made no attempt to depict these mid-air leaves in his first two pictures of the Alyscamps (Les Alyscamps [F 568 JH 1622] and Les Alyscamps [F 569 JH 1623]), even though, by his own account, the leaves had already begun to fall in mid-October, before Gauguin arrived (JLB 710, 10/22/1888). The heavy impasto he used in those paintings did not lend itself to rendering small, insignificant objects in numbers, and also violated the Cloisonnist mandate to simplify. Interestingly, the leaves appear in the same form in Gauguin's Les Alyscamps (W 316), his second picture painted at the graveyard allée. Vincent also emphasizes the leaves in his description of the second painting to both Theo (JLB 717, 11/3/1888) and Bernard (JLB 716, 11/1/1888 or 11/2/1888), which explains its title: Falling Leaves (Les Alyscamps) (F 569 JH 1623). 173. the first Sunday of November BVG 559, 11/6/1888: This would have been Sunday, November 4, 1888.

Context:
JLB 717, 11/3/1888: "But if only you'd been with us on Sunday! We saw a red vineyard, completely red like red wine. In the distance it became yellow, and then a green sky with a sun, fields violet and sparkling yellow here and there after the rain in which the setting sun was reflected."

677 174. "splendor" BVG 537, 9/16/1888: In September, Vincent wrote about a previous walk in the vineyards. This was apparently preparatory to the "campaign" of paintings of the grape harvest that he anticipated in July: "The wheatfields -- that has been an opportunity to work, like the orchards in blossom. And I only just have time to prepare myself for the new campaign, the one on the vineyards." (JLB 631, 6/25/1888.) By early October, he apparently had launched the campaign: "I have an extraordinary fever for work these days, at present I'm grappling with a landscape with blue sky above an immense green, purple, yellow vine with black and orange shoots. Little figures of ladies with red sunshades, little figures of grape-pickers with their cart further liven it up." (JLB 695, 10/3/1888.) "If you saw the vineyards! There are bunches weighing a kilo, even -- the grape is magnificent this year, from the fine autumn days coming at the end of a summer that left much to be desired." (JLB 702, 10/10/1888 or 10/11/1888, emphasis in original.) Despite this excitement, all that remains of the campaign, if there was one, is a single canvas, The Green Vineyard (F 475 JH 1595), painted in September.

Context:
BVG 537, 9/16/1888: "I went for a splendid walk by myself today among the vineyards."
JLB 681, 9/16/1888: "I took a magnificent walk by myself in the vineyards today."

175. "Gauguin gives me the courage" BVG 562, 11/16/1888.

Context:
BVG 562, 11/16/1888: " Gauguin gives me the courage to imagine things, and certainly things from the imagination take on a more mysterious character."
JLB 719, 11/11/1888 or 11/12/1888: " Gauguin gives me courage to imagine, and the things of the imagination do indeed take on a more mysterious character."

176. constructed their competing visions Vincent's painting is The Red Vineyard (F 495 JH 1626); Gauguin's painting acquired two names as the artist's ambitions for the work morphed and swelled. In a letter to Theo from November 1888, he referred to it with this descriptive phrase: "La Vendange ou La Pauvresse" (The Grape Harvest or The Pauperess) (W 317) (Paul Gauguin to Theo van Gogh, letter 183, c. 11/22/1888, in Merlhès, Correspondence de Paul Gauguin: Documents, témoignages, p. 288). For the painting's first exhibition at Café Volpini in 1889, he entitled it Misères humaines (Human Miseries) (W 317), which has remained its most commonly used title. (See Welsh-Ovcharov, pp. 190-191.) 177. the native costume of Brittany Pickvance, p. 205: Pickvance quotes "what may be a fragment of a letter from Gauguin to Émile Bernard, probably of about 10 November": "Purple vines forming triangles against the upper part, which is chrome yellow. On the left a Breton woman of Le Pouldu in black with gray apron. Two Breton women bending down in blue and light green dresses with black bodice: in the foreground pink soil and a poor woman with orange-colored hair, white blouse and skirt (terre verte with white added). All this done with bold outlines enclosing tones which are almost similar and laid on thickly with a knife on coarse sack-cloth. It is a view of a vineyard which I have seen at Arles. I have put Breton women into it -- accuracy doesn't matter. It's my best canvas this year and as soon as it is dry I will send it to Paris." The specificity of Gauguin's identifications suggests that he may have brought study drawings from Brittany. 178. "uniform tonalities" Welsh-Ovcharov, pp. 190-191. 179. Who is this woman? Druick and Zegers thoroughly explore the iconography of this figure, proposing everything from Dürer's "Melancholia I" to Millet's peasants to Vincent's own "Sorrow" (Druick and Zegers, pp. 191-194). Curiously, they omit from their catalogue the most famous iconographic "breakthrough" related to Gauguin's picture, the identification of the masked figure and its huddled pose with a Peruvian mummy that was on display at the Paris Ethnographic Museum in the Trocadero. (See Andersen, "Gauguin and a Peruvian Mummy," pp. 238-242; and Dorra, "Gauguin's Dramatic Arles Themes," pp. 12-17. For a discussion, see Welsh-Ovcharov, p. 191, and Silverman, p. 466, n. 21). 180. Why is she so desolate? Paul Gauguin to Émile Schuffenecker, l. 193, 12/20/1888, in Merlhès, Correspondence de Paul Gauguin: Documents, témoignages, p. 306: The phrase is Gauguin's, but his explanation to Schuffenecker sheds no real light on why she is desolate: "Have you noticed a desolate women in The Grape Harvest [W 317]? She is not by nature lacking in intelligence, charm or any of nature's gifts. She is a woman. Her chin resting on her hands, she has few thoughts in her mind but feels consoled on this land (nothing but the land) drenched in sunlight by the sun's red triangle. And a woman in black is passing by, looking at her like a sister." Somewhat sheepishly, it seems, he adds, "Explanation in painting does not mean description." Druick and Zegers see Vincent's influence in this explication, but its abstruseness is perfectly consistent with Gauguin's symbolist language elsewhere (Druick and Zegers, pp. 193-194). Pickvance translates the first sentence of the same letter more expansively: "Do you notice in the Vintage a poor disconsolate being," and adds a quote from a letter Gauguin wrote to Theo, in which he referred to the central figure as "a poor woman totally bewitched" (Pickvance, p. 205). This relates to the alternate title he gave the work: Grape Harvest, or the Poor Woman (see Ch. 35, n. 176). Pickvance goes on to speculate, on the basis of previous and subsequent works, that Gauguin "may have wanted an image of death, or a notion of perpetual labor or of sexual indiscretion" (ibid., p. 206). Mathews suggests intriguingly that the dolorous figure in The Grape Harvest may have been a depiction of Gauguin's host: "a conscious or unconscious reference to the misery that resulted from Van Gogh's [unreturned] love for Gauguin" (Mathews, p. 135). 181. "very fine" BVG 559, 11/6/1888.

Context:
BVG 559, 11/6/1888: "Just now he has in hand some women in a vineyard, altogether from memory, but if he does not spoil it or leave it unfinished it will be very fine and very unusual."
JLB 717, 11/3/1888: "At the moment he's working on some women in a vineyard, entirely from memory, but if he doesn't spoil it or leave it there unfinished it will be very fine and very strange."

182. "as beautiful as" BVG 561, 11/12/1888.

Context:
BVG 561, 11/12/1888: "What will please you is that Gauguin has finished his canvas of the 'Women Grape Gatherers [W 317].' It is as beautiful as the Negresses, and if you paid say the same price as for the Negresses (400, I think) it would be well worth it."
JLB 718, 11/10/1888: "What will please you is that Gauguin has finished his canvas of the women picking grapes, it's as fine as the negresses and if, say, you paid the same price for it as for the negresses (400 I think) that would certainly be good too."

183. "Things from the imagination" BVG 562, 11/16/1888: We have re-positioned an adverb in Bonger's translation.

Context:
BVG 562, 11/16/1888: "Gauguin gives me the courage to imagine things, and certainly things from the imagination take on a more mysterious character."
JLB 719, 11/11/1888 or 11/12/1888: "Gauguin gives me courage to imagine, and the things of the imagination do indeed take on a more mysterious character."

184. eroticism In his letter to Theo c. November 22, Gauguin referred to both The Grape Harvest (W 317) and In the Heat (The Pigs) (W 320) as "rather masculine," asking rhetorically: "Is it the southern sun that causes us to be in rut?" (Paul Gauguin to Theo van Gogh, l. 183, c. 11/22/1888, in Merlhès, Correspondence de Paul Gauguin: Documents, témoignages, p. 288). 185. some tantalizing sketches Druick and Zegers, p. 197. 186. Degas's bathers Roskill, p. 144: Roskill impressively nails down the terms of this borrowing: "At the beginning of 1888 Degas had exhibited at Theo van Gogh's gallery some of his recent pastels of Women Bathing. Gauguin had seen that exhibition and had made small-scale graphic notes of five of the compositions in his current notebook. One of these diminutive drawings shows a naked woman seen from the rear, with her right arm raised, holding up a towel, and her left arm bent back to the nape of her neck. Gauguin's woman in the hay is correspondingly naked and seen from behind; the right arm in her case is bent back so that her head rests upon the forearm, and the left arm is extended upwards over the surface of the hay." Vincent had seen and admired the same display of Degas drawings on the entresol in early 1888, before leaving for Arles. Druick and Zegers also see in Gauguin's figure an allusion to a slumping concubine-victim in Delacroix's Death of Sardanapalus (Druick and Zegers, pp. 197-198). 678 187. "Gauguin is working" BVG 562, 11/16/1888.

Context:
JLB 719, 11/11/1888 or 11/12/1888: "Gauguin's working on a very original nude woman in some hay with some pigs."

188. she could be resting Druick and Zegers, p. 197: According to Druick and Zegers: "The ambiguity of the woman's action -- is she seated or standing, kicking her leg to shoo away a pig, sifting or pitching hay, slumping forward in exhaustion? -- is not explained by the drawings, made several weeks before in Brittany, upon which Gauguin based the composition." While we agree that the woman's pose is intentionally ambiguous, we believe, in light of Gauguin's comments about the image (see Ch. 35, n. 191), that the ambiguity was only the thinnest guise for sexual titillation and that neither animal husbandry nor agricultural routine was, in fact, a part of Gauguin's program for this image, any more than hygienic practice was the subject of Degas's bathers. 189. indifference of fellow beasts Druick and Zegers, p. 197: Druick and Zegers call attention to some of Gauguin's earlier images in Brittany that "hinted at a similar comparison between Breton women and the gaggles of geese or herds of pigs and cows they tended." They explain that The Pigs "goes beyond the longstanding and ongoing urban disdain for Breton backwardness that led to an identification of the deeply superstitious peasantry with the animals they husbanded" and is "[n]otable for its misogyny." 190. Les cochons Like The Grape Harvest (W 317) (see Ch. 35, n. 176), The Pigs (W 320) acquired a second, more sonorously symbolic title: En pleine chaleur (In the Heat). 191. "[It is], to my mind" Paul Gauguin to Theo van Gogh, l. 183, c. 11/22/1888, in Merlhès, Correspondence de Paul Gauguin: Documents, Témoignages, p. 288: The letter groups The Pigs (W 320) together with The Grape Harvest (W 317) and says of both: "[They] are, to my mind, rather virile but it will be said they are a little coarse. Is it the southern sun that causes us to be in rut? If they should scare off the connoisseur, don't be afraid to set them to one side. I happen to like them, myself." 192. "I am going to set" BVG 561, 11/12/1888.

Context:
BVG 561, 11/12/1888: " I am going to set myself to work from memory often, and the canvases from memory are always less awkward, and have a more artistic look than studies from nature, especially when one works in mistral weather."
JLB 718, 11/10/1888: " I'm going to set myself to work often from memory, and the canvases done from memory are always less awkward and have a more artistic look than the studies from nature, especially when I'm working in mistral conditions."

