Notes

Notes

 

Chapters

Chapters

469 1. "More tangled and fantastic" BVG 437, 11/28/1885.

Context:
BVG 437, 11/28/1885: "As to the overall impression of the harbour, or of one of the docks -- at one moment it is more tangled and fantastic than a thorn hedge, so chaotic that one finds no rest for the eye, grows giddy, and is forced by the 'papillot-ering' [flickering -- Vincent 'Dutchified' the French papillotement] of colours and lines to look first here, then there, unable to distinguish one thing from another -- even after looking at the same point for a long time."
JLB 545, 11/28/1885: "The overall effect of the port or of a dock -- sometimes it's more tangled and fantastic than a thorn-hedge, so tangled that one can find no rest for the eye, so that one gets dizzy, is forced by the flickering of colours and lines to look now here and now there, unable to tell one thing from another even after staring at a single spot for a long while."

2. "so chaotic that one" BVG 437, 11/28/1885.

Context:
BVG 437, 11/28/1885: "As to the overall impression of the harbour, or of one of the docks -- at one moment it is more tangled and fantastic than a thorn hedge, so chaotic that one finds no rest for the eye, grows giddy, and is forced by the 'papillot-ering' [flickering. Vincent 'Dutchified' the French papillotement] of colours and lines to look first here, then there, unable to distinguish one thing from another -- even after looking at the same point for a long time."
JLB 545, 11/28/1885: "The overall effect of the port or of a dock -- sometimes it's more tangled and fantastic than a thorn-hedge, so tangled that one can find no rest for the eye, so that one gets dizzy, is forced by the flickering of colours and lines to look now here and now there, unable to tell one thing from another even after staring at a single spot for a long while."

3. "ruddy faces and broad" BVG 437, 11/28/1885.

Context:
BVG 437, 11/28/1885: "Flemish sailors with excessively ruddy faces and broad shoulders, lusty and tipsy, Antwerpers through and through, are to be seen eating mussels or drinking beer with a great deal of noise and commotion."
JLB 545, 11/28/1885: "There'll be Flemish sailors with exaggeratedly ruddy faces, with broad shoulders, powerful and robust, and Antwerp through and through, standing eating mussels and drinking beer, and making a great deal of noise and commotion about it."

4. "docker types as ugly" BVG 437, 11/28/1885.

Context:
BVG 437, 11/28/1885: "Through the window of a very elegant English public house one can look out on the filthiest mud and on a ship from which, say, such pleasing wares as hides and buffalo horns are being unloaded by docker types as ugly as sin, or by exotic sailors, while a very fair, very delicate English girl stands at the window looking out at this or at something else."
JLB 545, 11/28/1885: "Through the window of a very elegant English inn one will look out on the filthiest mud and on a ship where such delightful wares as hides and buffalo horns are being unloaded by monstrous docker types or foreign sailors; by the window, looking at this or at something else, stands a very fair, very delicate English girl."

5. hides and buffalo horns BVG 437, 11/28/1885.

Context:
JLB 545, 11/28/1885: "Through the window of a very elegant English inn one will look out on the filthiest mud and on a ship where such delightful wares as hides and buffalo horns are being unloaded by monstrous docker types or foreign sailors; by the window, looking at this or at something else, stands a very fair, very delicate English girl."

6. arguments broke into scuffles BVG 437, 11/28/1885.

Context:
JLB 545, 11/28/1885: "This street is long, one keeps seeing authentic scenes, and once in a while there's a commotion, louder than usual, when a quarrel breaks out. For instance, you're walking along, looking around, and suddenly a great cheer goes up and all sorts of shouting."

7. "A sailor is being thrown" BVG 437, 11/28/1885.

Context:
BVG 437, 11/28/1885: " A sailor is being thrown out of a brothel by the girls in broad daylight and is being pursued by a furious fellow and a string of prostitutes, of whom he seems to be terrified -- anyway, I see him clamber over a pile of sacks and disappear through a window into a warehouse."
JLB 545, 11/28/1885: " In broad daylight a sailor is being thrown out of a brothel by the girls and pursued by a furious fellow and a string of girls."

8. "It's all an impenetrable" BVG 437, 11/28/1885.

Context:
JLB 545, 11/28/1885: "It's an incomprehensible confusion."

9. only twenty-five miles According to the 1892 Baedeker guide to Holland and Belgium, the towers of Breda could be seen from the observation deck of the four-hundred-foot north tower of Antwerp's cathedral "with the aid of a good telescope" -- presumably of the hand-held variety (Baedeker, p. 158). 470 10. "the silent, serious Norwegian" Lemmonier, p. 39. 11. Lambiek, a local beer Vincent refers to this beer in 1881, in response to a letter from Van Rappard who had been in Brussels and shared a glass of the local beer with some Belgian artists. Vincent responded, with more than a hint of jealousy: "what kind of people are they, those artists with whom you drank Lambiek? Why don't you mention even a couple of them by name? Are they people who'll be of any use to you? I hope so, for your sake, but I seriously doubt it." (JLB 195, 12/30/1881.) In a footnote, Bonger describes the beer this way: "A kind of very strong, twice-fermented, rather sour-tasting beer, a specialty of Flanders" (Van Gogh-Bonger, in Van Gogh, The Complete Letters of Vincent van Gogh, Volume III, p. 320, n. 1). 12. Flemish sailors eating mussels BVG 437, 11/28/1885.

Context:
JLB 545, 11/28/1885: "There'll be Flemish sailors with exaggeratedly ruddy faces, with broad shoulders, powerful and robust, and Antwerp through and through, standing eating mussels and drinking beer, and making a great deal of noise and commotion about it."

13. a quiet English pub BVG 437, 11/28/1885. (See Ch. 26, n. 6.)

Context:
JLB 545, 11/28/1885: "Through the window of a very elegant English inn one will look out on the filthiest mud and on a ship where such delightful wares as hides and buffalo horns are being unloaded by monstrous docker types or foreign sailors; by the window, looking at this or at something else, stands a very fair, very delicate English girl. The interior with figure wholly in tone, and for light -- the silvery sky above that mud and the buffalo horns, again a series of contrasts that's quite strong. There'll be Flemish sailors with exaggeratedly ruddy faces, with broad shoulders, powerful and robust, and Antwerp through and through, standing eating mussels and drinking beer, and making a great deal of noise and commotion about it."

14. "bargee" BVG 437, 11/28/1885. "[I] even sat and talked very genially with various girls, who evidently took me for a bargee" (JLB 545, 11/28/1885). Even if Vincent did not offer this misleading self-description (which we think he surely did), he did not, apparently, correct it.

Context:
BVG 437, 11/28/1885: "All the same I've roamed through quite a number of streets and alleyways without mishap, have even sat down to talk in a very friendly way with various girls, who seemed to take me for a bargee."
JLB 545, 11/28/1885: "All the same, I did roam around a whole lot of streets and alleys without mishap, even sat and talked very genially with various girls, who evidently took me for a bargee."

15. as couples whirled nearby One of the surviving sketches Vincent did in an Antwerp dancehall (Couple Dancing [F 1350b JH 969, December 1885, black and colored chalk, 3.5 x 6.3 in., 9 x 16 cm., Van Gogh Museum, Amsterdam]) shows a number of couples on the dance floor. In a letter, Vincent describes one couple in particular that he observed very closely. The girl was "in black silk," he wrote, "probably some inn landlady or other, with an ugly and irregular face, but with vivacity and piquancy 16. a pocketsize sketchpad All of the six surviving pages of the sketchbook are roughly 3½ x 6½ in. (9.2 x 16.3 cm.). 17. husky dance hall organ Lemmonier, n.p.: "The so-called musicos at the harbor are jammed every evening with sailors, who come to dance there at the beat of hoarse and husky street organs." An organ can be seen, sketched very loosely in the background in one of Vincent's "dancehall" drawings (Couple Dancing [F 1350b JH 969, December 1885, black and colored chalk, 3.5 x 6.3 in., 9 x 16 cm., Van Gogh Museum, Amsterdam]). According to Van Heugten and Vellekoop, the dancehall organs, "in addition to their usual sound, could reproduce those of many other musical instruments" (Van Heugten and Vellekoop, p. 36, n. 5). This may explain Camille Lemmonier's unflattering comment. 18. singing from the balcony Another of the three surviving dancehall sketches (Two Women in a Balcony Box [F 1350v JH 967, December 1885, black and colored chalk, 3.5 x 6.3 in., 9 x 16 cm., Van Gogh Museum, Amsterdam]) shows two women in the balcony, one of whom is leaning over the balcony rail with her hands either under her chin or cupped around her mouth. According to Van Heugten and Vellekoop, the two women depicted were probably working-class: "[They] are dressed in black and each has a dark-coloured, capote hat on her head. This consisted of a wire framework decorated with lace, silk ribbons or velvet, and was very popular with working-class women at the end of the 19th century." (Van Heugten and Vellekoop, p. 36.) 19. maidservants dancing Lemmonier, n.p.: "The 'halls' and dance houses in the neighborhood of the Oosterstation are visited almost exclusively by soldiers and maid-servants." Interestingly, one of Vincent's drawings from a dance hall (Dance-hall [F 1350a JH 968, December 1885, black and colored chalk, 3.5 x 6.3 in., 9 x 16 cm., Van Gogh Museum, Amsterdam]) shows two hefty women dancing energetically in close embrace. 20. "a popular sailors' ball" BVG 438, 12/6/1885-12/7/1885.

Context:
BVG 438, 12/6/1885-12/7/1885: "One evening I saw a popular sailors' ball at the docks; it was most interesting and they behaved quite decently."
JLB 546, 12/6/1885: "One evening I saw a popular dance for sailors &c. down by the docks -- it was quite charming and all very respectable" (emphasis in original.)

21. "It does one good" BVG 438, 12/6/1885-12/7/1885.

Context:
JLB 546, 12/6/1885: "It does one good to see people who are really enjoying themselves."

471 22. "I feel a power" BVG 438, 12/6/1885-12/7/1885. Vincent expresses his confidence in almost exactly the same terms a month later: "I don't think I've been putting myself to all this trouble for years for absolutely nothing. I feel a certain power in me." (JLB 552, 1/12/1886-1/16/1886.) This comes after the deep melancholy of the holidays and appears to accompany his decision to attend the Antwerp Academy (see later in this chapter). Each of these self-conscious declarations of "power" seems to function both as an admission of shortcoming and as a pathetic insistence that he has not been wasting his time. The fact that he feels obliged to make the point at all suggests that he suspects Theo thinks he has been wasting his time -- or that any reasonable person would think so. Vincent surely had such doubts himself, and these brave, formulaic incantations may represent his shutting the door on them.

Context:
BVG 438, 12/6/1885-12/7/1885: " I feel a power within me to do something, I see that my work holds its own against other work, and that gives me a great craving for work; lately, when I was in the country, I began to doubt, because I noticed that Portier [Alphonse Portier, 1841-1902; French art dealer] does not seem to care for my things any more."
JLB 546, 12/6/1885: " I feel a power to do something within me. I see that my work holds its own against other work, and that gives me an incredible desire to work; and lately, when I was in the country, I was starting to have doubts precisely because I noticed that Portier seemingly doesn't care for it any more."