193. "colorful multitudes" BVG B3, 4/9/1888.

Context:
BVG B3, 4/9/1888: "By the way, I have seen bullfights in the arena, or rather sham fights, seeing that the bulls were numerous but there was nobody to fight them. However, the crowd was magnificent, those great colourful multitudes piled up one above the other on two or three galleries, with the effect of sun and shade and the shadow cast by the enormous ring."
JLB 596, 4/12/1888: "By the way, have seen bullfights in the arenas, or rather, simulated fights, seeing that the bulls were numerous but nobody was fighting them. But the crowd was magnificent, great multicoloured crowds. One on top of the other on 2, 3 tiers, with the effect of sun and shade and the shadow cast by the immense circle."

194. "fine sight" BVG 474, 4/9/1888.

Context:
BVG 474, 4/9/1888: "The arenas are a fine sight when there's sunshine and a crowd."
JLB 594, 4/9/1888: "The bullring looks so beautiful when there's sunshine and a crowd."

195. subject of his next series BVG 474, 4/9/1888. After seeing the "toreador" (actually, "toreros" is the correct term) crush a testicle while jumping the barricade in April, Vincent considers focusing his next round of energy on the arena spectacle: "it's to our advantage to do as many orchards in blossom as we can. ... You know I'm changeable in my work, and this rage to paint orchards won't last forever. After that it may be bullrings." Recognizing the artistic and logistical difficulties involved in such a project, he quickly adds: "And I have an ENORMOUS amount of drawing to do." This suggests he understood that setting his easel in the arena was not a realistic option. His comment about "the effect of sun and shade and the shadow cast by the immense circle" (JLB 596, 4/12/1888, see Ch. 35, n. 196), on the other hand, may indicate that he envisioned views of the arena from the outside, not just from within. If so, his plan would have anticipated Claude Monet's "Rouen Cathedral" series by five years.

Context:
JLB 594, 4/9/1888: "The month will be hard for you and me, but nevertheless, if you can manage it, it's to our advantage to do as many orchards in blossom as we can. I'm now well under way and I need 10 more, I think, same subject. You know I'm changeable in my work, and this rage to paint orchards won't last forever. After that it may be bullrings."

196. "the effect of sun" BVG B3, 4/9/1888.

Context:
BVG B3, 4/9/1888: "By the way, I have seen bullfights in the arena, or rather sham fights, seeing that the bulls were numerous but there was nobody to fight them. However, the crowd was magnificent, those great colourful multitudes piled up one above the other on two or three galleries, with the effect of sun and shade and the shadow cast by the enormous ring."
JLB 596, 4/12/1888: "By the way, have seen bullfights in the arenas, or rather, simulated fights, seeing that the bulls were numerous but nobody was fighting them. But the crowd was magnificent, great multicoloured crowds. One on top of the other on 2, 3 tiers, with the effect of sun and shade and the shadow cast by the immense circle."

197. listing the bullfightGauguin, Paul Gauguin: 45 lettres à Vincent, Théo et Jo van Gogh, pp. 213-219: Gauguin wrote Vincent around July 25, 1888: "I would like it very much if we arrived at our goal, that is my voyage to Provence. I had always the strong desire to interpret the bullfights in my way such as I understand them." 198. "interpret"Gauguin, Paul Gauguin: 45 lettres à Vincent, Théo et Jo van Gogh, pp. 213-219. 199. the season for blood sport Druick and Zegers, p. 171. 200. unleashed his brush Spectators in the Arena at Arles, F 548 JH 1653, December 1888, oil on canvas, 28.7 x 36.2 in., 73 x 92 cm., Hermitage, St. Petersburg. Roskill alone makes an argument that this painting should be dated to the spring of 1888, around the time Vincent first reports seeing bullfights in the arena (Roskill, pp.125-126). Furthermore, he proposes that Vincent created the work de tête in response to Bernard's epistolary persuasion seven months before Gauguin's arrival in Arles. We do not find his arguments convincing on either score. Even if valid, the relationship between the figure in Vincent's painting and a drawing by Bernard that Vincent received that spring only sets the earliest date for the painting; the drawing presumably remained in Vincent's possession thereafter. The figure could, with equal definitiveness, be seen as the model who posed for La Mousmé (F 431 JH 1519), of whom Vincent would undoubtedly have retained sketches. The relationship between the Arena and Louis Anquetin's Avenue that Roskill sees is tenuous and it is doubtful that Vincent would have attempted such a large and complicated image as his first de tête painting, especially in light of his stated ambition at the time to undertake a series of paintings of the arena that were clearly not de tête (JLB 594, 4/9/1888; see Ch. 35, n. 195) and his failure to mention any attempt toward fulfilling that ambition (whether from life or de tête) to either Bernard or Theo (whereas he did confess both failed de tête attempts to depict Christ in the Garden). 201. Her announcement BVG W9, 11/16/1888.

Context:
JLB 720, 11/12/1888: "It's good that you've at last begun to read Au bonheur des dames &c. There are so many things in it, as there are in Guy de Maupassant [Guy de Maupassant, 1850-1893; French writer] as well."

202. from Jet Mauve BVG 562, 11/16/1888.

Context:
JLB 719, 11/11/1888 or 11/12/1888: "You'll be pleased to hear that I've had a letter from Jet Mauve thanking us for the painting. A very nice letter, in which she talks of times gone by."

203. "spoke of old times" BVG 562, 11/16/1888.

Context:
BVG 562, 11/16/1888: "I know you will be pleased to hear that I have had a letter from Jet Mauve, thanking us for the picture. A very nice letter, in which she speaks of old times."
JLB 719, 11/11/1888 or 11/12/1888: "You'll be pleased to hear that I've had a letter from Jet Mauve thanking us for the painting. A very nice letter, in which she talks of times gone by."

679 204. not written him directly It appears that Anna van Gogh did occasionally request that letters she had written be forwarded to Vincent, either by Wil (JLB 590, 5/30/1888) or by Theo (JLB 713, 10/27/1888). It is not clear if these were letters specifically drafted for Vincent or, more likely, letters that the named recipients were given license to share with Vincent. Either way, it was a clear snub. Vincent, who had once vowed not to write his mother, respected this cordon. When he read a letter forwarded from Wil, he responded coolly: "Thank Ma for her letter" (JLB 626, 6/16/1888-6/20/1888). That is not to say that the estrangement did not add to his torment of guilt over the past. A month after that cool reply, he wrote Wil in a very different mood: "How's Ma doing at present? I often think about you both, and I wish you the best from the bottom of my heart." (JLB 653, 7/31/1888.) By September 1888, in the throes of a new wave of nostalgia, his maternal feelings had warmed considerably: "Give my warm regards to our mother; I often think of you both, and I'm really pleased that now you know our life a little better" (JLB 678, 9/9/1888 and 9/14/1888). 205. via Theo BVG T3, 10/27/1888. Anna's message came enclosed in a letter from Theo.

Context:
JLB 713, 10/27/1888: "You'll find enclosed a letter from our mother, which she asks me to pass on to you."

206. Her mood was melancholic b2424 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 12/7/1888: Judging from a letter that Anna sent Theo a month later, as she soldiered through the holiday season in which her husband, dead only three years, had played such a central role: "Dad could be so busy at times and my home life was very busy too. And then those years in Nuenen. Oh I felt so melancholic on December 5th [St. Nicholas Day] when I saw Anna [her eldest daughter] and Jo [her son-in-law] being so busy for the children and many others whom they wanted to surprise with something useful that day. Then you can feel so much like you've had your day. But I do not complain. One just has to accept that the end will come one day. ... There are not many who are mourned and remembered so profoundly like your dear Dad. It is so real. I don't need to talk about him to know and feel it." 207. he had lived in peace See Chapter 7. Vincent returned from Paris to Etten for Christmas 1875 after an absence of a year -- another delirious Christmas homecoming. Immediately afterward, he returned to Paris and was dismissed from Goupil, putting his estrangement from home and family on a far steeper downward trajectory. 208. a scene in the parsonage garden BVG 562, 11/16/1888: The painting is Memory of the Garden at Etten (F 496 JH 1630). Druick and Zegers and others retitle the work A Memory in the Garden (Etten and Nuenen), drawing in Vincent's later stay in the Nuenen parsonage because, Druick and Zegers say, the painting "evokes the plots of land connected to the parsonages at both Etten and Nuenen, where the van Gogh family lived successively from 1875 until the reverend's death in 1885" (Druick and Zegers, p. 200). Vincent does later refer to the painting as "that thing I did of the garden at Nuenen," but we think this is a slip, and not a Freudian one (JLB 723, 12/1/1888). An association with Nuenen runs counter both to the spirit of the painting and to Vincent's explicit designation of the work at the time of its creation as "[a] reminiscence of our garden at Etten" (JLB 719, 11/11/1888 or 11/12/1888). The two parsonages had completely different emotional significances for Vincent and to conflate them would be to elevate Vincent's later error to biographical and/or art-historical significance. Vincent had done some of his first surviving drawings from nature in the Etten parsonage garden (see Chapter 13), he had sketched there with Anton van Rappard (ibid.), and he had sat in the garden under the pergola that his brother Cor built there, a scene that he depicted with tender care in an early drawing (Garden with Arbor [F 902 JH 09]). In 1876, Vincent's father wrote Theo (and, at this early juncture, probably Vincent, too) about the "gorgeous" Etten garden (b2753 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 6/17/1876): "We are looking forward to sitting in the garden with you, that hut is so nice and useful for those who easily catch something, and outside, one has a nice view of the trees" (b2758 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 7/6/1876).

Context:
JLB 719, 11/11/1888 or 11/12/1888: "I've been working on two canvases. A reminiscence of our garden at Etten with cabbages, cypresses, dahlias and figures."

209. "Let us suppose" BVG W9, 11/16/1888.

Context:
BVG W9, 11/16/1888: "All the same, let us suppose that the two ladies out for a walk are you and our mother; …"
JLB 720, 11/12/1888: "In the same way, let's suppose that these two women walking are you and our mother."

210. a dark hood BVG W9, 11/16/1888. In his early description of the image to Wil, Vincent says only this about the clothing on the figure of his mother: "The old one has a blue-violet shawl, almost black." At some later point, Vincent added dashes of blue and red to the "almost black" shawl that shrouds the figure.

Context:
JLB 720, 11/12/1888: "The younger of the two women walking is wearing a Scottish shawl with green and orange checks and carrying a red parasol. The old one has a blue-violet shawl, almost black. But a bunch of dahlias, some lemon yellow, others variegated pink and white, explode against this sombre figure."

211. drawn a hundred timesSee Ch. 35, n. 210. 212. multicolored flowers BVG W9, 11/16/1888: Vincent describes the assortment of blossoms depicted in A Memory of the Garden at some length to Wil, who obviously shared his (and his mother's) love of flowers.

Context:
JLB 720, 11/12/1888: "But a bunch of dahlias, some lemon yellow, others variegated pink and white, explode against this sombre figure. Behind them a few emerald-green cedar or cypress bushes. Behind these cypresses one catches a glimpse of a bed of pale green and red cabbages, surrounded by a border of little white flowers. The sandy path is a raw orange, the foliage of two beds of scarlet geraniums is very green. Finally, in the middle ground is a maidservant dressed in blue who's arranging plants with a profusion of white, pink, yellow and vermilion-red flowers."

213. his mother's gardens See Chapter 2. 214. From the muted tonalities Rewald, Post-Impressionism from Van Gogh to Gauguin, pp. 233-234: "It is true that from that time [Gauguin's arrival] on Vincent changed his palette, yet he did so in order to achieve softer harmonies ... van Gogh became more intent on mellower sonorities." 215. "bizarre" BVG W9, 11/16/1888. Since this description accompanies a letter sketch (JLB 720, 11/12/1888), which consists entirely of lines, we take "bizarre lines" in this context to be a more summary condemnation that it would be if Wil were looking at the painting itself.

Context:
BVG W9, 11/16/1888: "In a similar manner the bizarre lines, purposely selected and multiplied, meandering all through the picture, may fail to give the garden a vulgar resemblance, but may present it to our minds as seen in a dream, depicting its character, and at the same time stranger than it is in reality."
JLB 720, 11/12/1888: "In the same way the bizarre lines, sought out and multiplied, and snaking all over the painting, aren't intended to render the garden in its vulgar resemblance but draw it for us as if seen in a dream, in character and yet at the same time stranger than the reality."

216. "vulgar and fatuous" BVG W9, 11/16/1888. (See Ch. 35, n. 215.)

Context:
BVG W9, 11/16/1888: "All the same, let us suppose that the two ladies out for a walk are you and our mother; let us even suppose that there is not the least, absolutely not the least vulgar and fatuous resemblance -- yet the deliberate choice of colour, the somber violet with the blotch of violent citron yellow of the dahlias, suggests Mother's personality to me."
JLB 720, 11/12/1888: "In the same way, let's suppose that these two women walking are you and our mother. Let's even suppose then that there may be not the slightest, absolutely not the slightest vulgar and fatuous resemblance, the deliberate choice of colour, the dark violet violently blotched with the lemon yellow of the dahlias, suggests Mother's personality to me."

217. "I know this is hardly" BVG W9, 11/16/1888: Vincent lobbies his sister very specifically on behalf of both of the figures in his painting of the Etten garden. As for the figure of their mother, he maintains that "the deliberate choice of colour, the dark violet violently blotched with the lemon yellow of the dahlias, suggests Mother's personality to me" (JLB 720, 11/12/1888). As for Wil herself, he argues vehemently but vaguely: "The figure in the Scottish plaid with the orange and green checks standing out against the dark green of the cypress, this contrast even more exaggerated by the red parasol, gives me an idea of you, vaguely a figure like those in Dickens's novels" (ibid.). It is hard to say how much of these arguments is valid and how much is defensive blather. Did Wil prefer plaids? Why does somber violet and "violently blotched with the lemon yellow" suggest his mother? Earlier, when Vincent was doing the portrait of his mother (Portrait of the Artist's Mother [F 477 JH 1600]), he insisted that the color that "expressed" her personality best was ashen gray, not violet and yellow.

The threshold question is why does Vincent bother making this elaborate argument. His sister only had a letter sketch and a description that included colors. He had acknowledged many times that his family never understood his art and never appreciated why a painting should not look like its subject -- especially when the subject was a particular person. One suspects strongly that Vincent is arguing with himself -- trying to convince himself of the ideas that justify this, to him, bizarre and unnatural image. Ultimately, of course, all such arguments are with his long dead, inconvincible father (and, intermediately, with his brother) over whether or not he is a true artist. It is also interesting to note how imperfectly (idiosyncratically), Vincent has absorbed Gauguin's symbolist rhetoric. Dickens's characters (like figures out of English woodcuts) are representative; they are not "symbolic" in the sense that Gauguin meant it. A symbolic figure is not a "type," as Vincent understood that term. It is the embodiment of the abstract ideal, not the distillation of many specifics -- an inductive, not a deductive, truth. It is hard to name a less "symbolic" writer (in this sense) than Dickens.

Context:
BVG W9, 11/16/1888: "There you are, I know it isn't perhaps much of a resemblance, but for me it conveys the poetic character and the style of the garden as I feel them."
JLB 720, 11/12/1888: "There you are, I know it isn't perhaps much of a resemblance, but for me it conveys the poetic character and the style of the garden as I feel them."

218. in the spring "Gauguin, Paul": "In January 1889 he stayed with Schuffenecker before returning to Pont-Aven in April. … He was invited to exhibit with Les XX in Brussels, but when his 12 submissions were not received as enthusiastically as he had anticipated, he decided not to go to Belgium. At the end of May he was again in Paris, drawn there by the opening of the Exposition Universelle and preparations for the Impressionist and Synthetist painters' exhibition." 219. Gauguin had discovered a plot Paul Gauguin to Émile Bernard, l. 178, c. 11/9/1888-11/12/1888, in Merlhès, Correspondence de Paul Gauguin: documents, témoignages, pp. 274-275: Around mid-November, Gauguin writes Bernard about a letter that Vincent received from his brother in Paris. In this letter, Theo reported visiting both Georges Seurat and Paul Signac and concluded ominously, "[e]verything is still frosty." Apparently paraphrasing Theo's letter, Gauguin writes that these two leading Neo-Impressionists "are starting a campaign (using La Revue Indépendante as the seat of their propaganda) against the rest of us. … we will be portrayed as worse than devils who must be avoided like the plague." Gauguin goes on to urge Bernard not to forward the information to Theo: "Consider it as having been said and don't mention it to [Theo] Van Gogh, or else you'll have people thinking I'm indiscreet." One cannot discount the possibility that Gauguin has invented some or all of this tale. The advice not to take the information back to its supposed source, Theo, suggests that he probably was not the source. The Revue had turned down Gauguin's friend Émile Schuffenecker's application to exhibit and the latter's wounded feelings figured more prominently in this intrigue than Gauguin cares to admit to Bernard (or to Vincent).

In his letter of rejection to La Revue Indépendante, Gauguin wrote archly, "I am mystified by the honor you accord me by your invitation to exhibit my Martinique work on the premises of the Revue Indépendante. I regret I am unable to accept an invitation that my friend Schuffenecker sought for himself in vain." (For the complete text of the letter, see Ch. 36, n. 33.) Ultimately, Gauguin's boycott (and his successful effort to recruit Vincent to his boycott [see Ch. 35, n. 222]) of the Revue Indépendante show appears to be just the latest installment in his ongoing feud with Signac, Camille Pissarro, and the other Neo-Impressionists. He writes to Schuffenecker about his refusal in the voice of a melodrama villain rubbing his hands in glee, "You can see that I am not beating about the bush and am exploiting an opportunity to take revenge on your behalf? And to say what I think about all such cliques. I wish I could see those gentlemen's faces when they read my letter!"

220. "petits points"Paul Gauguin to Émile Bernard, l. 178, c. 11/9/1888-11/12/1888, in Merlhès, Correspondence de Paul Gauguin: Documents, témoignages, pp. 274-275: "Everything is still as frosty at Signac's: he comes across to me as a traveller à petits points." 680 221. "worse than devils" Paul Gauguin to Émile Bernard, l. 178, c. 11/9/1888-11/12/1888, in Merlhès, Correspondence de Paul Gauguin: Documents, témoignages, pp. 274-275. (See Ch. 35, n. 219.) 222. Rather than participate Vincent protests adamantly that his decision to withdraw from the Revue Indépendante show is based solely on the fact that the Revue has asked for him to give a painting in exchange for including him in the show. Given his poor track-record of sales and his almost complete obscurity (other than his connection to Theo), his indignation at this suggestion is hardly convincing: " find it so disgusting to pay for the planned exhibition with a canvas that in reality there aren't two answers to this gentleman's letter. ... they're completely mistaken if they imagine I'm going to pay to have myself put on show in such a small, dark and above all scheming hole." (JLB 718, 11/10/1888.) As usual with his arguments of this sort, Vincent gives away the game by saying too much. If he were truly offended at the idea of Theo giving the Revue one of the scores of paintings rolled up in the rue Lepic apartment, he would not have felt the need to add this unprompted, too-protesting denial: "I make so bold as to believe that Gauguin is of the same opinion. In any case he doesn't at all urge me to do it." (ibid.) First, it is impossible to believe either that Vincent did not inform Gauguin of the Revue's invitation (Gauguin received one, too [see Ch. 36, n. 33]) or that Gauguin did not venture an opinion on the question -- especially given the latter's heated letters to Bernard and Schuffenecker on the same subject at the same time (see Ch. 35, n. 219). And, indeed, Vincent's language to Theo exactly echoes a letter Gauguin wrote to Theo in early December in which he, too, refused the Revue's invitation: "I received an invitation from the Revue Indépendante and here's a copy of my reply. Do not be astonished by this refusal which can do you no harm. I consider this hole of an exhibition as being capable of harming us, whatever way you look at it." (Paul Gauguin to Theo van Gogh, l. 187, c. 12/4/1888-12/7/1888, in Merlhès, Correspondence de Paul Gauguin: Documents, témoignages, p. 294; emphasis added.)

The more likely story is that Gauguin asked Vincent -- just as he asked Bernard (see Ch. 35, n. 219) -- not to reveal to Theo that Gauguin was orchestrating the boycott of the Revue show for fear of alienating his dealer. This, of course, leaves Vincent sputtering defensively at unconvincing length to explain his sudden and nonsensical reversal on the all-important subject of showing his work: "I find it so disgusting to pay for the planned exhibition with a canvas that in reality there aren't two answers to this gentleman's letter [i.e., the invitation from the Revue editor Édouard Dujardin]. There's one, and you'll find it enclosed. Only I'm sending it to you and not to him so that you know my thoughts and so that you can simply tell him that I've changed my mind and haven't the slightest desire to exhibit at this moment. It's no use at all getting angry with the chap, it's better to be tritely polite. So no exhibition at the Revue Indépendante, ... Now I declare here that I absolutely do not know what useful purpose that [exhibiting at the Revue] even serves, and it would seem to me more just, certainly, that you should simply keep the studies that you liked in your apartment, that you send the others back to me here rolled up, since the apartment is small and if you kept everything they'd clutter it up. So, without our hurrying I'm preparing the wherewithal here to stage a more serious exhibition. ... Now with regard to the few canvases at Tanguy's or Thomas's [Georges Thomas (Père Thomas), ?-after 1908; art dealer in Paris] place ... that's a matter of such absolute indifference to me that in reality it isn't worth talking about -- but you should know above all that I'm really not at all attached to the idea. I know in advance what I'll do the moment I have enough canvases. For the moment I'm simply busying myself with making them." (JLB 718, 11/10/1888.)

223. he had so often decriedSee Chapter 33. 224. "a scoundrel" BVG 561, 11/12/1888.

Context:
BVG 561, 11/12/1888: "Only I am sending it to you and not to him so that you may know what I think, and that you may simply tell him that I have changed my mind, and at the moment have no desire to exhibit. Getting angry with the scoundrel doesn't do the slightest bit of good, it is better to be conventionally polite."
JLB 718, 11/10/1888: "Only I'm sending it to you and not to him so that you know my thoughts and so that you can simply tell him that I've changed my mind and haven't the slightest desire to exhibit at this moment. It's no use at all getting angry with the chap, it's better to be tritely polite."

225. "a black hole" BVG 561, 11/12/1888. Later in the same letter, Vincent repeats the insult with extra venom: "they're completely mistaken if they imagine I'm going to pay to have myself put on show in such a small, dark and above all scheming hole" (JLB 718, 11/10/1888).

Context:
BVG 561, 11/12/1888: "I have received a letter from M. C. Dujardin on the subject of the exhibition of my pictures in his black hole."
JLB 718, 11/10/1888: "I've received a letter from Mr. E. Dujardin regarding the exhibition of some canvases of mine in his dark hole."

226. "Please tell them curtly" BVG 561, 11/12/1888.

Context:
BVG 561, 11/12/1888: "But as for the Revue Indépendante, please tell them curtly it's no go. It's too good an opportunity, and you will feel that they are greatly mistaken if they think I am going to pay for being put on view in such a dark, suspect little hole as that."
JLB 718, 11/10/1888: "But as for the Revue Indépendante I'd ask you to put a complete end to it, the opportunity is too good, and you'll feel that they're completely mistaken if they imagine I'm going to pay to have myself put on show in such a small, dark and above all scheming hole."

227. "I am so disgusted" BVG 561, 11/12/1888. (See Ch. 35, n. 222.)

Context:
BVG 561, 11/12/1888: " I am go disgusted at the idea of handing over a canvas in payment for the proposed exhibition that really there is only one possible answer to the gentleman's letter."
JLB 718, 11/10/1888: " I find it so disgusting to pay for the planned exhibition with a canvas that in reality there aren't two answers to this gentleman's letter."