23. "I am very glad" BVG 439, 12/8/1885-12/15/1885.

Context:
BVG 439, 12/8/1885-12/15/1885: " I am very glad I came here, for in many ways it is useful and necessary for me."
JLB 547, 12/14/1885: " I'm very glad to have come here, because it's useful and necessary for me for many things."

24. "job on the side" BVG 434, 11/15/1885-11/20/1885: We have slightly altered the translation. There was one money-making endeavor that Vincent had always exempted from his rule against jobs on the side: painting lessons (although, at times, he denied being paid for such lessons [see Ch. 22, n. 110]). On his way to Antwerp, he reaffirmed this exception: "among the things that I could do 'on the side' [is] give lessons in painting, ... I've tried it out on those friends of mine in Eindhoven, and I'd dare repeat it" (ibid.; see Ch. 25, n. 234).

Context:
BVG 434, 11/15/1885-11/20/1885: "Or, what I did not mention in my previous letter among the 'jobs on the side' that would be possible, by giving painting lessons, letting them begin by painting still life, which I think is a different method from that of the drawing masters."
JLB 542, 11/17/1885: "Or -- something I didn't mention in my last letter among the things that I could do 'on the side' -- give lessons in painting, letting them begin by painting still lifes -- which I believe is a different method from that of the drawing masters" (emphasis in original).

25. painting signboards BVG 434, 11/15/1885-11/20/1885. As usual, Vincent worked out the details of this fantasy plan in manic detail in order to persuade Theo (and probably himself) that his renewed pledges of self-sufficiency were made in earnest: "I also have an idea for a sort of shop sign that I hope to carry out. I mean, for instance, still lifes of fish for a fishmonger, for flowers, for vegetables, for a restaurant. It seems to me that if one took well-arranged subjects -- large -- 1 metre by 1/2 a metre or 3/4, say, a canvas like that would cost me 50 francs, no more -- even 30 francs with luck, and it would be worth trying to make a few." (JLB 546, 12/6/1885.)

Context:
JLB 542, 11/17/1885: "I imagine, though, that in order to get models, as many as I want and good, I won't be done all at once, but will have to find the money for it by making other things. Be it landscapes, be it townscapes, be it portraits, as I said -- or -- even if it were signboards and decoration." (Emphasis in original.)

26. "for instance" BVG 438, 12/6/1885-12/7/1885. (See Ch. 26, n. 26.)

Context:
BVG 438, 12/6/1885-12/7/1885: "I mean, for instance, for a fishmonger, still life of fishes, for flowers, for vegetables, for restaurants."
JLB 546, 12/6/1885: "I mean, for instance, still lifes of fish for a fishmonger, for flowers, for vegetables, for a restaurant."

27. decorations for restaurants BVG 438, 12/6/1885-12/7/1885. (See Ch. 26, n. 147.) Three years earlier, Vincent had berated Anton van Rappard for undertaking similarly ephemeral "decorations" -- specifically menus: "I come briefly to your large decoration and to your menu, and say only this about them. Old chap, do something else, these are dangerous waters, ... The more menus and decorations for festive occasions you make, even if they're pleasing and good, the less you'll be able to remain in agreement with your artistic conscience." (JLB 284, 11/18/1882.)

Context:
JLB 546, 12/6/1885: "I come briefly to your large decoration and to your menu, and say only this about them. Old chap, do something else, these are dangerous waters, ... The more menus and decorations for festive occasions you make, even if they're pleasing and good, the less you'll be able to remain in agreement with your artistic conscience."

28. "One thing is certain" BVG 438, 12/6/1885-12/7/1885.

Context:
BVG 438, 12/6/1885-12/7/1885: " One thing is certain, that I want my things to be seen. Later on we may lose courage, but we will try and put it off for a long time."
JLB 546, 12/6/1885: " This much is certain, I want to be seen -- we may have to lose heart later, but we'll manage to put it off for a long while."

29. "bustle" BVG 443, 1/1/1886-1/15/1886.

Context:
BVG 443, 1/1/1886-1/15/1886: "How the bringing together of contrasts gives me new ideas -- the contrasts between the absolute quiet of the country and the bustle here."
JLB 551, 1/2/1886: "How the bringing together of extremes gives me new ideas -- extremes, the countryside as a whole and the bustle here."

30. "I needed it badly" BVG 443, 1/1/1886-1/15/1886.

Context:
BVG 443, 1/1/1886-1/15/1886: "How the bringing together of contrasts gives me new ideas -- the contrasts between the absolute quiet of the country and the bustle here. I needed it badly."
JLB 551, 1/2/1886: "How the bringing together of extremes gives me new ideas -- extremes, the countryside as a whole and the bustle here. I really needed it."

31. began to eat regularly BVG 442, 12/28/1885: Although this hardly constitutes a lavish diet, it is far better than the self-abusive semi-starvation of Nuenen. (See Chapter 24.) The board "breakfast" Vincent refers to was probably hot and plentiful.

Context:
JLB 550, 12/28/1885: "… the lifeline I cling to is my breakfast with the people where I live, and a cup of coffee and bread in the crémerie in the evening. Supplemented, when I have it, by a second cup of coffee and bread in the crémerie for my dinner, and otherwise some rye bread that I have in my case."

32. "One must not look" BVG 438, 12/6/1885-12/7/1885.

Context:
BVG 438, 12/6/1885-12/7/1885: "And one must not look too hungry or shabby either. On the contrary, one must try to make things hum."
JLB 546, 12/6/1885: "And one can't afford to look hungry or wretched. On the contrary, one must see to it that one helps to liven things up."

33. He rented a room BVG 436, 11/24/1885-11/27/1885: In a bi-lingual city, the street was (and is) also known by its Flemish name, Beeldekenstraat. In both languages, the name of the road refers to pictures (both rue des Images and Beeldekenstraat translate as "Street of Images"). This may be related to the fact that the occupant of the commercial space of the ground floor (Rez de chaussée) of Vincent's apartment building was a color merchant (i.e., an artists' supply store) (JLB 544, 11/26/1885). The apartment building still exists, although the number has since changed to 224 and the French name has been altered to Longue [long] rue des Images to distinguish it from the Courte [short] rue des Images. (For details on the apartment and the neighborhood, see Van Heugten and Vellekoop, p. 28.)

Context:
JLB 544, 11/26/1885: "I've rented a little room, rue des Images No. 194."

34. a new but respectable neighborhood BVG 454, 2/15/1886-2/17/1886: Vincent's building on the rue des Images was relatively new and clearly designed to appeal to the expanding bourgeois class. The city had spread into a previously rural area starting in the 1860s. (See Van Heugten and Vellekoop, p. 28.) At street level, it was occupied by a paint merchant -- the kind of business that drew bourgeois shoppers (JLB 544, 11/26/1885). The room was ample, well-lit, and faced the street. It is clear that Vincent weighed all these factors in choosing it: "But if one wants to start on that, one must think about where one rents it, where one has the best chance of getting visitors and making friends and becoming known" (JLB 556, 1/29/1886).

Context:
JLB 556, 1/29/1886: "But if one wants to start on that, one must think about where one rents it, where one has the best chance of getting visitors and making friends and becoming known."

35. outfitted it with the trappings BVG 437, 11/28/1885. Vincent spent extra on "a stove and a lamp" and pinned prints on the walls (JLB 545, 11/28/1885). There must have been other expenditures on decorating the studio in order to make it more welcoming to the models he wanted to impress. He says as much several months later: "for portraits it's necessary to create a degree of comfort in a studio, otherwise the people who come to sit will dislike it" (JLB 556, 1/29/1886).

Context:
JLB 545, 11/28/1885: "Well -- I've had no setbacks so far. I'm safe and sound as far as accommodation is concerned, for by forking out a few more francs I've acquired a stove and a lamp."

36. a stock of new canvases Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop, p. 77. 37. better brushes BVG 439, 12/8/1885-12/15/1885. (See Ch. 26, n. 37.)

Context:
JLB 547, 12/14/1885: "I've bought some more paint and two new types of drawing brush which I'm extremely pleased with and with which I can work more accurately."

38. more expensive pigments See Ch. 26, n. 38. 39. illustrations abandoned in Nuenen Hulsker, "What Theo Really Thought of Vincent," p. 12: In his effort to sneak out of Nuenen with his creditors unpaid, Vincent had to leave his treasured portfolios of prints behind. This is not revealed until March the next year (1887), when Theo receives word from his mother that all of Vincent's abandoned possessions in Nuenen are about to be sold at auction to pay his outstanding debts. Theo writes back with instructions: "As you wanted I have spoken with Vincent about his belongings that are still in Nuenen. He says you can dispose of his furniture as you please but he is really attached to his wood engravings which are of no value to anybody in Nuenen and which he collected laboriously. There are also some studies of himself he would prefer to keep. If it were possible to pay off his remaining debts with the proceeds of his furniture with enough left to build a crate for the prints and studies and pay for shipment to Breda, that would be a good arrangement." (b0909 V/1962, ''Gogh, Theo van'' to ''Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van'', 3/22/1887; quoted in Hulsker, "What Theo Really Thought of Vincent," p. 12.) 40. colorful Japanese prints BVG 437, 11/28/1885. The significance of the sudden appearance of this new art form is discussed in Chapter 28. Japanese prints were readily available in the port city of Antwerp thanks to seafarers who brought them back from trips to the Far East. The cheapest ones were sometimes used as packing material for importing porcelain. Also, it should be noted that Vincent pinned them on his wall within days of arriving. This suggests both that he did not slowly acquire a taste for the prints and that he was first drawn to them by their cheapness and decorative value, as well as their deeper artistic merits. His only comments on them at this time relate to their urban-exotic subject matter. He described the scene of Antwerp's busy docks as "one huge Japonaiserie, fantastic, singular, strange" (JLB 545, 11/28/1885). It would require both some time and some outside guidance (primarily in Paris) before Vincent recognized that these images held important lessons for his own art, although the process may have already begun in Antwerp with his re-reading of Chérie, a novel by Edmond de Goncourt, and its Japanophilic introduction (JLB 550, 12/28/1885). ("One of De Goncourt's sayings was 'Japonaiserie for ever'" [ibid.; emphasis in original].)

The association of Antwerp with Japan was not unique to Vincent. At the same time he was in Antwerp (1886), Max Elskamp published a book of sonnets called The Japanese Fan that explored the "Japanese" atmosphere of his native city (Musée des Beaux-Arts de Mons, pp. 24-25). Elskamp went on to become one of Belgium's leading symbolist voices. Although he and Vincent never met, the coincidence of their perceptions in Antwerp indicates that Vincent, too, had the soul of a symbolist before he found the imagery of one.

Context:
JLB 545, 11/28/1885: "My studio's quite tolerable, mainly because I've pinned a set of Japanese prints on the walls that I find very diverting. You know, those little female figures in gardens or on the shore, horsemen, flowers, gnarled thorn branches."

41. "My little room" BVG 437, 11/28/1885.

Context:
BVG 437, 11/28/1885: " My little room has turned out better than I expected and certainly doesn't look dreary."
JLB 545, 11/28/1885: " My little room isn't bad at all, and it definitely doesn't look dreary."

42. "[This] is a splendid place" BVG 437, 11/28/1885. We have slightly reordered the translation. The rent on Vincent's room was 25 francs a month (JLB 544, 11/26/1885). He takes care to reassure Theo that "it's pretty obvious that I shan't exactly be living in the lap of luxury," but, in fact, the building and the neighborhood were relatively upscale and the rent was hardly cheap (JLB 545, 11/28/1885). Almost a decade later, the rents paid for "good lodgings" in Antwerp by students at the city's art academy were only "from thirty to forty francs per month," according to a contemporary account (Ritchie, p. 142).

Context:
BVG 437, 11/28/1885: "Well, one thing is certain, Antwerp is a splendid and very remarkable place for a painter."
JLB 545, 11/28/1885: "One thing's certain, Antwerp's a very singular and beautiful place for a painter."

43. the cathedral BVG 441, 12/19/1885: Two drawings of the cathedral survive: The Grote Markt (F 1352 JH 975), which shows the tower of the cathedral looming over the Grote Markt; and The Spire of the Church of Our Lady (F 1356 JH 974), which is a study of the cathedral's tower. As Van Heugten and Vellekoop observe, the cathedral Church of Our Lady "was an obvious choice" of subject for Vincent (Van Heugten and Vellekoop, p. 54). It was (and is) both the largest church in the Low Countries and the most spectacular example of Flemish architecture anywhere. Its construction, begun in the fourteenth century, took almost two centuries (the tower was not completed until 1521).

Context:
JLB 549, 12/19/1885: "Yesterday, for example, I drew a few studies for a thing in which one sees the cathedral."

44. the Grote Markt The Grote Markt, F 1352 JH 975, December 1885, black chalk, 8.9 x 11.8 in., 22.5 x 30 cm., Van Gogh Museum, Amsterdam. (See Ch. 26, n. 45.) 45. ninth-century castle Het Steen BVG 440, 12/15/1885. In his next letter, he reports: "I've been to see someone else with my view of Het Steen, who thought the tone and colour good, who was in a state of confusion drawing up his inventory and is in small premises, though" (JLB 549, 12/19/1885). Neither of these versions, if there were two, have survived. Two drawings have, however: View of Het Steen (F 1350r JH 976), in black and colored chalk; and View of Het Steen (F 1351 JH 977), in ink, chalk, and pencil. Like the cathedral, Het Steen was (and is) one of Antwerp's signature landmarks. Built in the ninth century as the citadel of the city's rulers, called Margraves, it had also been a prison, a sawmill, a fish market, a poor house, and a museum. (See Van Heugten and Vellekoop, p. 50.) Only a few years before Vincent's arrival, the building's future was threatened by massive dock works that completely reshaped the area around it. The construction work, which was still going on at the time, can be seen in Vincent's drawings (see ibid., p. 51).

Context:
JLB 548, 12/17/1885: "I'd made a painting of Het Steen and took it round the dealers."

46. picturesque street scenes BVG 441, 12/19/1885. The only representation this motif that Vincent refers to specifically is "a small one of the Park" (JLB 549, 12/19/1885). There is also one surviving drawing (City View, F 1355 JH 966, December-January 1885-1886, black chalk, 3.7 x 6.5 in., 9.5 x 16.5 cm., Van Gogh Museum, Amsterdam) showing an unidentified street scene, probably in Antwerp. (See Van Heugten and Vellekoop, pp. 47-50.) This is the kind of work, no doubt, that Vincent was referring to when, in Nuenen, he announced his intention to make some commercial works while in Antwerp: "I plan to paint a few views of the city as soon as I get there -- reasonably large -- and show them straightaway too" (JLB 541, 11/14/1885). If his experience in The Hague is any guide (see Chapter 16), by "views of the city," he did not mean images of famous landmarks or sweeping vistas, but generic vignettes of which the subjects would be specifically identifiable only to locals. This would distinguish them -- and their likely buyers -- from the touristic "views of the city" that he takes up after his arrival (JLB 549, 12/19/1885).

Context:
JLB 549, 12/19/1885: "I plan to paint a few views of the city as soon as I get there -- reasonably large -- and show them straightaway too."

47. vistas of the old city BVG 439, 12/8/1885-12/15/1885. In particular, the view he intends to paint is of the old city from "right opposite the rise where the Church of Our Lady is. Other painters have been there before." (JLB 547, 12/14/1885.) This painting, if he made it, has not survived, nor have any other views of Antwerp from this distant vantage point.

Context:
JLB 547, 12/14/1885: "Towards the end of the month, ... I hope to make a view of the Scheldt, which I've also got a canvas for."

48. "just the thing" BVG 441, 12/19/1885.

Context:
BVG 441, 12/19/1885: "It is just the thing for foreigners who want to have a souvenir of Antwerp, and for that reason I shall make even more city views of that kind."
JLB 549, 12/19/1885: " It's a good thing for when there are foreigners who want to have a souvenir of Antwerp, and for this reason I'll make a few more in the same genre of townscapes."

49. He continued to patronize For Vincent's patronage of prostitutes in the first months after his arrival in Nuenen, see Ch. 22, n. 20. For his continuing patronage during his relationship with Gordina de Groot and afterwards, see Ch. 25, n. 236. 50. she probably succumbed See Ch. 25, n. 66. 472 51. study of the female nude Vincent first mentions working from the nude in October 1884, probably after meeting Gordina but before what was presumably the period of her most intensive modeling for him; that is, around the creation of The Potato Eaters (F 82 JH 764, April 1885, oil on canvas, 32.3 x 44.9 in., 82 x 114 cm., Van Gogh Museum, Amsterdam) (JLB 465, 10/9/1884). Vincent entertains the idea of going to study with the sculptor Jean Theodore Stracké who lived in "Bois-le-Duc" (Den Bosch or 's-Hertogenbosch) where he was the director of the drawing academy.  Around the same time, he tells Theo that Van Rappard thinks he should "make nude studies" in Antwerp, but this report is hardly reliable (JLB 467, 10/25/1884). The subject was still on his mind as of July 1885, after the scandal with Gordina had begun to break, when he engaged in an elaborate digression on the subject of the "simple nude but modern figure" (JLB 515, 7/14/1885; emphasis in original). 52. "get good models" BVG 434, 11/15/1885-11/20/1885.

Context:
BVG 434, 11/15/1885-11/20/1885: "But I am afraid I shall not succeed in getting good models, as many as I like and good ones, but shall have to find the money for it by making other things, either landscapes or city views or portraits, as I said, or even signboards and decorations."
JLB 542, 11/17/1885: "I imagine, though, that in order to get models, as many as I want and good, I won't be done all at once, but will have to find the money for it by making other things. Be it landscapes, be it townscapes, be it portraits, as I said -- or -- even if it were signboards and decoration." (Emphasis in original.)

53. "who takes models" BVG 433, 11/10/1885-11/20/1885.

Context:
BVG 433, 11/10/1885-11/20/1885: "But there will certainly be some people there who take models for the nude, and with whom one might make an arrangement as to the expenses."
JLB 541, 11/14/1885: "All the same, there must be people there who use nude models and with whom one could split the cost."

54. "I need it for many" BVG 433, 11/10/1885-11/20/1885.

Context:
JLB 541, 11/14/1885: "I need it for many things."

55. passage in Sensier's biography Sensier, pp. 84-87: "He did, in fact, everything: portraits of master mariners, shipowners, harbour masters and workers, even sailors. Amongst others, he painted a señora in a pink and blue silk dress reclining nonchantly on a sofa, specially commissioned by a captain. This painting delighted everyone. Millet was all the rage for a while ... A public exhibition of his work was arranged in Le Havre and he did a few more portraits. Finally, when not without difficulty he had got together 900 francs, he left for Paris with his wife." 56. recruit prostitutes to model BVG 433, 11/10/1885-11/20/1885: Vincent's arguments for this untapped market for portraits among prostitutes is certainly specious -- so much so that it appears either disingenuous or delusional. The only possible implication in the Sensier passage is that sailors (that is, officers) commissioned portraits of themselves for their mistresses on shore. Yet Vincent's sole strategy for exploiting this putative market was to pursue women (that is, prostitutes). Even by the standards of Vincent's runaway obsessions, this is a leap that defies logic, suggesting how urgently he wanted it to be true.

Context:
JLB 541, 11/14/1885: "In town [Antwerp] the bourgeois folk, and certainly no less the tarts, no matter who they are, always value portraits. And Millet -- discovered that ship's captains actually 'respect someone for it' if he can do that (those portraits are probably intended for their mistresses ashore). This hasn't been exploited yet. Do you remember this in Sensier? I've always remembered how Millet kept himself going in Le Havre this way."

57. By insistently conflating Already in October 1884, following a discussion with Van Rappard, Vincent writes about going to Antwerp in a way that conflates portrait painting, women, and nude modeling (and, no doubt, sex): "in general Rappard advises me not to do it right away, but after having painted here for another few months, and to try to get a pied- 58. eliding the difference BVG 433, 11/10/1885-11/20/1885. (See Ch. 26, n. 58.)

Context:
JLB 541, 11/14/1885: "They wouldn't want me at the academy, nor probably would I -- but -- with a sculptor, say, there must surely be a few living there, one might readily find some sympathy. It goes without saying that people with money can get as many models as they want, but it's a difficult matter without it."

59. "splendid heads" BVG 438, 12/6/1885-12/7/1885. We have slightly altered the translation.

Context:
BVG 438, 12/6/1885-12/7/1885: "There were splendid women's heads, really extraordinarily fine, among the good middle-class folks on the back seats, and on the whole I think what is said about Antwerp true, that the women are handsome."
JLB 546, 12/6/1885: "There were magnificent women's heads, really extraordinarily fine, among the worthy bourgeois folk in the back rows, and on the whole I find what they say about Antwerp true indeed, that the women are good-looking here."

60. "What they say" BVG 438, 12/6/1885-12/7/1885. We have slightly altered the translation.

Context:
BVG 438, 12/6/1885-12/7/1885: "There were splendid women's heads, really extraordinarily fine, among the good middle-class folks on the back seats, and on the whole I think what is said about Antwerp true, that the women are handsome."
JLB 546, 12/6/1885: "There were magnificent women's heads, really extraordinarily fine, among the worthy bourgeois folk in the back rows, and on the whole I find what they say about Antwerp true indeed, that the women are good-looking here."

61. "splendidly healthy-looking" BVG 437, 11/28/1885.

Context:
BVG 437, 11/28/1885: "Here one may see a splendidly healthy-looking girl, who is, or at least seems, wholly honest and unaffectedly cheerful; there a face so slyly vicious, like a hyena's, that it frightens one."
JLB 545, 11/28/1885: "Now one sees a girl who is magnificently healthy and, at least seemingly, very sincere and innocently cheerful, then a countenance so slyly malicious that one is frightened by it as if by a hyena."