228. "My friend Paul Gauguin" BVG W9, 11/16/1888.

Context:
BVG W9, 11/16/1888: "But remember I have not told you that my friend Paul Gauguin, an impressionist painter, is now living with me, and that we are very happy together. He strongly encourages me to work often from pure imagination."
JLB 720, 11/12/1888: "But I remember that I haven't yet told you that my friend Paul Gauguin, an Impressionist painter, now lives with me and that we're very happy together, he encourages me a lot often to work purely from the imagination."

229. unable to achieve BVG 560, 12/4/1888. By Vincent's own admission: "I feel that habit is also necessary for works of the imagination," he wrote in early December, obviously discouraged in his efforts thus far in creating de tête images (JLB 723, 12/1/1888).

Context:
JLB 723, 12/1/1888: "Only I've spoiled that thing I did of the garden at Nuenen and I feel that habit is also necessary for works of the imagination."

230. he returned to the canvas Druick and Zegers, p. 203: According to Druick and Zegers, "Microscopic examination reveals that in an earlier state, the painting corresponded more closely to a letter sketch sent to Wil [JLB 720, 11/12/1888]: the older woman's silhou¬ette was slimmer and her wrist exposed, the younger woman's shoulder lower and her head and coiffure smaller, the edge of the umbrella rounded, the servant's hips wider, the foreground flowers sparser, the sunflowers simple orbs, the older woman's shawl and the servant's dress modeled without stippling. ... The dots of paint -- possibly applied directly from the tubes -- in fact evoke the time-consuming pointillist procedure that Vincent had rejected as insufficiently expressive." 231. announced an insurgency Roskill, p. 147: Roskill comments: "At the time of his stay with van Gogh, the use of 'little dots' by Seurat's followers was absolute anathema to Gauguin. So there was obviously an element of resistance to Gauguin's judgment in the expedient which van Gogh adopted here [i.e., in Memory in the Garden]. And this in turn is probably the reason why, in his late-life memoir, Gauguin unkindly and quite unjustly charged van Gogh with having been 'immersed in the neo-impressionist school' at the time of his own arrival at Arles." Vincent's assessment in early December that his stippling revisions "spoiled that thing I did of the garden at Nuenen," may reflect Gauguin's judgment more than his own (JLB 723, 12/1/1888). 232. his own Daumier caricatures BVG W9, 11/16/1888. Vincent was particularly proud of the Dickens-like figure of his sister in Memory in the Garden: "[It] gives me an idea of you, vaguely a figure like those in Dickens's novels" (JLB 720, 11/12/1888).

Context:
JLB 720, 11/12/1888: "The figure in the Scottish plaid with the orange and green checks standing out against the dark green of the cypress, this contrast even more exaggerated by the red parasol, gives me an idea of you, vaguely a figure like those in Dickens's novels."

233. Monticelli incrustations BVG 561, 11/12/1888. In mid-November, even as he was working on the Memory in the Garden at Etten (F 496 JH 1630), Vincent wrote proudly of his The Red Vineyard (F 495 JH 1626). Druick and Zegers comment: "While [this] reference to Monticelli shows Vincent holding fast to his established goals, in fact he had made a major concession: he painted The Red Vineyard, which incorporates grape gatherers into the landscape, in the studio rather than in front of the motif" (Druick and Zegers, p. 190).

Context:
JLB 718, 11/10/1888: "I myself have also finished a canvas of a vineyard, all purple and yellow with little blue and violet figures and a yellow sun. I think you'll be able to place this canvas next to Monticelli's landscapes."

234. obeyed Gauguin's instruction BVG 563, 11/23/1888: It is not clear if this "retouching" was done clandestinely. Like the pointillist revisions to Memory in the Garden at Etten (F 496 JH 1630), they may have been openly defiant.

Context:
JLB 721, 11/19/1888: "The thing is, regarding the impasto things, Gauguin has told me how to get rid of the grease by washing them from time to time. What's more, when that's done I must work on them again to retouch them."

235. acknowledged Gauguin's criticism BVG 563, 11/23/1888. In late November, Vincent writes: "They all think that what I've sent was done too hastily. I wouldn't deny it, and I'll make certain changes." (JLB 721, 11/19/1888.) He doesn't identify the "they" but just a few paragraphs later, he seems to point the finger at his housemate: "You [Theo] won't lose anything by waiting a little while for my work, and we'll calmly leave our dear pals to scorn the present ones" (ibid.).

Context:
JLB 721, 11/19/1888: "They all think that what I've sent was done too hastily. I wouldn't deny it, and I'll make certain changes."

236. "make some alterations" BVG 563, 11/23/1888. (See Ch. 35, n. 235.)

Context:
BVG 563, 11/23/1888: "They all think what I have sent too hastily done. I do not contradict it, and I will make some alterations."
JLB 721, 11/19/1888: "They all think that what I've sent was done too hastily. I wouldn't deny it, and I'll make certain changes."

237. "doing some things" BVG 563, 11/23/1888: Vincent's response to the accusation about slap-dash execution, whether it comes from Gauguin or Theo or anybody else, is absolutely defiant.

Context:
BVG 563, 11/23/1888: "Fortunately for me, I know well enough what I want, and am basically utterly indifferent to the criticism that I work too hurriedly. In answer to that, I have done some things even more hurriedly these last few days."
JLB 721, 11/19/1888: "Fortunately for me I know what I want better than they believe and am, basically, extremely indifferent to the criticism of working hurriedly. In reply I've produced work these last few days even more hurriedly." (Emphasis in original.)

238. "In spite of himself" BVG 563, 11/23/1888. Druick and Zegers comment astutely on this passage in JLB 721 from late November "the way [Vincent] characterized his move in a new direction is revealing ... The double 'in spite of' and the qualified 'more or less' speak volumes about his resistance to Gauguin's suggestions and about the attendant arguments to which he obliquely alluded in the rest of the letter" (Druick and Zegers, p. 206).

Context:
BVG 563, 11/23/1888: " Gauguin, in spite of himself and in spite of me, has more or less proved to me that it is time I was varying my work a little. I am beginning to compose from memory, and all my studies will still be useful for that sort of work, recalling to me things I have seen."
JLB 721, 11/19/1888: " Gauguin, in spite of himself and in spite of me, has proved to me a little that it was time for me to vary things a bit -- I'm beginning to compose from memory, and all my studies will still be useful to me for that work, as they remind me of former things I've seen."

239. He tried it first BVG 558a, 11/25/1888. The Sower: Outskirts of Arles in the Background, F 575a JH 1596, September 1888, oil on canvas, 13 x 15.7 in., 33 x 40 cm., The Armand Hammer Museum of Art, Los Angeles.

Context:
JLB 722, 11/21/1888: "Here's a croquis of the latest canvas I'm working on, another sower. Immense lemon yellow disc for the sun. Green-yellow sky with pink clouds. The field is violet, the sower and the tree Prussian Blue. No. 30 canvas."

240. In another attempt There are two versions of the same image. By general consensus, the first is The Sower (F 429 JH 1629), which is the smaller of the two (12.5 x 15.75 in.; 32 x 40 cm.) and is painted on canvas. In both scale and support, this work matches the previous Sower from a few days earlier (The Sower: Outskirts of Arles in the Background [F 575a JH 159]), described in the text. The Sower (F 429 JH 1629) is considered preparatory to the larger, second version The Sower (F 450 JH 1627), which is 29 x 36.5 in. (73.5 x 93 cm.) and is painted on Gauguin's jute (see Ch. 35, n. 113). There is a sketch of the image Sower with Setting Sun (F 558a JH 1628) in a letter to Theo dated c. November 21 (JLB 722, 11/21/1888). 681 241. "I allowed myself" BVG B21, 11/20/1889.

Context:
BVG B21, 11/20/1889: "And yet, once again I allowed myself to be led astray into reaching for stars that are too big -- another failure -- and I have had my fill of that."
JLB 822, 11/26/1889: "However, once again I'm allowing myself to do stars too big, &c., new setback, and I've enough of that."

242. "bringing along neighbors" BVG 558b, 10/28/1888: We have elided two proximate sentences.

Context:
BVG 558b, 10/28/1888: "And I think that in the evening we will bring along neighbours and friends, and, while chatting away, we will work in the evening as in the daytime. Portraits of people in the light of a gas lamp, it certainly seems to me it can be done."
JLB 714, 10/27/1888 or 10/28/1888: "And I believe that in the evening we'll bring neighbours and friends here, and that in the evening we'll work as in the daytime, chatting as we do so. Portraits of people lit by gaslight -- that always seems to me a thing to do."

243. Gauguin had largely ignored Druick and Zegers, p. 187: According to Druick and Zegers, "following the Alyscamps campaign, [Vincent] reiterated his belief that the 'painting of the future' would consist of portraits 'compre¬hensible to the general public.' [See Ch. 35, n. 244.] By contrast portraiture had never featured prominently among Gauguin's ambitions." 244. "painting of the future" BVG B19a, 11/2/1888.

Context:
BVG B19a, 11/2/1888: "I must say I cannot understand why I don't do studies after the figure, seeing that it is often so difficult for me to imagine the painting of the future theoretically as otherwise than a new succession of powerful, simple portraitists, comprehensible to the general public."
JLB 716, 11/1/1888 or 11/2/1888: "I declare I don't understand why I don't do figure studies, while theoretically it's sometimes so difficult for me to imagine the painting of the future as anything other than a new series of powerful portraitists, simple and comprehensible to the whole of the general public."

245. "If at the age of forty" JLB 722, 11/21/1888: We have altered the translation slightly.

Context:
JLB 722, 11/21/1888: "If at the age of forty I do a painting of figures or portraits the way I feel it, I think that will be worth more than a more or less serious success now."

246. "I have made portraits" BVG 560, 12/4/1888; emphasis in original.

Context:
BVG 560, 12/4/1888: "But I have made portraits of a whole family, that of the postman whose head I had done previously -- the man, his wife, the baby, the little boy, and the son of sixteen, all characters and very French, though the first has the look of a Russian. Size 15 canvases. You know how I feel about this, how I feel in my element, and that it consoles me up to a certain point for not being a doctor. I hope to get on with this and to be able to get more careful posing, paid for by portraits. And if I manage to do this whole family better still, at least I shall have done something to my liking and something individual."
JLB 723, 12/1/1888: "But I've done the portraits of an entire family, the family of the postman whose head I did before -- the man, his wife, the baby, the young boy and the 16-year-old son, all characters and very French, although they have a Russian look. No. 15 canvases. You can sense how in my element that makes me feel, and that it consoles me to a certain extent for not being a doctor. I hope to persevere with this and be able to obtain more serious sittings, which can be paid for with portraits. And if I manage to do this entire family even better, I'll have done at least one thing to my taste and personal." (Emphasis in original.)

247. After a long absence Pickvance, p. 223: Pickvance notes that "Roulin himself is mentioned only rarely in van Gogh's letters between early August and late November," and none of the other family members are mentioned at all. The last mention of the Roulins in August pertains to Vincent's failure to secure the parents' permission to paint the infant Marcelle (see Ch. 32, n. 155). 248. agreed to pay Vincent never admits to Theo that he paid Roulin or any of his family members to model. But, in addition to common sense and established precedent, circumstantial evidence for such payments can be found in Vincent's letters. First, in December (when all the portraits were completed), Vincent did not pay his rent -- quite surprising given the amount of money Theo sent to Arles (between Vincent and Gauguin) and suggesting an unrevealed drain on Vincent's resources, usually a sign of model expenses (JLB 736, 1/17/1889). Second, at the time Vincent paints the Roulin family, he tells Theo that he intends to continue securing models "paid for with portraits" -- a clear indication that money changed hands for the Roulins' services (JLB 723, 12/1/1888). Third, Vincent makes an overly-defensive case for Roulin's poverty. When the latter leaves Arles for a new job in Marseilles in January, Vincent writes, "The increase in salary is minimal, and he'll have to leave his wife and his children for a while, who won't be able to follow him until much later because the expenses of a whole family would be heavier in Marseille. It's a promotion for him, but it's a very, very meagre consolation the government gives in this way to such an employee after so many years of work." (JLB 736, 1/17/1889; for a similar argument, see JLB 754, 4/4/1889.)