62. "dull, grey little eyes" BVG 437, 11/28/1885.

Context:
BVG 437, 11/28/1885: "Not to forget faces ravaged by smallpox, the colour of boiled shrimps, with dull, grey little eyes, no eyebrows and sparse, greasy, thinning hair the colour of pure hog bristle, or a bit yellower -- Swedish or Danish types."
JLB 545, 11/28/1885: "Not forgetting the faces ravaged by the pox, the colour of boiled shrimp, with little dull grey eyes and no eyebrows, and sparse, greasy, thin hair, colour of pure pig's bristle or slightly yellower -- Swedish or Danish types."

63. "common girls" BVG 439, 12/8/1885-12/15/1885.

Context:
BVG 439, 12/8/1885-12/15/1885: "I see the people in the street very well, but I often think the servant girls so much more interesting and beautiful than the ladies, the workmen more interesting than the gentlemen; and in those common girls and fellows I find a power and vitality which, if one wants to express them in their peculiar character, ought to be painted with a firm brush stroke, with a simple technique."
JLB 547, 12/14/1885: "I see the people in the street -- very well -- but I often find the servant girls so much more interesting and beautiful than the ladies -- the labourers more interesting than the gentlemen. And I find a power and vitality in those common girls and fellows which, to express them in their singular character, would have to be done with a firm brushstroke, with a simple technique."

64. "power and vitality" BVG 439, 12/8/1885-12/15/1885.

Context:
BVG 439, 12/8/1885-12/15/1885: "I see the people in the street very well, but I often think the servant girls so much more interesting and beautiful than the ladies, the workmen more interesting than the gentlemen; and in those common girls and fellows I find a power and vitality which, if one wants to express them in their peculiar character, ought to be painted with a firm brush stroke, with a simple technique."
JLB 547, 12/14/1885: "And I find a power and vitality in those common girls and fellows which, to express them in their singular character, would have to be done with a firm brushstroke, with a simple technique."

65. "ugly and irregular faces" BVG 438, 12/6/1885-12/7/1885.

Context:
BVG 438, 12/6/1885-12/7/1885: "I mean, a figure that struck me as a splendid [Jacob] Jordaens or Velásquez, or Goya -- was one in black silk, most likely some barmaid or such, with an ugly and irregular face, but lively and piquant à la Frans Hals.” JLB 546, 12/6/1885: “I mean, a figure that struck me like an amazingly beautiful Jordaens or Velázquez or -- Goya -- was one in black silk, probably some inn landlady or other, with an ugly and irregular face, but with vivacity and piquancy à la Frans Hals.” 66. He admired Scandinavian girls BVG 437, 11/28/1885.

Context:
JLB 545, 11/28/1885: "Not forgetting the faces ravaged by the pox, the colour of boiled shrimp, with little dull grey eyes and no eyebrows, and sparse, greasy, thin hair, colour of pure pig's bristle or slightly yellower -- Swedish or Danish types."

67. for their blonde hair Vincent's preference for blondes comes through first in his infatuation with the fair-haired Caroline Haanebeek (see Chapter 5). That Caroline's blondness was crucial to his attraction becomes clear in his belated epistolary courtship of her from London (see Chapter 6) during which he entreated her with flattering images of blonde girls drawn from both art and literature (see Ch. 6, n. 144, n. 145, n. 146, n. 148, n. 149 and n. 150).

Thereafter, Vincent's preference is evidenced primarily in the images of women on which he fixated. In June 1884, he summarized for Theo a passage from Les artistes de mon temps in which Charles Blancquotes Eugène Delacroix on the subject of Veronese painting "a nice blonde woman" (JLB 449, 6/6/1884). This passage obviously had special meaning for Vincent, as he referred to it again in October 1885: "what Delacroix said -- that Veronese could paint a blonde, nude woman with a colour like mud so that she looked white and blonde in the painting" (JLB 536, 10/20/1885). In the midst of his furious defense of The Potato Eaters (F 82 JH 764, April 1885, oil on canvas, 32.3 x 44.9 in., 82 x 114 cm., Van Gogh Museum, Amsterdam), Vincent curiously exempted one work by Ingres from his counterattack on academic figures. The image was La Source (The Source) -- a painting of a very pretty, very naked, and very blonde young girl (JLB 515, 7/14/1885; see Ch. 24, n. 687).

In Antwerp, Vincent pointed out the "2 blonde women's heads" in Le Christ au Purgatoire by Rubens and called them "prime quality Rubens" (JLB 544, 11/26/1885). Soon afterward he announced a special search "for a blonde model," claiming to have been inspired by Rubens's blondes (JLB 547, 12/14/1885). He disparaged the same artist's famous The Elevation on the Cross and praised its pendant, The Deposition from the Cross, purely on the basis that the former included no women while the latter had "the blonde hair, pale faces and necks of the female figures" (JLB 552, 1/12/1886-1/16/1886). Three years later, in Arles, Vincent singled out and described in longing detail a woman he had seen on the street whom he wanted to paint. She had "a café au lait complexion" and "ash-blonde hair" (JLB 658, 8/9/1888). Curiously, only a few months later, he began a portrait of his mother, working from a black-and-white photograph. "I want an impression of blond colouring," he wrote Theo (JLB 700, 10/9/1888 or 10/10/1888). Nowhere else in the corpus of surviving letters does Vincent display a similar preoccupation with any other hair coloring.

68. "quite cold" BVG 438, 12/6/1885-12/7/1885 and JLB 546, 12/6/1885: We have combined elements from both translations.

Context:
BVG 438, 12/6/1885-12/7/1885: "I say it again, if only I had my choice of models! The mass of German girls one sees at the café-concerts leave me quite cool, one would say they are all manufactured after one model."
JLB 546, 12/6/1885: "What leaves me quite cold are the mass of German girls, all manufactured from a single model one would say, that one sees at the café concerts."

69. "very fair, very delicate" BVG 437, 11/28/1885.

Context:
BVG 437, 11/28/1885: "Through the window of a very elegant English public house one can look out on the filthiest mud and on a ship from which, say, such pleasing wares as hides and buffalo horns are being unloaded by docker types as ugly as sin, or by exotic sailors, while a very fair, very delicate English girl stands at the window looking out at this or at something else."
JLB 545, 11/28/1885: "Through the window of a very elegant English inn one will look out on the filthiest mud and on a ship where such delightful wares as hides and buffalo horns are being unloaded by monstrous docker types or foreign sailors; by the window, looking at this or at something else, stands a very fair, very delicate English girl."

70. "quiet as a mouse" BVG 437, 11/28/1885.

Context:
BVG 437, 11/28/1885: "In contrast -- there goes a tiny little figure in black, small hands clasped close to her body, scuttling noiselessly past the grey walls. In an encadrement [frame] of jet-black hair, a small oval face. Brown? Orange-yellow? I'm not sure. For a moment she looks up and gives a slanting glance from a pair of jet-black eyes. She is a Chinese girl, quiet as a mouse, stealthy, small, naturally bedbug-like."
JLB 545, 11/28/1885: "Contrast -- there goes a tiny little figure in black, with her small hands pressed against her body, slipping soundlessly along the grey walls. In a frame of jet-black hair, a little oval face, brown? Orange yellow? I don't know. She raises her eyelids momentarily and looks with a slanting glance out of a pair of jet-black eyes. It's a Chinese girl, mysterious, quiet as a mouse, small, like a bedbug by nature."

71. "There's no denying" BVG 442, 12/28/1885.

Context:
BVG 442, 12/28/1885: " There's no denying that they can be damned beautiful, and that it is in keeping with the times that just that kind of painting should be gaining ground."
JLB 550, 12/28/1885: " There's no gainsaying that they can be damned beautiful, and it's in keeping with the spirit of the age that this is the very kind of painting that wins the day."

72. "If only I" BVG 438, 12/6/1885-12/7/1885.

Context:
BVG 438, 12/6/1885-12/7/1885: "I say it again, if only I had my choice of models!"
JLB 546, 12/6/1885: "Ah! I'll say it again, if I could only get the models I want!

73. "roaming through quite" BVG 437, 11/28/1885.

Context:
BVG 437, 11/28/1885: "All the same I've roamed through quite a number of streets and alleyways without mishap, have even sat down to talk in a very friendly way with various girls, who seemed to take me for a bargee."
JLB 545, 11/28/1885: "All the same, I did roam around a whole lot of streets and alleys without mishap, even sat and talked very genially with various girls, who evidently took me for a bargee."

74. "make acquaintances" BVG 443, 1/1/1886-1/15/1886: Vincent is at pains to convince Theo that his mission among the prostitutes of Antwerp is artistic, not sexual. It is unlikely that Theo believed this. Even Vincent can't keep up the pretense for long. In February 1886, on the eve of his departure from Antwerp, he writes: "And I'm just breaking the ice about it here; we'll always have to come back to it. And in relationships with women one learns so much specifically about art." (JLB 562, 2/14/1886.) That Vincent is talking about sexual intercourse, not conversation, is made clear earlier in the passage when he invokes the mandate to lead a "better way of life" -- a reference to the common belief at the time, shared by Theo, that frequenting prostitutes was the healthier alternative to masturbation (ibid.).

Context:
BVG 443, 1/1/1886-1/15/1886: "I must also try to make acquaintances among the prostitutes, which is not a pleasant task when one has a purse with very little in it."
JLB 551, 1/2/1886: "I must also try to make some acquaintances among the girls, which is no easy task with a purse with little in it, I can assure you; one is by no means doing it for one's pleasure" (emphasis in original).

75. he frequented the quays According to his own account, Vincent often prowled the quays, which he called "authentic" (JLB 544, 11/26/1885). He locates several encounters with women who were probably prostitutes in the harbor district, on both sides of the Schelde (JLB 545, 11/28/1885), and many of his other experiences with women appear to have occurred in the same area. He can't resist regaling Theo with an elaborate account of an incident outside one particular brothel near the quays (ibid.). It should be noted that these areas were not places where upstanding women promenaded, especially at night. 76. "a washerwoman" BVG 439, 12/8/1885-12/15/1885. Vincent brags of this connection as if it were a professional coup: "I've discovered a woman who formerly -- she's old now -- when living in Paris -- provided models for painters, for [Ary] Scheffer, [Jean-François] Gigoux, Delacroix, she says for instance, and to another one who was painting a Phryne. Now she's a washerwoman and knows a lot of women, and would always be able to provide them, she says." (JLB 547, 12/14/1885.) This relationship -- or attempted relationship -- anticipates Vincent's much more famous liaison in Paris with a café celebrity and former artists' model, Agostina Segatori. (See Chapter 27.)

Context:
BVG 439, 12/8/1885-12/15/1885: "Now she is a washerwoman and knows a lot of women, and could always supply some, she said."
JLB 547, 12/14/1885: "Now she's a washerwoman and knows a lot of women, and would always be able to provide them, she says."

77. "a couple of very beautiful" BVG 445, 1/17/1886-1/20/1886: This is the kind of report that must have horrified Theo with its coy sordidness.