Also in January, Vincent confirms that Madame Augustine Roulin was not in favor of posing for Vincent, further suggesting that money persuaded her (or persuaded her husband to persuade her) (JLB 741, 1/22/1889). Referring to his December portrait of the postman's wife, Vincent writes: "If I could finish that, it would give me great pleasure but I fear she won't want to pose any more, with her husband away" (ibid.). There is no substantiation for the numerous claims in the literature that Vincent was close to the Roulin family. Undoubtedly Vincent wanted to be close to this "very French" family (JLB 723, 12/1/1888) -- as he did to so many other families from the Tersteegs to the Loyers (Sarah Ursula Loyer-Wilson, 1815-1895; lodging-house keeper in London) to the Hoorniks to the de Groots. But there is no evidence, either direct or indirect, to argue that he succeeded in that ambition, and some evidence to the contrary.

249. hundred and thirty francs Dorn, p. 171: According to Dorn, Roulin was paid a salary of 130 francs a month as Entreposeur des postes at the railway station of Arles, whereas Theo was by this time sending Vincent 250 francs every month. Of course, Roulin had rent-free use of the railroad-owned house where his family lived; but Vincent also had considerable supplements of paint and materials from Paris. 250. tore through six portraits Pickvance, p. 223: As listed by Pickvance, the six portraits that Vincent completed in the week prior to December 4 (when he announced them) were Joseph Roulin (F 434 JH 1647); Madame Roulin (F 503 JH 1646); Madame Roulin with Baby (F 491 JH 1638); two of Armand Roulin (Portrait of Armand Roulin [F 492 JH 1642] and Portrait of Armand Roulin [F 493 JH 1643]); and one of Camille Roulin (The Schoolboy (Camille Roulin) [F 665 JH 1879]). The primary reason Pickvance groups these six works together is that they are all roughly the same size, approximately 25 x 20 in. (64 x 50 cm.). We have doubts about Pickvance's list. First, given the close similarity between Portrait of the Postman Joseph Roulin (F 434 JH 1647) and the bust portrait done in August, Portrait of the Postman Joseph Roulin (F 433 JH 1524), we doubt that the postman did any additional posing at this time, which is not to say that Portrait of the Postman Joseph Roulin (F 434 JH 1647) wasn't executed at this time or that the differences between the two versions are not artistically significant. The bust portrait had since been sent to Theo, but Vincent is known to have made drawings of it (e.g., Portrait of the Postman Joseph Roulin [F 1458 JH 1536]) and the larger three-quarter portrait of Roulin (Portrait of the Postman Joseph Roulin [F 433 JH 1524]) that Vincent made around the same time in August was still in the studio. Druick and Zegers concur that it is "debatable" whether Roulin did any additional posing for Portrait of the Postman Joseph Roulin (F 434 JH 1647) (Druick and Zegers, p. 233).

Second, we see no reason other than size why the two similar, smaller portraits of Camille (Portrait of Camille Roulin [F 537 JH 1644] and Portrait of Camille Roulin [F 538 JH 1645]) should not be attributed to this first session.

Third, we doubt that Madame Roulin posed in this first burst of portraits except for the two paintings in which she awkwardly holds the baby Marcelle for Vincent's obviously very quick renderings (Mother Roulin with Her Baby [F 491 JH 1638] and Mother Roulin with Her Baby [F 490 JH 1637].) Pickvance includes one of these paintings (Mother Roulin with Her Baby [F 491 JH 1638]) on his list, but excludes the other, larger one (Mother Roulin with Her Baby [F 490 JH 1637]). Druick and Zegers agree, arguing on the basis of Dorn that the single portrait of Madame Roulin (Portrait of Madame Augustine Roulin [F 503 JH 1646]) preceded and provided a tracing for the later, larger portrait of mother and baby, Mother Roulin with Her Baby (F 490 JH 1637) (Druick and Zegers, p. 233 and p. 389; see Ch. 35, n. 51). But we would argue that the portraits were done in reverse order. The poses, dress, colors, and gestures are similar in Mother Roulin with Her Baby (F 490 JH 1637) and Mother Roulin with Her Baby [F 491 JH 1638]. They differ mostly in size and development. Mother Roulin with Her Baby (F 491 JH 1638) appears to be a hasty first attempt at the final image in Mother Roulin with Her Baby (F 490 JH 1637). The single portrait (Portrait of Madame Augustine Roulin [F 503 JH 1646]), on the other hand, is an entirely different enterprise, with different impasto, different orientation (horizontal), different composition, different brushwork. It is done with much more attention to detail and finish.

Druick and Zegers offer an elegant and plausible argument, based on Vincent's use of tracings from one painting to the next, that Portrait of Madame Augustine Roulin (F 503 JH 1646) was executed between the two similar mother-and-child paintings (i.e., between Mother Roulin with Her Baby [F 491 JH 1638] and Mother Roulin with Her Baby [F 490 JH 1637]) (Druick and Zegers, p. 233.) We are concerned that this sequencing runs counter to Vincent's usual habit of working from less finished to more finished, especially in portraiture. To us, a more likely (but not provable) scenario is that Vincent attempted both of the roughly-done double portraits of mother and daughter at the same early sitting -- rushed because of the baby and because of Madame Roulin's impatience -- and then used a tracing of the second of these works (Mother Roulin with Her Baby [F 490 JH 1637]) to prepare his canvas for Augustine's second sitting -- a sitting in which she was not accompanied by the baby and therefore Vincent could, and did, take more trouble with the image. This was the sitting at which Gauguin did his portrait of Madame Roulin -- which shares size and composition with Vincent's Portrait of Madame Augustine Roulin (F 503 JH 1646) -- and which, in our opinion, probably was only possible because of Gauguin's participation. Finally, in Vincent's little portrait of Marcelle by herself (The Baby Marcelle Roulin [F 441 JH 1641]) -- which is not on Pickvance's list -- Marcelle is wearing the same bonnet as in Mother Roulin with Her Baby (F 491 JH 1638), which is on Pickvance's list.

251. two of Armand Portrait of Armand Roulin (F 492 JH 1642) and Portrait of Armand Roulin (F 493 JH 1643). (See Ch. 35, n. 250.) 252. three of Camille The Schoolboy (Camille Roulin) (F 665 JH 1879), Portrait of Camille Roulin (F 537 JH 1644), and Portrait of Camille Roulin (F 538 JH 1645). (See Ch. 35, n. 250.) 253. "I am completely swamped" BVG 560, 12/4/1888.

Context:
BVG 560, 12/4/1888: "Just now I am completely swamped with studies, studies, studies, and this will go on for quite a while -- it makes such a mess that it breaks my heart, and yet it will provide me with some property when I'm forty."
JLB 723, 12/1/1888: "At the moment I'm really in the shit, studies, studies, studies, and that'll go on for some time yet -- such a mess that it breaks my heart -- and yet that'll give me neatness when I'm 40."

682 254. Working with defiant speed Pickvance, p. 235: Pickvance cites a letter from November 23 (BVG 563, 11/23/1888) in which Vincent responds to Theo's criticism that some of Vincent's recent works might have been "done too hastily." Vincent introduces the two chair paintings with this defiant preamble: "Fortunately for me I know what I want better than they believe and am, basically, extremely indifferent to the criticism of working hurriedly. In reply I've produced work these last few days even more hurriedly." (ibid.; emphasis in original.) 683 255. "prettier" BVG 534, 9/9/1888. It is significant that Vincent designed this room with both Gauguin and Theo in mind: "Then you'll be able to believe you own your country house here in Arles. ... The room where you'll stay then, or which will be Gauguin's if Gauguin comes, will have a decoration of large yellow sunflowers on its white walls." (JLB 677, 9/9/1888.)

Context:
BVG 534, 9/9/1888: "For a visitor there will be the prettier room upstairs, which I shall try to make as much as possible like the boudoir of a really artistic woman."
JLB 677, 9/9/1888: "For putting somebody up, there'll be the prettiest room upstairs, which I'll try to make as nice as possible, like a woman's boudoir, really artistic."

256. "solidity, durability" BVG 534, 9/9/1888.

Context:
BVG 534, 9/9/1888: "About the beds, I have bought country beds, big double ones instead of iron ones. That gives an appearance of solidity, durability and quiet, and if it takes a little more bedding, so much the worse, but it must have character."
JLB 677, 9/9/1888: "So for the beds I bought local beds, two wide double beds, instead of iron beds. It gives a look of solidity, durability, calm, and if it takes a bit more bed-linen, that's too bad, but it must have character."

257. yellow-blue consolation The two paradigmatic works in Vincent's oeuvre that illustrate this opposition are The Yellow House (Vincent's House in Arles (The Yellow House) [F 464 JH 1589]), with its yellow and blue/violet contrast, and The Night Café (Night Cafe in the Place Lamartine in Arles [F 463 JH 1575]), with its infernal red and green. (See Pickvance, p. 235.) 258. Unable or afraid to recruit Druick and Zegers, p. 210: As Driuck and Zegers point out, this failure had to resonate with Bernard's failure to paint a portrait of Gauguin when he was working with Gauguin in Pont-Aven. Vincent reports his request for Bernard to do a portrait of le maître in a letter to Theo in September: "I would so much like to have here Gauguin's portrait of Bernard and Bernard's of Gauguin" (JLB 625, 6/15/1888-6/16/1888). Only a week later, however, Bernard demurs: "But he said that he daren't do Gauguin, as I'd asked him, because he feels too shy with Gauguin" (JLB 683, 9/18/1888; emphasis in original). Vincent scolds Bernard for his timorousness: "what surprises me a little is to hear you say, 'Oh, no way of doing Gauguin's portrait!' Why no way? That's all rubbish. ... Here you have portraitists, living for so long side by side and they don't agree on posing for each other and they'll separate without having portrayed each other." (JLB 684, 9/19/1888-9/25/1888.) That harsh judgment must been ringing in Vincent's ears two months later when he had either failed to persuade Gauguin to pose for him or, like Bernard, had not dared to ask him. 259. arguments of color BVG 626a, 2/10/1890-2/11/1890: More than a year later, Vincent described the painting of Gauguin's chair to the critic Albert Aurier.

Context:
JLB 853, 2/9/1890 or 2/10/1890: "It is a study of his armchair of dark, red-brown wood, the seat of greenish straw, and in the absent person's place a lighted candlestick and some modern novels. If you have the opportunity, as a memento of him, please go and look a little at this study again, which is entirely in broken tones of green and red."

260. crustaceous impasto of Monticelli BVG 563, 11/23/1888. (See Ch. 35, n. 261.)

Context:
JLB 721, 11/19/1888: "In the meantime I can tell you anyway that the last two studies are rather funny. No. 30 canvases, a wooden and straw chair all yellow on red tiles against a wall (daytime). Then Gauguin's armchair, red and green, night effect, on the seat two novels and a candle. On sailcloth in thick impasto." (Emphasis in original.)

261. "day effect" BVG 563, 11/23/1888. Vincent describes his chair as "a wooden and straw chair all yellow on red tiles against a wall (daytime)," and Gauguin's chair as a red and green, night effect, on the seat two novels and a candle. On sailcloth in thick impasto." (JLB 721, 11/19/1888; emphasis in original.) Hulsker takes the remarkably simplistic position that this two-sentence description embraces Vincent's entire intent for these images: "Whether or not there is a deeper symbolism in details like the pipe and tobacco pouch in one and the books and burning candle in the other, to Vincent the pictures had a very definite and simple meaning. To him they were studies for a daylight-effect and an evening-effect. " (Hulsker, pp. 317-318.) Hulsker does go on to allow parenthetically that the paintings also represent a study in complementary colors and "metamorphic portraits of the inhabitants of the two rooms" (ibid.).

Context:
BVG 563, 11/23/1888: "Meanwhile I can at all events tell you that the last two studies are odd enough. Size 30 canvases, a wooden rush-bottomed chair all yellow on red tiles against a wall (daytime). Then Gauguin's armchair, red and green night effect, wall and floor red and green again, on the seat two novels and a candle, on thin canvas with a thick impasto."
JLB 721, 11/19/1888: "In the meantime I can tell you anyway that the last two studies are rather funny. No. 30 canvases, a wooden and straw chair all yellow on red tiles against a wall (daytime). Then Gauguin's armchair, red and green, night effect, on the seat two novels and a candle. On sailcloth in thick impasto." (Emphasis in original.)

262. "night effect" BVG 563, 11/23/1888. (See Ch. 35, n. 261.)

Context:
BVG 563, 11/23/1888: "Meanwhile I can at all events tell you that the last two studies are odd enough. Size 30 canvases, a wooden rush-bottomed chair all yellow on red tiles against a wall (daytime). Then Gauguin's armchair, red and green night effect, wall and floor red and green again, on the seat two novels and a candle, on thin canvas with a thick impasto."
JLB 721, 11/19/1888: "In the meantime I can tell you anyway that the last two studies are rather funny. No. 30 canvases, a wooden and straw chair all yellow on red tiles against a wall (daytime). Then Gauguin's armchair, red and green, night effect, on the seat two novels and a candle. On sailcloth in thick impasto." (Emphasis in original.)

263. Gauguin's Symbolist excesses Sund, pp. 212-213: According to Sund, "many viewers have noted the phallic positioning of the candle and the virility implied by its erectness and its flame. This reading is perfectly congenial to the books' previous unions with emblems of germination (bulbs, flowers, blossoming branches) and with Van Gogh's assessments of their author's robust styles and creative potency -- here linked, apparently, to his admiration for similar qualities in Gauguin and his oeuvre." 264. Luke Fildes's famous image BVG 626a, 2/10/1890-2/11/1890: Vincent later writes about Gauguin's chair. Vincent's use of quotations suggests a conscious allusion to Luke Fildes's image, The Empty Chair, Gad's Hill -- Ninth of June 1870, which appeared in the Christmas issue of The Graphic in 1870. (Fildes's title refers to the place and date of Dickens's death.)

Context:
JLB 853, 2/9/1890 or 2/10/1890: "A few days before we parted, when illness forced me to enter an asylum, I tried to paint 'his empty place.'"

265. cited the Fildes image BVG 252, 12/11/1882. The memory of the Fildes image sets Vincent to meditating: " Empty chairs -- there are many, more will come, and sooner or later instead of Herkomer, Luke Fildes, Frank Holl, William Small &c. there will only be Empty chairs. And still the publishers and dealers, not listening to a prophecy like H[ubert] H[erkomer]'s, will go on assuring us in words like those in the enclosed folder that all is well and that we're making very good progress." (JLB 293, 12/11/1882; emphasis in original.) A year later, Vincent had shared his love of this image in a letter to Van Rappard: "If you don't have any of [the Graphic], I can send them to you. I hope to get a copy of Fildes, C. Dickens' Empty chair for you. I've been promised it." (JLB 321, 2/23/1883-2/26/1883; emphasis in original.) In the next letter, Vincent apologizes: "Unfortunately, I can't get you the print Empty chair by Fildes, which I was promised along with some others. The man now remembers 'clearing them up' a few years ago." (JLB 325, 3/5/1883; emphasis in original.) Lubin lists other works in which Vincent employed the imagery of a chair, and invokes other images in which an occupied chair figures prominently as a symbol of impending death or departure (Lubin, p. 13).

Context:
JLB 293, 12/11/1882: "Edwin Drood was Dickens's last work, and Luke Fildes, having got in touch with D. through those small illustrations, comes into his room on the day of his death -- sees his empty chair standing there, and so it was that one of the old Nos. of The Graphic had that striking drawing THE EMPTY CHAIR." (Emphasis in original.)

266. wept at the sight BVG 118, 2/10/1878: This is one of the most touching scenes in all the letters (see context). According to Chetham, the image of the empty chair as a symbol of a lost loved one (or, in Vincent's case, an estranged loved one) had deep roots in nineteenth-century popular culture and was hardly unique to Fildes or Vincent (Chetham, pp. 178-179). Unquestionably, it had deep roots in Vincent's imagination. In an 1876 pre-Christmas letter to Theo, he copied out an English poem, "The Three Little Chairs," a generous serving of Victorian treacle on the subject of departed loved ones (JLB 99, 11/25/1876). An interesting postscript is that, as of 1885, Dorus van Gogh owned 51 chairs, all of them in the Nuenen parsonage at the time of his death. The toll is remarkable, but the will is specific: The front room of the parsonage contained fourteen chairs; the back room, seven; the study, seven; the bedroom, nine; the spare room, six; the kitchen, four; and the garden, four. (See Van Crimpen, pp. 86-88.)

Context:
JLB 140, 2/10/1878: "You can imagine that those days flew by and when, after bringing Pa to the station and watching the train or even only the smoke for as long as it was in sight, I came back to my room and Pa's chair was standing there by the little desk on which the books and notebooks were still lying from the day before, even though I know that we'll see each other again quite soon, I broke down and cried like a child."

684 267. "I tried to paint" BVG 626a, 2/10/1890-2/11/1890. Vincent wrote more than a year later from the insane asylum at Saint-Rémy, "A few days before we parted, when illness forced me to enter an asylum, I tried to paint 'his [i.e., Gauguin's] empty place'. It is a study of his armchair of dark, red-brown wood, the seat of greenish straw, and in the absent person's place a lighted candlestick and some modern novels." (JLB 853, 2/9/1890 or 2/10/1890.) Vincent's memory has compressed the time between the painting and the parting, which was actually about a month, not "a few days." This is probably an indication that he was aware that Gauguin was slipping away as early as mid- to late November 1888.

Context:
BVG 626a, 2/10/1890-2/11/1890: "A few days before we parted company, when my illness forced me to go into an asylum, I tried to paint 'his empty place.' It is a study of his wooden armchair, brown and dark red, the seat of greenish straw, and in place of the absent person, a lighted candle in a candlestick and some modern novels."
JLB 853, 2/9/1890 or 2/10/1890: "A few days before we parted, when illness forced me to enter an asylum, I tried to paint 'his empty place.' It is a study of his armchair of dark, red-brown wood, the seat of greenish straw, and in the absent person's place a lighted candlestick and some modern novels."

268. disorder of the Yellow House Gauguin, in Stein, ed., p. 124: "First of all, I was shocked to find a disorder everywhere and in every respect. ... despite all this disorder, all this mess, everything glowed on the canvas -- and in his words as well." 269. "mess" Gauguin, in Stein, ed., p. 124. (See Ch. 35, n. 268.) 270. a new chest of drawers BVG 559, 11/6/1888.

Context:
JLB 717, 11/3/1888: "Gauguin has bought a chest of drawers for the house, various household utensils and 20 metres of very strong canvas, a whole lot of things we needed, which it was more convenient to have anyway."

271. list of household goods BVG 559, 11/6/1888: Vincent's inventory of these purchases is open-ended. The total expenditure was substantial: 100 francs (JLB 717, 11/3/1888). Vincent's judgment on these purchases was, at best, phlegmatic. He says of them, "[they were] more convenient to have anyway" (ibid.).

Context:
JLB 717, 11/3/1888: "Gauguin has bought a chest of drawers for the house, various household utensils and 20 metres of very strong canvas, a whole lot of things we needed, which it was more convenient to have anyway."

272. Vincent's elaborate bedding BVG 534, 9/9/1888. (See Ch. 32, n. 110.)

Context:
JLB 677, 9/9/1888: "So for the beds I bought local beds, two wide double beds, instead of iron beds. It gives a look of solidity, durability, calm, and if it takes a bit more bed-linen, that's too bad, but it must have character."

273. his own sheets sent Paul Gauguin to Émile Schuffenecker, l. 180, c. 11/13/1888, in Merlhès, Correspondence de Paul Gauguin: Documents, témoignages, p. 281. (See Ch. 35, n. 275.) 274. He had pottery Paul Gauguin to Émile Schuffenecker, l. 174, 10/25/1888, in Merlhès, Correspondence de Paul Gauguin: Documents, témoignages, p. 264: Describing the Yellow House as "a small house" but "quite nice," Gauguin asked Schuffenecker "to have a bit of pottery to look at. (…) So when you get time, make up a parcel containing the pot with the horns at [Theo] Van Gog's [sic] and a small unglazed one at your place with a Cleopatra, and send them to me." 275. cutlery, silver, and etchings Paul Gauguin to Émile Schuffenecker, l. 180, c. 11/13/1888, in Merlhès, Correspondence de Paul Gauguin: documents, témoignages, p. 281: Gauguin wrote Schuffenecker, "Be good enough to look in my belongings, there must be some sheets left. They are much needed here. So I am asking you to pack my linen, my silver cutlery and the Degas etchings into a grocer's box and send them to me." 276. "artist's home" BVG 534, 9/9/1888. (See Chapter 32.)

Context:
BVG 534, 9/9/1888: "I want to make it really an artists' house -- not precious, on the contrary nothing precious, but everything from the chairs to the pictures having character."
JLB 677, 9/9/1888: "I really want to make of it -- an artists' house but not precious, on the contrary, nothing precious, but everything from the chair to the painting having character" (emphasis in original).

277. a sign of imbecility Gauguin, in Stein, ed., p. 124. 278. strange fencing masks Merlhès, Paul Gauguin et Vincent van Gogh, 1887-1888: Lettres retrouvées, sources ignorées, p. 133. 279. pictures of his five childrenMerlhès, Paul Gauguin et Vincent van Gogh, 1887-1888: Lettres retrouvées, sources ignorées, p. 133: Gauguin did not miss the opportunity to brag about his virility. Referring to a letter Gauguin had received from Guillaumin, Vincent writes: "He has a child now, but he was terrified by the confinement and says he'll always have 'the red vision' of it before his eyes. Only Gauguin has replied to him very well, saying that he, G., had seen it 6 times." (JLB 721, 11/19/1888; emphasis in original.) 685 280. "not to quarrel" BVG 521, 8/9/1888.

Context:
BVG 521, 8/9/1888: "Besides that, provided we keep on good terms and are determined not to quarrel, we shall be in a stronger position as far as reputation goes."
JLB 658, 8/9/1888: "The fact remains that provided we lived in harmony and with an understanding not to quarrel, we'd gain a firmer position as far as reputation goes."

281. Vincent's ancient charwoman BVG 506, 7/9/1888. Vincent announces in July: "At the moment I have a charwoman [name unknown], who sweeps and scrubs the house twice a week" (JLB 638, 7/10/1888 or 7/10/1888). Already anticipating Gauguin's arrival, he expects that "[she will] be able to count on her making the beds if we decide to sleep at home" (ibid.). In September, he commends her as "a charwoman who's very loyal," which leads to our assumption that she was still with him in October when Gauguin arrived (JLB 677, 9/9/1888). Vincent adds: "She's quite old and has a mixed bunch of kids, and she keeps my tiles nice and red and clean" (ibid.).

Context:
JLB 638, 7/10/1888 or 7/10/1888: "At the moment I have a charwoman, who sweeps and scrubs the house twice a week for 1 franc; I place great hopes in her, to be able to count on her making the beds if we decide to sleep at home."

282. Gauguin volunteered to cook Gauguin, in Stein, ed., pp. 124-125: "Our little restaurant was given up and, with the aid of a little gas stove, I did the cooking." Vincent was thrilled: "I must tell you that he knows how to cook perfectly" (JLB 718, 11/10/1888; emphasis in original). The motivation appears to have been as much economic as gastronomic: "Gauguin and I are going to dine at home today, and we feel sure and certain that we will manage this as often as it seems preferable or cheaper to us" (JLB 717, 11/3/1888). 283. he tried de tête painting BVG 561, 11/12/1888. In May, when arguing to Theo the financial benefits of a combination -- with either Bernard or Gauguin -- Vincent made much of the possibility of saving money by cooking at home rather than eating in restaurants and cafés: "I'm not good at cooking &c., but they've had different training in that, having done their service &c." (JLB 616, 5/28/1888 or 5/29/1888). Vincent never seems to have cooked for himself when an outside eatery (and money) were available.