Context:
BVG 445, 1/17/1886-1/20/1886: "One is a question of two portraits of a couple of very beautiful hussies, types with dark eyes, dark hair, two sisters, who I suppose are kept women."
JLB 553, 1/19/1886-1/20/1886: "One is a matter of making two portraits of a couple of very pretty girls -- types with very dark eyes, dark hair -- two sisters who, I imagine, are being kept."

78. "in broad daylight" BVG 437, 11/28/1885. Vincent reports an incident that he witnessed outside a whorehouse, relating it in a way that makes it sound as though he just happened on the scene: "you're walking along, looking around, and suddenly a great cheer goes up and all sorts of shouting. In broad daylight a sailor is being thrown out of a brothel by the girls and pursued by a furious fellow and a string of girls. Of whom he is apparently terrified -- at any rate, I saw him scramble over a pile of sacks and disappear through a window into a warehouse." (JLB 545, 11/28/1885.) The unusual tense and tone of this passage strikes us as a revealingly self-conscious effort not to place himself as a patron or would-be patron of the brothel in question, which he almost certainly was.

Context:
BVG 437, 11/28/1885: "A sailor is being thrown out of a brothel by the girls in broad daylight and is being pursued by a furious fellow and a string of prostitutes ..."
JLB 545, 11/28/1885: " In broad daylight a sailor is being thrown out of a brothel by the girls and pursued by a furious fellow and a string of girls."

79. "model-hunting" BVG 438, 12/6/1885-12/7/1885: Vincent pursues his prey relentlessly.

Context:
BVG 438, 12/6/1885-12/7/1885: "But I have been busy going backward and forward, and also tracing those people, and with model-hunting too."
JLB 546, 12/6/1885: "I've been busy going backwards and forwards, though, and still am, tracking down those fellows, and at the same time hunting for models, too."

80. "have them" BVG 442, 12/28/1885: There is no ambiguity about Vincent's meaning.

Context:
BVG 442, 12/28/1885: "The female figures I see among the people here impress me enormously -- far more for the purpose of painting them than having them, though if the truth be told I should like both."
JLB 550, 12/28/1885: "The women's figures I see among the people here make an enormous impression on me -- far more to paint them than to have them, although I'd actually really like both."

473 81. Unable to pay the wages BVG 433, 11/10/1885-11/20/1885: Vincent brought from Nuenen a belief that, for enough money, he could get any model to take her clothes off for him. In Antwerp, he renews the complaint: "I can't stress enough how terribly difficult it is to be short of money" (JLB 546, 12/6/1885).

Context:
JLB 541, 11/14/1885: "It goes without saying that people with money can get as many models as they want, but it's a difficult matter without it. All the same, there must be people there who use nude models and with whom one could split the cost. I need it for many things."

82. he undoubtedly plied them We base this inference not only on Vincent's relentlessly argumentative nature, but also, indirectly, on this passage from an Antwerp letter: "At the moment I'm getting more and more accustomed to talking to the models while I'm painting, so as to keep the liveliness in their faces" (JLB 547, 12/14/1885). 83. "in keeping with the times" BVG 442, 12/28/1885.

Context:
BVG 442, 12/28/1885: "There's no denying that they can be damned beautiful, and that it is in keeping with the times that just that kind of painting should be gaining ground."
JLB 550, 12/28/1885: "There's no gainsaying that they can be damned beautiful, and it's in keeping with the spirit of the age that this is the very kind of painting that wins the day."

84. could be hung in cafés BVG 439, 12/8/1885-12/15/1885: Vincent offers this suggestion in all apparent seriousness, although it is not clear if he is concerned about marketing his services as a painter or the sitters' services as sex workers.

Context:
JLB 547, 12/14/1885: "As far as the art trade is concerned -- here, as I already wrote, the dealers are complaining -- sheer destitution. And yet -- I believe that so much more might still be done. To mention just one thing -- in the cafés, the restaurants, the cafés chantants -- one sees no paintings, at least as good as none. And how this goes against nature! Why aren't there any still lifes hanging there, ... Why -- if girls are what they want -- no portraits of women?"

85. even sold at a profit Vincent continues to cling to his fevered interpretation of Millet's experience in Le Havre (see Ch. 26, n. 56), as well as to the general notion, which he had advocated since at least the winter of 1884, that portraits are more saleable than other genres: "My best chance is in figures because there are relatively very few who do it, and I must make the most of this chance. ... portrait painting, I imagine, will be the way to earn something for grander things " (JLB 546, 12/6/1885.) He sums up both delusions in a letter from late December 1885: "I imagine that, no matter what these girls may be, one can make one's money out of them like this sooner than in any other way" (JLB 550, 12/28/1885). 86. brisk business in portraits BVG 439, 12/8/1885-12/15/1885. Vincent goes on to make clear that he is talking about portrait photographs: "But always the same conventional eyes, noses, mouths, waxy and smooth and cold" (JLB 547, 12/14/1885). In fact, by the turn of the century, Antwerp would become a center of the emerging photographic industry.

Context:
JLB 547, 12/14/1885: "I've noticed the many photographers here, who are much the same as everywhere and apparently have plenty to do."

87. "Painted portraits" BVG 439, 12/8/1885-12/15/1885: We have altered Bonger's translation where we think she has misunderstood Vincent's point. She writes, "The painted portraits have a life of their own, coming straight from the painter's soul, which the machine cannot reach." Since the camera is pointed at the sitter, not the photographer, we presume Vincent is saying that "the machine" cannot express what is in the photographer's soul, not that it cannot portray it, which is implied by the word "reach" (ibid.). Vincent's antipathy toward photography, which grew quite bitter by the end of his life, roughly coincides with his interest in making and selling portraits. He seems to have recognized almost immediately that the new medium was competitive: " And I'm not abandoning my idea of the portraits," he wrote from Antwerp, "because it's a cause worth fighting for to show people that there's something else in human beings besides what the photographer is able to get out of them with his machine" (JLB 547, 12/14/1885).

Inevitably, he framed this competitive threat in the most profound artistic terms, calling photographic portraits "banal" (JLB 626, 6/16/1888-6/20/1888) and "frightful." (JLB 804, 9/19/1889) In a letter from Arles in 1888, he wrote that the aim of his portraits was to create a "looks" -- "but looks different from the work of the pious photographer with his black shadows." (JLB 626, 6/16/1888-6/20/1888) This antipathy may help explain why Vincent so successfully avoided being photographed as an adult.

Vincent's antipathy toward photography, which grew quite bitter by the end of his life, roughly coincides with his interest in making and selling portraits. He seems to have recognized almost immediately that the new medium was competitive. Inevitably, he framed this competitive threat in the most profound artistic terms, calling photographic portraits "banal" (JLB 626, 6/16/1888-6/20/1888) and "frightful" (JLB 804, 9/19/1889). In a letter from Arles in 1888, he wrote that the aim of his portraits was to create a "looks" -- "but looks different from the work of the pious photographer with his black shadows" (JLB 626, 6/16/1888-6/20/1888). This antipathy may help explain why Vincent so successfully avoided being photographed as an adult.

Context:
BVG 439, 12/8/1885-12/15/1885: "And the painted portraits have a life of their own, coming straight from the painter's soul, which the machine cannot reach."
JLB 547, 12/14/1885: "And painted portraits have a life of their own that comes from deep in the soul of the painter and where the machine can't go.

88. give them their portraits BVG 437, 11/28/1885: One can only imagine what Theo thought of this unprofessional and money-losing offer.

Context:
JLB 545, 11/28/1885: "I don't consider it impossible that I might be able to come by some good models by painting portraits. ... Perhaps the idea of painting portraits and getting the sitters to pay for them by posing is a safer way."

89. he faced the further hurdle BVG 442, 12/28/1885: Vincent's modus operandi, apparently, was to lure women to his studio and only then propose that they take their clothes off. That is the obvious implication of the passage about one unconsummated attempt. Vincent consoles himself that his proposition failed only because he could not pay the woman enough for phase two: "Obviously that -- wouldn't -- is probably relative, but at any rate it can't be taken as a matter of course" (JLB 550, 12/28/1885). The latter clause indicates that he rarely assumed a model would not disrobe for him. Vincent may have been revealing one argument he used to coax his models to pose naked when he wrote Theo this over-elaborate justification of his need to draw from the nude: "The question is simply whether one takes the soul or the clothes as one's starting-point, and whether one allows the form to serve as a clothes-horse for bows and ribbons, or whether one should regard the form as a means of expressing an impression, a sentiment, or whether one models for modeling's sake because it's so infinitely beautiful in itself. Only the first is transitory, and the two latter are both high art." (JLB 550, 12/28/1885.)

Context:
JLB 550, 12/28/1885: "It seems to be difficult to get a nude model here -- at least the girl I've had wouldn't do it."

90. Still, he persisted BVG 438, 12/6/1885-12/7/1885.

Context:
JLB 546, 12/6/1885: "... hunting for models ... is always terribly difficult, but I've done it elsewhere and so I'll manage here too."

91. "if only I could come" BVG 437, 11/28/1885.

Context:
JLB 545, 11/28/1885: "If I could come by good models at virtually no expense I wouldn't be afraid of anything."

92. Henri Leys's panorama BVG 436, 11/24/1885-11/27/1885. In the Leys panorama, Vincent focused his gaze on "the girl, the woman by the bakery" (JLB 544, 11/26/1885).

Context:
JLB 544, 11/26/1885: "The girl, the woman by the bakery, the lovers and other figures in The walk on the ramparts …"

93. Mary Magdelene by Quentin Matsys BVG 436, 11/24/1885-11/27/1885: Vincent does not specify which painting by Quinten Matsys he is referring to, but he pairs it with Saint Barbara by Jan van Eyck, and his fascination with images of Mary Magdelene was already well established.

Context:
JLB 544, 11/26/1885: "I was particularly struck by the Frans Hals, The fisher boy. M.[ Maerten] de Vos, portrait of guild patron. Rembrandt very fine, two small Rembrandts that are perhaps not by R. but by N.[icolaas] Maes?? or someone. Jordaens, As the old sing. Van Goyen. S.[alomon] Ruysdael. And the Quinten Massys. The drawing of St Barbara by Van Eyck. &c."

94. Saint Barbara by Van Eyck BVG 436, 11/24/1885-11/27/1885.

Context:
JLB 544, 11/26/1885: "The drawing of St Barbara by Van Eyck. &c."

95. "[That] whore's head" BVG 442, 12/28/1885. In late December, Vincent reports being "struck" by "a large photo of a Rembrandt I didn't know" (JLB 550, 12/28/1885). He describes the image in great detail: "the head of a woman. The light fell on breast, neck, chin and the tip of the nose -- the lower jaw. Forehead and eyes in shadow from a large hat with feathers, probably red. Probably also red or a yellow in the little décolleté jacket. Dark background. The expression a mysterious smile like that of Rembrandt himself in his own portrait where Saskia [Saskia van Uylenburgh, Rembrandt's wife] sits on his knee and he has a glass of wine in his hand." (ibid.) The latter reference is to Rembrandt and Saskia in the Scene of the Prodigal Son in the Tavern (c. 1635) in the Gemäldegalerie Alte Meister, Dresden. The image that Vincent was describing here is Bust of a Young Woman Smiling (1633) (JLB 550, 12/28/1885; n. 5).