Context:
JLB 718, 11/10/1888: "He [Gauguin] knows how to cook perfectly, I think that I'll learn that from him, it's really convenient" (emphasis in original).

284. "Vincent wanted to make" Gauguin, in Stein, ed., pp. 124-125. 285. Vincent did the shopping Gauguin, in Stein, ed., pp. 124-125. 286. They clashed over money Gauguin, in Stein, ed., pp. 124-125: Vincent's contemporaneous account is silent on the matter of early disagreements with Gauguin, over money or anything else. After months of persuasion and promises, he was unlikely to share with Theo problems that, undoubtedly, he hoped could be ironed out without bringing his brother into them. Gauguin's later account is circumspect but clear: "From the very first month, I saw our common finances taking on the same appearance of disorder. What to do? The situation was delicate as the cash box being filled, only modestly, by his brother employed at Goupil's, and, for my part, through the exchange of paintings. I was obliged to speak, and to come up against that great sensitivity of his. It was thus only with many precautions and quite a bit of coaxing hardly compatible with my character that I approached the question." (ibid.) In phrases like "the situation was delicate," "I was obliged to speak," "that great sensitivity of his," and "quite a bit of coaxing hardly compatible with my character," we see unmistakable clues to a heated debate that was sparked on this sensitive issue. Not surprisingly, in his later account, Gauguin puts the blame for the cash problems entirely on Vincent's shoulders, both ignoring his own profligate spending upon arrival (JLB 717, 11/3/1888) and taking credit for contributions to the household kitty not mentioned in Vincent's letters. 287. found the household finances Gauguin, in Stein, ed., pp. 124-125: "From the very first month, I saw our common finances taking on the same appearance of disorder." 288. liquor, prostitutes, tobacco Gauguin, in Stein, ed., pp. 124-125: "In a box, so much for nightly outings and hygiene, so much for tobacco." In this context, of course, "hygiene" refers to the contemporary notion, shared by Vincent, that having a sex with a woman -- even a prostitute -- was more hygienic, meaning healthier, than either abstinence or masturbation. 289. "unforeseen expenses" Gauguin, in Stein, ed., pp. 124-125. 290. "each would inscribe" Gauguin, in Stein, ed., pp. 124-125. 291. "that great sensitivity of his" Gauguin, in Stein, ed., pp. 124-125: Not surprisingly, in his later account, Gauguin puts the blame for the cash problems entirely on Vincent's shoulders, both ignoring his own profligate spending and taking credit for contributions to the household kitty not mentioned in Vincent's letters: "The situation was delicate as the cash box being filled, only modestly, by his brother employed at Goupil's, and, for my part, through the exchange of paintings. I was obliged to speak, and to come up against that great sensitivity of his." Gauguin also takes full credit for the arrangement that was worked out, another dubious claim of unimpeachable, even noble, behavior: "It was thus only with many precautions and quite a bit of coaxing hardly compatible with my character that I approached the question. I must confess, I succeeded far more easily than I had supposed." (ibid.) 292. soliciting extra money In dealing with Theo on this most sensitive subject, Vincent began Gauguin's stay with apologies for previous extravagance ("as you may know from experience, when you furnish a house or move in, it's the case that it's more difficult than you think" [JLB 715, 10/29/1888]); assurances that financial pressures would ease now that Gauguin had arrived ("Have no fear that I may have money worries. Now that Gauguin has come, the goal has been achieved for the time being" [ibid.; emphasis in original]); and renewed promises about the economies that could be achieved by the two artists combining: "By combining our expenses, he and I, the two of us won't even spend what living here was costing me just on my own. ... We won't spend more than 250 a month between the two of us. ... So have no worries about us on your part, and catch your breath, too, which you'll darned well need." (ibid.; emphasis in original.)

These familiar arguments add up to some fuzzy math: "For my part, I'd wish just to ask you too that I'm asking for no more than to continue at a very ordinary sum per month of 150 (and the same for Gauguin). Which in any case reduces my personal spending." (ibid.) In fact, Vincent had been receiving 250 francs a month from Theo. So even as he assured his brother that "the two of us won't even spend what living here was costing me just on my own," he asked for 300 francs per month (i.e., 150 francs each). Theo began sending 100 francs (50 each) thrice monthly, according to the usual timetable (1st, 10th, and 20th of each month) (JLB 717, 11/3/1888).

But Vincent immediately ran into problems with extraordinary expenses: in the first instance, almost a hundred francs that, supposedly, Gauguin had spent on additional furnishings for the house (ibid.). Calling them "a whole lot of things we needed," Vincent urged Theo to "reimburse" Gauguin for these expenses: "Only we've made a note of all that he paid, which comes to nearly 100 francs, which we'd pay him back at New Year, or in the month of March for example, and then the chest of drawers &c. would belong to us of course" (ibid.). Vincent's story is suspicious and may be designed to cover another spasm of his own spending. (Theo warned Vincent to avoid "accidents" -- by which he meant irresponsible expenditures [JLB 713, 10/27/1888].) In mid-November, Vincent asked for an additional 50 francs, calculating that it was money Theo owed Gauguin for the last ten days of October (JLB 718, 11/10/1888). Given Vincent's guilt over pressuring Theo for money, and Gauguin's success at selling, it would be surprising if Vincent intended for this money to reach his houseguest. In late November, again oddly, Vincent urged his brother once more to reimburse Gauguin for the earlier expenses for furnishing the Yellow House: "Only we mustn't forget that either at New Year or in March, Gauguin will have to be repaid the money he may have laid out, for example for sheets or things that would remain in the studio" (JLB 722, 11/21/1888). Yet, by Gauguin's telling, he had his sheets sent from Paris (see Ch. 35, n. 273).

In December, Theo again sent Vincent an extra 50 francs (JLB 724, 12/11/1888). There is no indication that Vincent told Gauguin about these supplementary payments when the two men pooled their money into Gauguin's elaborate -- and accountable -- "till." (See Ch. 35, n. 290.) Rewald translates a letter (JLB 736, 1/17/1889) from the following January (1889) as an indictment of Gauguin's extravagant spending: "What is good is that he [Gauguin] knows marvelously how to arrange expenses on a day-by-day basis. Whereas I am often absent-minded, anxious to arrive at a good result, he has much more of a feeling for money and for a daily equilibrium than I have. But his weakness is that he ruins all his calculations by going on bulges [binges?] and indulging in sordid escapades." (Rewald, Post-Impressionism from Van Gogh to Gauguin, pp. 222-223; emphasis in original.) While Gauguin may have spent the money that Theo sent him separately in the spasmodic way Vincent describes, we see in this passage a far more sweeping and bitter indictment than the merely financial one Rewald sees. That broader indictment, coming at a time when Vincent was deeply angry over Gauguin's flight from Arles less than a month before (see Chapter 34), is better captured in the Bonger translation: "he has far more money sense for each separate day than I have. But his weakness is that by a sudden freak or animal impulse he upsets everything he has arranged." (BVG 571, 1/17/1889.)

293. "Your brother is indeed"Gauguin, Paul Gauguin: 45 lettres à Vincent, Théo et Jo van Gogh, pp. 61-65. 294. burst from Vincent Rewald, Post-Impressionism from Van Gogh to Gauguin, p. 221: Rewald puts this beautifully: "From the beginning van Gogh must have burst forth with all the emotion and enthusiasm pent up for so long; his admiration for Gauguin, his joy at having at last somebody with whom he could discuss those esthetic problems which were so vital to him were expressed with a violent cordiality. Gauguin, on the other hand, tried to remain aloof and to concern himself with his own affairs. During the first days he did not say much about van Gogh's work in general, although the latter eagerly waited for his friend's comments." In his memoir, Avant et après, Gauguin gives a sense of how oppressive Vincent's relentless advocacy could be with a representative sampling of his instructions: "'Who tells you that you ought to seek contrast in colours?' 'What is sweeter to an artist than to make perceptible in a bunch of roses the tint of each one? Although two flowers resemble each other, can they ever be leaf by leaf the same?' ... 'Seek for harmony and not contrast, for what accords, not for what clashes. It is the eye of ignorance that assigns a fixed and unchangeable colour to every object; as I have said to you, beware of this stumbling-block. Practise painting an object in conjunction with, or shadowed by -- that is to say, close to or half behind -- other objects of similar or different colours. In this way you will please by your variety and your truthfulness-your own. Go from dark to light, from light to dark. The eye seeks to refresh itself through your work; give it food for enjoyment, not dejection.'" (Gauguin, Intimate Journals (Avant et après), pp. 71-72.) 295. "day-long discussions" Vincent van Gogh to Paul Gauguin, 10/3/1888, in Malingue, ed., p. 107: "When you arrive we can indulge in day-long discussions in the poor studios and the cafés of the little boulevard, and you will realize what my brother and I are driving at, which is not by any means the formation of a company." Vincent apparently followed through on this promise/threat. In his later account of Arles, Gauguin recalled that his first day there "was devoted to my getting settled [and] to a great deal of talking" (Gauguin, Intimate Journals (Avant et après), p. 28).

Context:
JBL 695, 10/3/1888: "When we'll talk about those strange days of discussions in the poor studios and the cafés of the Petit Boulevard, and you'll see in full our idea, my brother's and mine, which hasn't in any way been carried out, in terms of forming an association."

296. "He does not let" BVG 558, 10/28/1888.

Context:
BVG 558, 10/28/1888: "Gauguin is astonishing as a man, he does not let himself get out of hand, and he will wait here very quietly, working hard, for the right moment to take a great step forward."
JLB 715, 10/29/1888: "But Gauguin is astonishing as a man; he doesn't get worked up, and he'll wait here, very calmly, while at the same time working hard, for the right moment to take a huge step forward."

297. poured out past injuries Gauguin, "Still Lifes," p. 121: We know this from Gauguin's later accounts, which probably combine his own recollection of stories Vincent told him in Arles and stories he heard from other sources or read. Describing one of Vincent's paintings of shoes, Gauguin later wrote: "In my yellow room there was a small still life: this one in violet. Two enormous shoes, worn, misshapen. The shoes of Vincent. Those that, when new, he put on one nice morning to embark on a journey by foot from Holland to Belgium. The young preacher (he had just finished his theological studies to become, like his father, a pastor) was on his way to see those in the mines whom he called his brothers, like the simple workers ... His teaching of the Bible in the mines was, I believe, profitable to the miners below, but disagreeable to the authorities on high, above ground. He was quickly recalled, dismissed, and a family council convened that judged him mad, and advised rest at a sanatorium. He was not, however, confined, thanks to his brother Theo. One day the somber black mine was flooded by chrome yellow, the fierce flash of firedamp fire, a mighty dynamite that never misfires." Often, as here, Gauguin's account is mistaken and/or consciously confabulated. 298. Gauguin entertained BVG 558b, 10/28/1888.

Context:
JLB 714, 10/27/1888 or 10/28/1888: "I did know that Gauguin had travelled, but I didn't know he was a real seaman; he's been through all the difficulties, he was a real topman on the topmast and a real sailor. That gives me a tremendous respect for him, and an even more absolute confidence in his personality."