Context:
BVG 442, 12/28/1885: "That is precisely why a whore's head by Rembrandt struck me so forcefully. Because he had caught that mysterious smile in such an infinitely beautiful way, with a sérieux [gravity] of his very own -- the magician of magicians."
JLB 550, 12/28/1885: "That's precisely why I was so enormously struck by a whore's head by Rembrandt, because he had caught that mysterious smile so infinitely well with a gravity that he alone -- the magician of magicians -- can achieve."

96. the "modern" art he saw Vincent lists the names of many artists whose works he saw in Antwerp (Hals, De Vos, Jordaens, Van Goyen, Solomon Ruysdael, Robert Mols, Henri de Braekleer, César de Cock, Jean Pierre François Lamorinière, [Joseph Théodore Coosemans, Alphonse Asselbergs, Jacques Rosseels, Théodore Baron, Ludwig Munthe, Andreas Achenbach, Paul Jean Clays, Henri Leys, Eugène Verboeckhoven [JLB 544, 11/26/1885]), but his cataloguing pauses only for portraits. The overwhelming majority of the works that he specifically mentions, describes, or praises, are portraits. This clearly reflects the preoccupation that guided him on his visits to galleries and museums: "I go to the museum quite often and then look at little else but a few heads and hands by him [Rubens] and Jordaens" (JLB 547, 12/14/1885). 97. Alfred Stevens BVG 418, 7/1/1885. Stevens, a Belgian painter working in Paris, built his reputation on paintings of coquettish young women in fashionable clothes and settings. A few months later in Antwerp, after closer contact with his work, Vincent expressed some reservations about Stevens: "Even Stevens doesn't satisfy me because his women aren't those whom I personally know anything about. And I think that he doesn't pick the most interesting there are." (JLB 550, 12/28/1885.)

Context:
JLB 515, 7/14/1885: "But I'm not biased; ... I like Alfred Stevens, Tissot, to mention something that's entirely unlike peasants -- I like a fine portrait" (emphasis in original).

98. James Tissot BVG 418, 7/1/1885. (See Ch. 26, n. 98.) The French painter James Tissot, like Stevens, based his reputation on vignettes of the fashionable life -- stylish paintings of stylish people in stylish surroundings -- a flattering reflection of his haute bourgeois clientele. Also like Stevens, he moved in the circle of the early Impressionists and was an early enthusiast for Japanese art, although these are clearly not the influences Vincent cites favorably in Antwerp.

Context:
JLB 515, 7/14/1885: "I like Alfred Stevens, Tissot, to mention something that's entirely unlike peasants -- I like a fine portrait."

99. Octave Tassaert BVG 443, 1/1/1886-1/15/1886. Vincent's praise of Tassaert comes apparently in response to Theo's account of a "Tassaert exhibition" in Paris (JLB 551, 1/2/1886). The artist had a long career that ended miserably in destitution, ignominy, and suicide, which accounts for Vincent's sympathetic comment: "if ever anyone was wronged, it was he" (ibid.). Tassaert probably first came to Vincent's attention as an illustrator of the novels of Victor Hugo, among others. His reputation was built later (in the 1850s) as a genre painter, focusing on Paris's lower-class street life. Once admired by Delacroix, Tassaert's work soon fell out of favor for its Victorian melodrama and sentimentality. He exhibited nothing after 1857 and spent a long decline in alcoholic ill-health. It would be difficult to know which of Tassaert's many different kinds of work interested Vincent if Vincent had not made it clear: "his work, painted in more or less one tone, is good because of the modelling, because of the fine sense of the female forms" (ibid.).

Context:
JLB 551, 1/2/1886: "As to the Tassaert exhibition -- if ever anyone was wronged, it was he."

100. Charles Chaplin BVG 443, 1/1/1886-1/15/1886. Chaplin first comes up in an aside in Vincent's discussion of Tassaert (see Ch. 26, n. 100). Chaplin took his father's English name but worked all his life in Paris. He was famous for his portraits of half-clad women in erotic settings and come-hither poses. He self-consciously imitated the style and subjects of eighteenth-century painters like Greuze and Chardin, and it may have been through Vincent's recent interest in these artists (see Chapter 25) that Chaplin came to his attention. Even though Vincent is cryptic in his first mention of Chaplin, a second (and final) mention in a letter to sister Wil in 1888 clarifies exactly what it was about Chaplin's art that impressed him: "A painter -- Chaplin -- who paints the portraits of the most beautiful women in Paris mightily well, ladies in boudoirs dressed or undressed" (JLB 626, 6/16/1888-6/20/1888). Almost a decade earlier, Henry James recorded his encounter with some works by Chaplin in a Paris gallery: "There are pink-chiffon young women by Chaplin, whom one can scarcely approach for their admirers, and who look as if they had been painted with a compound of distilled rose leaves and dewdrops" (James, n.p.).

Context:
JLB 551, 1/2/1886: "Taking the opportunity to mention another [artist] -- I don't wait for exhibitions to form my opinion about painters -- they'll have to recognize Chaplin too" (emphasis in original).

101. "delicate intuition" BVG 443, 1/1/1886-1/15/1886.

Context:
BVG 443, 1/1/1886-1/15/1886: "As to Tassaert's colour, he is a harmonist, and his work, painted almost in one tone, is beautiful because of the modelling, because of the delicate intuition of the female forms, because of something passionate in the expressions -- and I think he belongs to the race of the Greuzes and Prudhons -- better, more modern, more serious in sentiment than Greuze."
JLB 551, 1/2/1886: "As to Tassaert's colour, he's a harmonist and his work, painted in more or less one tone, is good because of the modelling, because of the fine sense of the female forms that he had, because of something impassioned in the expressions -- and I think he belongs to the family of the Greuzes and Prud'hons -- better, more modern, more sound in his sentiment than Greuze."

102. Ingres and David BVG 436, 11/24/1885-11/27/1885. According to JLB, Vincent is referring to Ingres's Self-Portrait (1864) and David's Man with a Hat (this attribution has since been questioned). (See JLB 544, 11/26/1885; n. 29 and n. 30.)

Context:
JLB 544, 11/26/1885: "Musée Moderne ... A fine portrait by Ingres, a fine portrait by David, yet more fine things."

103. "Oh, if only one could" BVG 443, 1/1/1886-1/15/1886. In the fever of his arguments for more money for better models, Vincent comes close to claiming that if he only had models as good as those of Ingres and David, he could do portraits as good as theirs: "And an Ingres, a David, painters who really don't always paint beautifully, how tremendously interesting even they become when, putting their pedantry aside, they forget themselves in -- being true -- in capturing a character -- like in the two heads in the Musée Moderne. Anyway." (JLB 551, 1/2/1886.)

Context:
JLB 551, 1/2/1886: "Oh, if only one could get the models that one wanted!!!"

104. Jef Lambeaux's The Kiss Vincent does not name the work, but describes it: "I've seen a large bronze group by [Jef] Lambeaux -- two figures -- a man embracing a woman -- superb, something like Paul Dubois, say, or anyway the first-rate fellows. It's been purchased for the museum." (JLB 551, 1/2/1886; emphasis in original.) Vincent references Lambeaux's The Kiss (1881), which was added to the museum's collection in 1882 (ibid., n. 22). 105. " Superb" BVG 443, 1/1/1886-1/15/1886. (See Ch. 26, n. 105.)

Context:
BVG 443, 1/1/1886-1/15/1886: "I have seen a large bronze group by Lambeau -- two figures -- a man embracing a woman, superb."
JLB 551, 1/2/1886: "I've seen a large bronze group by Lambeaux -- two figures -- a man embracing a woman -- superb, something like Paul Dubois, say, or anyway the first-rate fellows" (emphasis in original).

106. his envious suspicion This is clearly what Vincent is referring to when he writes after seeing Lambeaux's exuberantly naked lovers: "I often envy sculptors. But it's much the same everywhere." (JLB 551, 1/2/1886.) This leads him immediately to the ambition of earning more money so he can afford nude models: "I have to earn a little more in order to be able to broaden out" (ibid.). 474 107. "As for Rubens" BVG 435, 11/18/1885-11/22/1885.

Context:
BVG 435, 11/18/1885-11/22/1885: " As for Rubens, I am looking forward to him very much, but do you object to my thinking Rubens's conception and sentiment of his religious subjects theatrical, often even badly theatrical in the worst sense of the word?"
JLB 543, 11/20/1885: " As for Rubens, I'm very much looking forward to him, but -- don't you often find that in terms of conception, in terms of the sentiment in his religious subjects, Rubens is theatrical, even badly theatrical?"

108. "theatrical, often even badly" BVG 435, 11/18/1885-11/22/1885.

Context:
BVG 435, 11/18/1885-11/22/1885: "As for Rubens, I am looking forward to him very much, but do you object to my thinking Rubens's conception and sentiment of his religious subjects theatrical, often even badly theatrical in the worst sense of the word?"
JLB 543, 11/20/1885: "As for Rubens, I'm very much looking forward to him, but -- don't you often find that in terms of conception, in terms of the sentiment in his religious subjects, Rubens is theatrical, even badly theatrical?"

109. seriousness of his subjects Comparing Rubens's work to Rembrandt's or Michelangelo's, Vincent writes: "just put a Rubens next to it, one of the many figures of meditative people -- and they become folk who've retired into a corner for the purposes of aiding their digestion. Thus with everything religious or philosophical he is flat and hollow." (JLB 543, 11/20/1885; emphasis in original.) 110. persuasiveness of his brush BVG 435, 11/18/1885-11/22/1885. In drawing distinctions between Rubens and Rembrandt, Vincent says of the latter's work -- as distinct from the former's -- "the gesture of persuasion, there's something powerful in it" (JLB 543, 11/20/1885; emphasis in original). Vincent conceded that Rubens's drawing was "immensely good" (JLB 547, 12/14/1885), but his praise of the paintings was generally confined to specific heads, mostly of women. Otherwise, his comments were mostly critical. After seeing a painting by an artist named Frans Francken in the Church of St. Andrew, Vincent writes, "The shadows in the flesh are very powerful, Rubens doesn't have that" (JLB 551, 1/2/1886). According to the Baedeker, the painting referred to was either St. Anna Teaching Children or Last Supper, both by "Francken" (Baedeker, p. 166). (There were half a dozen Franckens, all from the same family, working as artists in sixteenth and seventeenth century Antwerp, all of whom used only their surname. It is doubtful Vincent knew of these distinctions.) In the same church, Vincent would have seen works by Abraham Govaerts, Gerard Seghers, and Artus Quellinus the Elder.

Context:
JLB 543, 11/20/1885: "Rembrandt does it differently, his Christ in the Pilgrims at Emmaus is above all a -- soul in a body that is anyway not the same as a torso by Michelangelo, but yet -- the gesture of persuasion, there's something powerful in it" (emphasis in original).

111. "What he can paint" BVG 435, 11/18/1885-11/22/1885. Emphasis added.

Context:
BVG 435, 11/18/1885-11/22/1885: "That's how it is in everything religious or philosophical he does, it is flat and hollow; but what he can paint is -- women -- like Boucher and better -- there especially he gives one most to think about and there he is at his deepest."
JLB 543, 11/20/1885: "Thus with everything religious or philosophical he is flat and hollow, but what he can do is -- women -- like Boucher and better -- it's precisely there that he gives one most to think about and is deepest" (emphasis in original).

112. two bare-breasted blondes BVG 436, 11/24/1885-11/27/1885.

Context:
JLB 544, 11/26/1885: "I agree with you that the figures in the foreground -- those heads -- in the Christ in Purgatory are very fine, finer than the rest, that's to say the central figure. Those 2 blonde women's heads, above all, are prime quality Rubens." (Emphasis in original.)

113. Christ with St. Theresa BVG 436, 11/24/1885-11/27/1885: Vincent refers to this painting first as "Christ in Purgatory" and later as "St. Theresa in Purgatory" (JLB 547, 12/14/1885). The full title is St. Theresa of Avila Through Christ's Intervention Rescuing Bernardinus of Mendoza in Purgatory (JLB 547, n. 5). It depicts Saint Theresa supplicating Christ on behalf of Bernardino de Mendoza, a Spanish military commander and diplomat, who appears at the very bottom of the picture, still trapped in Purgatory along with, as noted by Vincent, two blonde women clutching their bare breasts (whether as co-sufferers or temptresses is not clear), and another unidentified male.

In the 1580s, De Mendoza was the ambassador of King Philip II of Spain, first to London and then to Paris. From both positions, he conspired with recusant Catholics in England to assassinate Queen Elizabeth and place on the throne the Catholic Mary Stuart. The Metropolitan Museum of Art (which owns a workshop copy of the Rubens altarpiece), offers this explanation: "The theme of the composition is taken from chapter ten of Teresa's "Foundations," in which she describes the founding of her convent of Valladolid on property given by Bernardino de Mendoza. The donor, who died shortly thereafter, before he was able to make a proper confession, was saved from purgatory because Teresa was able to arrange for a mass at the earliest possible moment. Although the source in the 'Foundations' is specified in the legend of Schelte 114. "very beautiful, finer" BVG 436, 11/24/1885-11/27/1885.

Context:
BVG 436, 11/24/1885-11/27/1885: "I agree with you that the figures on the first plane, those heads in 'Le Christ au Purgatoire,' are very beautiful, finer than the rest, and than the principal figure; those two blonde women's heads especially are Rubens at his best."
JLB 544, 11/26/1885: "I agree with you that the figures in the foreground -- those heads -- in the Christ in Purgatory are very fine, finer than the rest, that's to say the central figure. Those 2 blonde women's heads, above all, are prime quality Rubens." (Emphasis in original.)

115. to examine these and other BVG 439, 12/8/1885-12/15/1885: Vincent mentions, in particular, Jacob Jordaens, a native of Antwerp who succeeded Rubens as the premier painter of the southern Netherlands after the latter's death. On at least one occasion, Vincent's eye wandered to a Rubens portrait of a man, although he continued to ignore many of the more celebrated images: "There you have some very famous Rubens -- Virgin with the parrot, Christ on the straw &c., but for my part I walk past them to look rather at that bold portrait of a man -- painted with such a tremendously firm hand" (JLB 551, 1/2/1886). JLB identifies this portrait as Rubens's Jan Gaspar Gevartius (c. 1628) (JLB 551, n. 12).

Context:
JLB 547, 12/14/1885: "I go to the museum quite often and then look at little else but a few heads and hands by him and Jordaens."

116. "repeatedly and at my ease" BVG 444, 1/12/1886-1/16/1886.

Context:
BVG 444, 1/12/1886-1/16/1886: "Last Sunday I saw for the first time the two large pictures by Rubens, and as I had looked at those in the museum repeatedly and at my ease, these two -- 'The Deposition from the Cross' and 'The Elevation of the Cross' -- were the more interesting. 'The Elevation of the Cross' has a peculiarity that struck me at once, and that is -- there is no female figure in it. Unless on the side panels of the triptych."
JLB 552, 1/12/1886-1/16/1886: "Last Sunday I saw the two large paintings by Rubens for the first time, and because I'd looked at the ones in the museum repeatedly and at my leisure, these -- The descent from the Cross and The elevation of the Cross -- were all the more interesting for it."

117. rendering of female flesh BVG 439, 12/8/1885-12/15/1885. Elsewhere, Vincent reports that the paintings he remembered best from the Antwerp museum were, inter alia, "a number of countenances by Rubens, smiling or weeping" (JLB 547, 12/14/1885). The text discusses Vincent's idiosyncratic reaction to Rubens's two monumental paintings The Elevation of the Cross and The Deposition from the Cross. But in addition to the two blonde figures in the foreground of the latter painting, Vincent also noted the flesh of the dead Christ in both images: In the Deposition, he found "a lot of sentiment in the pale body" (JLB 551, 1/2/1886); and in the Elevation, he commented (somewhat clinically for such a dramatic image): "the pale spot -- the body a high, light accent -- is dramatic in the context of its contrast with the rest, which has been pitched so low" (JLB 552, 1/12/1886-1/16/1886). Vincent's preoccupation with flesh is evident in his descriptions of the women he observed in real life as well: flesh "ravaged by the pox, the colour of boiled shrimp" (JLB 545, 11/28/1885), the "yellow" flesh of "Swedish or Danish types," the unfamiliar flesh of a Chinese girl -- "brown? Orange yellow? I don't know." (ibid.) In Vincent's art, this carnal obsession expressed itself in relentless efforts to achieve just the right skin tones in his portraits ("a tonal flesh colour" [JLB 550, 12/28/1885]). Commenting on the difference between his models in Antwerp and his models in Nuenen, he wrote: "the character is something so very different. And the contrast gives me new ideas, particularly for the flesh tones." (ibid.) This appears to be another instance of Vincent mixing the real and the depicted. At the exact same time he is trying to procure actual flesh for modeling and, undoubtedly, for sex, he is preoccupied with the depiction of flesh in art, both his own and, especially, Rubens's.

Context:
JLB 547, 12/14/1885: "I'm utterly carried away, for instance, by his [Rubens's] way of drawing the features in a face with strokes of pure red or, in the hands, modelling the fingers with similar strokes. I go to the museum quite often and then look at little else but a few heads and hands by him and Jordaens. ... those heads are so alive." (Emphasis in original.)

118. " so alive" BVG 439, 12/8/1885-12/15/1885; emphasis in original.

Context:
BVG 439, 12/8/1885-12/15/1885: "I go to the museum fairly often, and then I look at little else but a few heads and hands of his and of Jordaens'. I know he is not as intimate as Hals and Rembrandt, but in themselves those heads are so alive."
JLB 547, 12/14/1885: "I know that he isn't as intimate as Hals and Rembrandt, but those heads are so alive in themselves" (emphasis in original).

119. "[It] has a peculiarity" BVG 444, 1/12/1886-1/16/1886: Vincent dismissed Rubens's famous painting with a curt, even blasphemous, description: "8 or so bombastic fellows performing a feat of strength with a heavy wooden cross" (JLB 552, 1/12/1886-1/16/1886). He called it " absurd ... from the standpoint of modern analysis of human passions and emotions" (ibid.; emphasis in original).

Context:
BVG 444, 1/12/1886-1/16/1886: " 'The Elevation of the Cross' has a peculiarity that struck me at once, and that is -- there is no female figure in it."
JLB 552, 1/12/1886-1/16/1886: " There's an oddity in The elevation of the Cross that struck me right away, and that is -- there are no female figures in it."

120. "love" BVG 444, 1/12/1886-1/16/1886.

Context:
BVG 444, 1/12/1886-1/16/1886: "Let me tell you that I love 'The Deposition from the Cross.' But not because of any depth of feeling such as one would find in a Rembrandt or in a picture by Delacroix or in a drawing be Millet."
JLB 552, 1/12/1886-1/16/1886: "Let me tell you that I adore The descent from the Cross. Not, though, because of the depth of emotion that one would find in a Rembrandt or in a painting by Delacroix or in a drawing by Millet."

121. "blonde hair, face faces" BVG 444, 1/12/1886-1/16/1886.

Context:
BVG 444, 1/12/1886-1/16/1886: "Of the same order, but in my opinion far more beautiful, is the charm of 'The Deposition from the Cross,' where the pale spot is repeated in the blonde hair, the fair face and neck of the female figures, whereas the somber surroundings are enormously rich because of the various low-toned harmonizing masses of red, dark green, black, gray and violet."
JLB 552, 1/12/1886-1/16/1886: "The same thing, but to my mind far more beautiful, is the charm of The descent from the Cross, where the pale spot is repeated by the blonde hair, pale faces and necks of the female figures, while the sombre setting is immensely rich because of those various low masses, brought together by the tone, of red, dark green, black, grey, violet."

122. not the slender grace Fromentin, pp. 60-61: This is from Eugène Fromentin's marvelous description, which Vincent must have read but clearly either did not assimilate or did not credit: "Here are neither gesticulations, nor cries, nor horrors, nor excessive tears; scarcely one real sob bursts from the Virgin; and thus the intense mournfulness of the drama is expressed by a gesture of the inconsolable mother, by a face bathed in tears, and reddened eyes. The Christ is one of the most elegant figures that Rubens ever imagined in order to paint a God. It has an inexpressible slender grace, pliant and almost meagre ... You cannot have forgotten the effect of this long body, slightly out of joint, with the little head, so thin and delicate, fallen on one side, so livid and so perfectly limpid in its pallor, neither contracted nor distorted; whence all pain has passed away, and which falls with such blessedness for a moment into the strange beauty of the death of the righteous. Remember how heavy and how precious it is to bear, in what an exhausted attitude it glides along the winding-sheet, with what affectionate anguish it is received by the extended arms and hands of women. Can anything be more touching? One of its feet, livid and scarred with the nails, touches at the foot of the cross the naked shoulder of the Magdalen. It does not bear upon, it lightly brushes it. The contact cannot be perceived; it is divined rather than seen. It would have been profane to empha¬size it; it would have been cruel not to let it be believed. All the furtive sensibility of Rubens is in this imperceptible contact, which says so much respecting everything, and touches all with tenderness." 123. not the tender brush Fromentin, pp. 60-61. (See Ch. 26, n. 123.) 124. "Nothing touches me less" BVG 444, 1/12/1886-1/16/1886; emphasis in original.

Context:
JLB 552, 1/12/1886-1/16/1886: "Nothing moves me less than Rubens when it comes to the expression of human sorrow" (emphasis in original).

125. "Even his most beautiful" BVG 444, 1/12/1886-1/16/1886.