299. "your brother is most" Paul Gauguin to Theo van Gogh, l. 181, 11/14/1888, in Merlhès, Correspondence de Paul Gauguin: Documents, témoignages, p. 283. 300. "I do not know yet" BVG 558, 10/28/1888. Vincent adds defensively, "I only know that there are some studies that he really does like, namely, the Sower, the Sunflowers, the Bedroom" (JLB 715, 10/29/1888). Apparently, Gauguin has not yet given Vincent any roundhouse compliments, just said he liked particular works. This is consistent with Vincent's observation that Gauguin kept himself in reserve (see Ch. 35, n. 296). This could not have been the enthusiasm that Vincent was hoping for. In the past, with painters like Eugène Boch, Christian Mourier-Petersen, and Dodge MacKnight, Vincent did not trust fellow artists who did not let him know what they thought of his art. As late as November 6, Vincent is still guessing as to his housemate's opinion of his painting: "I've done two canvases of a leaf-fall, which Gauguin liked I think" (JLB 717, 11/3/1888). Not until the end of November does Vincent report an explicit compliment to the sunflowers that crowded the guest bedroom: "Gauguin was telling me the other day -- that he'd seen a painting by Claude Monet of sunflowers in a large Japanese vase, very fine. But -- he likes mine better." (JLB 721, 11/19/1888.) Even this lukewarm, indirect praise sounds calculatedly noncommittal, given that Monet's standing among avant-garde artists was mixed at the time. Vincent's claims about Gauguin's initial favorites is not included in the text because it appears to be contradicted in a letter the following May (1889): "Gauguin himself above all liked the sunflowers later, when he had seen them for a long time" (JLB 776, 5/23/1889). This suggests the possibility that the early report in October represents Vincent projecting his own opinion onto Gauguin, inferring favor from cordial commentary, or simply bolstering Theo's confidence.

Context:
BVG 558, 10/28/1888: " I do not yet know what Gauguin thinks of my decorations in general, I only know that there are already some studies which he really likes, like the sower, the sunflowers, and the bedroom."
JLB 715, 10/29/1888: " I don't yet know what Gauguin thinks about my decoration in general; I only know that there are some studies that he really does like, namely, the Sower, the Sunflowers, the Bedroom."

301. wary of Gauguin's intentions BVG 549, 10/10/1888. Only two weeks before Gauguin's arrival, Vincent wrote his brother expressing deep distrust about Gauguin's claim that he was putting off coming to Arles for health reasons.

Context:
JLB 701, 10/10/1888 or 10/11/1888: "But come on, let's see -- is this journey so exhausting, then, when after all the worst consumptives do it??? When he comes he'll be welcome. If he doesn't come, well, then, it's his business. But isn't it clear, or shouldn't it be, that he's coming here precisely in order to get better? And he claims to need to stay over there in order to recover! What stupidities! Honestly. ... Gauguin writes very amiably, but he doesn't actually say why he isn't coming right away. He says 'because he's ill,' but would he come here to recover? It seemed to me, precisely, that that was just what we were looking for."

302. "waiting for the right moment" BVG 558, 10/28/1888.

Context:
BVG 558, 10/28/1888: "Gauguin is astonishing as a man, he does not let himself get out of hand, and he will wait here very quietly, working hard, for the right moment to take a great step forward."
JLB 715, 10/29/1888: "But Gauguin is astonishing as a man; he doesn't get worked up, and he'll wait here, very calmly, while at the same time working hard, for the right moment to take a huge step forward."

303. "Yes, sir, Sarge" Paul Gauguin to Émile Bernard, December 1888, in Malingue, ed., p. 116: "I answer: 'Corporal, you're right," for the sake of peace.'" 686 304. a caricature of Vincent BVG B18, 10/6/1888: Vincent describes the image in some detail and does his best to sluff it off. But this had to sting, if for no other reason than it hit so close to home. Gauguin clearly meant to imply that Vincent was so focused on his work -- so obsessive, so intense -- that he could not see a cliff right in front of him -- and, presumably, might walk off it in pursuit of his picture. It also made light of Vincent's months and months of urgent, exhortatory letters on behalf of the Midi sun.

Context:
JLB 696, 10/3/1888: "The artistic gentleman who was in your letter, who resembles me -- is that me or somebody else? He certainly looks like me as far as the face is concerned, but in the first place I'm always smoking a pipe, and then, having vertigo, I have an unspeakable horror of sitting like that on sheer crags beside the sea. So if that's meant to be my portrait, I protest against the above-mentioned improbabilities."

305. "I suffer from vertigo" BVG B18, 10/6/1888. (See Ch. 35, n. 304.)

Context:
BVG B18, 10/6/1888: "The artistic gentleman in the letter, who looks like me -- is it me or somebody else? -- as far as the face is concerned it would really seem to be me, but in the first place I am always smoking a pipe, and then I have always had an unutterable horror of sitting like that on precipitous cliffs verging on the sea, as I suffer from vertigo. So if that is meant to be my portrait, I protest against the aforementioned improbabilities."
JLB 696, 10/3/1888: "The artistic gentleman who was in your letter, who resembles me -- is that me or somebody else? He certainly looks like me as far as the face is concerned, but in the first place I'm always smoking a pipe, and then, having vertigo, I have an unspeakable horror of sitting like that on sheer crags beside the sea. So if that's meant to be my portrait, I protest against the above-mentioned improbabilities."

306. doubtful that Vincent posed Vincent surely would have at least demanded a reciprocal sitting from Gauguin, and no evidence of such a session survives. Vincent did manage to sneak one quick, small oil sketch of his housemate, glimpsed from behind, perhaps from afar -- a furtive, eavesdropping glimpse of the maître at work: Man in a Red Beret, F 546, JH --, December 1888, Van Gogh Museum, Amsterdam (size unknown). 307. his eyes squinting Druick and Zegers, p. 235: Druick and Zegers is one authority that sees the ridicule in Vincent's half-shut eyes: "Hand poised, the artist appears to be contemplating his next gesture on the canvas, studying his subject through half-shut eyes. This expression has been explained with reference to Vincent's habit of squinting when sizing up a motif." 308. dulled and mirthless BVG 605, 9/7/1889-9/8/1889: Vincent wrote about the portrayal almost a year later.

Context:
JLB 801, 9/10/1889: "My face has lit up after all a lot since, but it was indeed me, extremely tired and charged with electricity as I was then."

309. the revered sunflowers Druick and Zegers make the argument that Gauguin was "fascinated" by Vincent's sunflower paintings and that therefore this portrait is somehow both a mockery of Vincent's beloved blossoms and a tribute to them (Druick and Zegers, pp. 240-242). The evidence, however, leans heavily in the former direction (see Ch. 35, n. 107 and n. 300). To support their inference of ambivalence, Druick and Zegers cite two references from late January and early February 1889. In one, Vincent recalls Gauguin's comments about the sunflower images when he was in Arles: "Besides, you know that Gauguin likes them extraordinarily. He said to me about them, among other things: 'that -- ... that's ... the flower.''" (JLB 741, 1/22/1889.) In another, Vincent claims that Gauguin "has a complete infatuation with my sunflowers" (JLB 745, 2/3/1889).

The first of these two comments fits exactly with Gauguin's Yellow House strategy of evasion. Given his symbolist leanings, his comment that Vincent's image "that's the flower" has to be seen as more a condemnation than a compliment. He surely meant the same sly insult that he pictured in the portrait of Vincent painting sunflowers: i.e., that Vincent was too attached to the reality of objects and not sufficiently open to their essences. Equally certainly, Gauguin designed his comment just so that Vincent -- naturalist fool that Gauguin believed him to be -- would take it as a compliment. It says everything about Vincent's mental state in January that he still allows himself to indulge in the delusive naïveté that brought him to edge of self-annihilation only a month earlier. (See Chapter 36.) The second comment reflects Vincent's view of Gauguin's appreciation of the sunflower paintings at the time the letter was written (i.e., early February 1889), not at the time the portrait of Vincent was painted. That comment about "infatuation" was prompted by a campaign Gauguin waged after he left Arles to secure ownership of one of the two sunflower paintings he had brought back from Arles, claiming that Vincent had promised it to him either as part of an exchange or as a gift (JLB 736, 1/17/1889). Vincent did not dispute Gauguin's ownership of one of the two sunflowers, which he considered adequate compensation for a Martinique landscape that Gauguin had left behind in Arles (ibid.).

The second sunflower painting -- "sunflowers with a yellow background," presumably Still Life: Vase with Fifteen Sunflowers (F 454 JH 1562) -- was the subject of contention (JLB 739, 1/21/1889). Vincent not only bitterly rejected the claim of a gift or exchange, he wrote Gauguin directly on the matter, rehearsing the injuries of the previous month and refusing to surrender the second sunflower (JLB 736, 1/17/1889). This counter-campaign involved not only building up the value of the disputed painting ("I don't think that you've made a bad choice -- if [Georges] Jeannin has the peony, [Ernest] Quost the hollyhock, I indeed, before others, have taken the sunflower" [JLB 739, 1/21/1889]), but also, to Theo, inflating Gauguin's opinion of it ("[he] has a complete infatuation with my sunflowers" [JLB 745, 2/3/1889]). Vincent resolved the cognitive dissonance between his pleasure at Gauguin's interest in his painting and his need to make Gauguin pay for his sins, by agreeing to do a copy of the disputed image: "So, he wants one of those two canvases, well I'll do one of them over again, the one he wants" (JLB 741, 1/22/1889). How interested Gauguin actually was in Vincent's sunflowers, even as of January-February 1889, is hard to know, partly because, through his later writings, he engaged in a lifelong campaign to claim credit for Vincent's subsequent success and, especially, the success of his famous flowers. (That he referred once to "my Vincent" tells the whole story [Gauguin, in Stein, pp. 124-125].)

It is possible that (1) Gauguin came to appreciate the images toward the end of his stay in the Yellow House (this is Vincent's version [see Ch. 35, n. 300] and might explain why he took two of them away from Arles); (2) once back in Paris, Gauguin reconsidered his early scorn of the images (see Ch. 35, n. 300); or (3) that he changed his opinion (or was influenced by other opinion) in the first part of 1889, encouraged perhaps by Theo's interest in exhibiting the two sunflower paintings " (JLB 741, 1/22/1889). The fact that he brought the two paintings back from Arles is not dispositive evidence that he admired them. He may have brought them back to complement, explain, or excuse the portrait of Vincent, now titled The Painter of Sunflowers, that he gave to Theo.

310. inflict on Vincent Druick and Zegers, p. 238: Druick and Zegers define the inherent hostility and aggression of Gauguin's portrayal in spatial terms: "Confined in an exaggeratedly shallow space, Vincent's right shoulder appears squeezed by the advancing yellow of the background canvas, while Gauguin himself and the volumetric still life on the chair seem to crowd him from his left." Van Lindert suggests that Gauguin may have been invoking Charles Baudelaire's famous put-down of Ary Scheffer as "le singe du sentiment" (the monkey of sentiment) (Van Lindert, n.p.). It is possible that Gauguin and Vincent had spoken about the latter's early admiration for Scheffer's monuments of sentimentalism. 311. belittles his manhood Druick and Zegers, p. 242: According to Druick and Zegers: "the rigid, phallic thumb poking through the palette intimates sexualized undercurrents both in Vincent's creativity and in Gauguin's identity as inseminating agent." 312. "Perhaps my portrait" Paul Gauguin to Theo van Gogh, l. 192, c. 12/19/1888-12/20/1888, in Merlhès, Correspondence de Paul Gauguin: Documents, témoignages, pp. 301-302. 313. world of the imagination Druick and Zegers leave open the possibility that Gauguin did not entirely invent the scene: that Vincent did, in fact, paint a "reprise" of one of his earlier sunflower paintings (Still Life: Vase with Fifteen Sunflowers [F 457 JH 1666]) "in early December": that is, during Gauguin's stay in Arles (Druick and Zegers, p. 240). So that even if Gauguin invented the flowers themselves (which he must have, since they were no longer in bloom), he did not invent the scene of Vincent at work on a painting of sunflowers. The more widely shared opinion in the literature, however, is that Still Life: Vase with Fifteen Sunflowers (F 457 JH 1666) was not painted until January, after Gauguin's departure. 687 314. "I am obliged to return" Gauguin, in Gauguin and Van Gogh, "On Working together in Arles," p. 30.