Context:
BVG 444, 1/12/1886-1/16/1886: "To explain my meaning more clearly, let me begin by saying that even his most beautiful weeping Magdalenes or Mater Dolorosas always simply remind me of the tears of a beautiful prostitute who has caught a venereal disease or some such small misery of human life. As such they are masterly, but one must not look for more in them."
JLB 552, 1/12/1886-1/16/1886: "Let me start by saying, to make it clearer what I mean -- that even his most beautiful heads of a weeping Magdalen or Mater Dolorosas always just remind me of the tears of a pretty tart who's caught the clap, say, or some such petty vexation of human life -- as such they're masterly, but one needn't look for anything more in them."

475 126. views of snowy rooftops Only one of these has survived (Backyards of Old Houses in Antwerp in the Snow [F 260 JH 970, December 1885, oil on canvas, 15.7 x 13.2 in., 40 x 33.5 cm., Van Gogh Museum, Amsterdam]). Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop make the salient point that this image and any others like it were probably not painted in the hopes of selling them "for gray, plastered rear sides of simple dwelling were not an attractive subject for the arts trade" (Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop, p. 27). Thus, they are more likely window-gazing meditations on a snowbound winter's day. Vincent apparently set his easel on the landing of the stairs at the back of the building (facing south) -- a tight fit (ibid., p. 29). Vincent took a similar painting (described in JLB 546, 12/6/1885) to Paris and, in 1887, painted over it with a view of the terrace of the Moulin de Blute-fin in Montmartre (Montmartre [F 272 JH 1183]). (See Van Tilborgh and Vellekoop, pp. 30-31.) 127. seized by a frantic conviction In regard to the need for models, there are passages in the letters from Antwerp that are as delusionally demanding and maniacally exhortatory as any from The Hague three years earlier: "You really must still write and tell me whether it seems such an absurd idea to you that one might create a bit more courage if one were to plant a seed for a business. As regards the work I'm doing now -- I feel that I can do something better -- I need more air and space, though. I mean I must be able to expand it a bit. Above all, above all, I still haven't got enough models. I can produce work of a higher quality, but my expenses would be heavier. But isn't it so -- shouldn't one search for something high -- for the real, for something distinguished?" (JLB 550, 12/28/1885.) 128. his art could not progress BVG 442, 12/28/1885.

Context:
JLB 550, 12/28/1885: "What I have to do, and the only thing that can be sure to help me progress, is work a great deal with models."

129. "Above all, above all" BVG 442, 12/28/1885.

Context:
JLB 550, 12/28/1885: "Above all, above all, I still haven't got enough models."

130. a convenient certainty BVG 440, 12/15/1885: This is a highly questionable statement, even by Vincent's own analysis. Only a week earlier, he had reported to Theo that there were "relatively very few" artists in the city doing figures (JLB 546, 12/6/1885). In support of his rejection of landscapes (perhaps suggested by Theo again), he makes a related argument: "I also think that the market could get rather full of landscapes" (JLB 548, 12/17/1885). The implication of both these arguments is that the dealers in Antwerp are stupid: that they are showing what does not sell (landscapes) and are not showing what would sell (women). In short, Vincent is smarter than the local gallery owners about what the market will buy. This may or may not have been true, but it could hardly reflect "what the dealers say." The likelier interpretation is that Vincent is merely inventing support for his irresistible mandate to take models.

Context:
JLB 548, 12/17/1885: "What the dealers say is that they still think women's heads or figures of women are most likely to sell."

131. Vincent had long despaired BVG 299, 7/11/1883. In July 1883, Vincent expressed to Theo his desire to use his mother and father as models, but worried about their expectations of "likeness" (JLB 361, 7/11/1883). On the eve of his departure for Antwerp from Nuenen, Vincent acknowledged the shortcomings of his "portraits" more directly: "I'd do well, I think, to bear portrait painting in mind if I want to earn. I know it's difficult to please people with a 'likeness', and I dare not say beforehand that I feel sure of my case." (JLB 541, 11/14/1885.) Having conceded too much, however, he quickly mounts a defense to his own doubts, making the questionable argument that he actually can render likenesses because his sitters in Nuenen often recognized each other in his drawings and paintings: "Well then, the peasants and the folk from the village aren't mistaken and promptly say, even contradicting me if I say they're wrong, that is Renier de Greef, that's Toon de Groot and that's Dien van der Beek &c. And sometimes even recognize a figure seen from behind." (ibid.; emphasis in original.) The preposterousness of this argument is revealed in Vincent's further claim that he will be able to paint the people of Antwerp because "the people [in Nuenen] will be much the same as people elsewhere" -- an argument that essentially restates his commitment to rendering "types" not individuals (ibid.).

Context:
JLB 361, 7/11/1883: "Thus it shouldn't, for example, be the portrait of Pa but rather the type of a poor village pastor going to visit a sick person. The same with the couple arm in arm by the beech hedge -- the type of a man and woman who have grown old together and in whom love and loyalty have remained, rather than portraits of Pa and Ma, although I hope they'll pose for it. But they must know that it's serious, which they might not see for themselves if the likeness isn't exact." (Emphasis in original.)

132. "likenesses" BVG 433, 11/10/1885-11/20/1885. (See Ch. 26, n. 132.)

Context:
BVG 433, 11/10/1885-11/20/1885: "But I shall do well to keep my eye on portrait painting if I want to earn something. I know it is difficult to satisfy people as to the 'likeness,' and I dare not say beforehand that I feel sure of myself on that point."
JLB 541, 11/14/1885: "I'd do well, I think, to bear portrait painting in mind if I want to earn. I know it's difficult to please people with a 'likeness,' and I dare not say beforehand that I feel sure of my case."

133. taken care to exempt Vincent is apologetic and defensive about his drawings of people almost from the beginning of his career as an artist. In March 1882, he writes, "I've made a drawing of an orphan boy polishing shoes. It might have been done with a hand that doesn't exactly obey my will yet, but even so it contains the type of that orphan boy. And no matter how clumsy my hand, that hand will still have to end up doing what my head wants." (JLB 210, 3/11/1882.) By the time he wrote this passage, Vincent had already recognized that drawing "types" was forgiving of his ineptitude and released him from the requirements of verisimilitude. Even when he admitted to attempting to represent a specific sitter, he hedged the results with the same excuse, as he did in November 1882: "Do you know who I drew this morning? [Jozef] Blok the Jewish bookseller, not David [Blok] but the short one who's on the Binnenhof. I wish I had more from that family, for they are a true type." (JLB 280, 11/5/1882.)

Over time, as the limitations of his natural gifts become more obvious and more frustrating, he developed loftier and more elaborate justifications not just for his "portraits" but for all his infelicitous images: "even though they're unfinished and even if much is completely neglected, than drawings that have a subject, because through them I get a vivid memory of nature itself. ... [I] prefer the study to what he [the artist] may make of it later. Unless something entirely different arises from it as the final outcome of many studies, namely the type distilled from many individuals. That is the highest art, and in that art is sometimes above nature -- -- -- as, for instance, in Millet's sower, in which there is more soul than in an ordinary sower in the field." (JLB 298, 1/3/1883; emphasis in original.)

134. an old fisherman BVG R22, 1/15/1883.

Context:
BVG R22, 1/15/1883: "What I have been working at especially of late is heads -- heads of the people -- fishermen's heads with sou'westers, among other things."
JLB 302, 1/18/1883: "What I've been toiling at in particular lately is heads -- Heads of the people -- including fishermen's heads with sou'westers."

135. "a poor woman" BVG 318, 9/2/1883.

Context:
BVG 318, 9/2/1883: "And though I do not doubt for a moment that I have the same kind of faults, I hope I shall not change in this respect, that when I see a poor woman with a swollen belly, I shall always try to do what I can to help her."
JLB 380, 9/2/1883: "And I, though I don't doubt for a moment that I have similarly attractive points, will be no different, I hope, from how I was, in that I won't be able to see a woman with a big belly or in a stew without drawing my own conclusions about it and doing what I can if she crosses my path."

136. "I know it is difficult" BVG 433, 11/10/1885-11/20/1885.

Context:
JLB 541, 11/14/1885: "I know it's difficult to please people with a 'likeness', and I dare not say beforehand that I feel sure of my case."

137. Every time a woman Vincent obviously would take a man as a model when he could not get a woman. In addition to Portrait of an Old Man with Beard (F 205 JH 971) and Head of an Old Man (F 1359 JH 984), there are also two surviving chalk sketches of younger men, one in an apron (Head of Man [F 1358 JH 980]) and one in a cravat (Head of Man [F 1694 JH 995), either of which may have been ancillary to a lost portrait. (See also Ch. 26, n. 201.) 138. the mandate of reality The same struggle between principle and necessity, between aspiration and ability, played out in Vincent's reports to Theo. In early December, he clearly states as his goal to work "more accurately" (JLB 547, 12/14/1885). But in the very same letter, he tries to convince his brother (and himself) that his vigorous but inexact style of portraiture is appropriate to "common girls" (i.e., prostitutes): "I find a power and vitality in those common girls and fellows which, to express them in their singular character, would have to be done with a firm brushstroke, with a simple technique" (ibid.).

Only a few weeks later, he essentially jettisons that argument and acknowledges the deficits of his portraits when he proposes painting directly on photographs: "one could get very much better colours if one worked with studies painted directly from life from the photographs that people want to see painted" (JLB 549, 12/19/1885). (Note that, in this desperate proposal, the models will still be sitting in his studio; he will use the photographs only to ensure a recognizable likeness.) When, in late December, he finally gets "an attractive model" to sit for him, he explodes in defensive rhetoric: "the expression I was looking for is a little Ecce Homo-like. But precisely as to expression, although I add my own thoughts, I nonetheless endeavour to remain true, see what I wanted to get into it." (JLB 550, 12/28/1885; emphasis in original.)

He dresses his ambivalence in more lofty rhetoric that probably echoes the arguments he used with his models to convince them that his "expressive" portraits were more artistic and more desirable than accurate ones: "The question is simply whether one takes the soul or the clothes as one's starting-point, and whether one allows the form to serve as a clothes-horse for bows and ribbons, or whether one should regard the form as a means of expressing an impression, a sentiment, or whether one models for modelling's sake because it's so infinitely beautiful in itself. Only the first is transitory, and the two latter are both high art." (ibid.)

But apparently neither he nor the models were convinced. In the very next letter, he boasts about the verisimilitude of the two portraits he has just completed (one in profile and one three-quarters, presumably of the same "attractive model"): "I'm still working on my portraits -- and at last I've got two that are definitely 'like'" (JLB 551, 1/2/1886; emphasis added). Probably recognizing how this claim of success undermines his previous rhetoric, he hurriedly adds this confused caveat: "That's [i.e., likeness] not everything, that's not even the most important thing. All the same, it's worth my while to seek it." (ibid.)

139. He worked and reworked BVG 447, 1/28/1886: Vincent admitted as much in late January 1886.

Context:
JLB 555, 1/28/1886: "I make the business of putting on the paint too difficult because I haven't yet sufficiently got into the way of it, have to search too long, work it to death. But this is a question of keeping on painting for a while, so that the touch is effective straightaway as one gets it more fixed in one's mind." (Emphasis in original.)

140. billowing folds of a blouse Portrait of a Woman with Red Ribbon, F 207 JH 979, December 1885, oil on canvas, 23.6 x 19.7 in., 60 x 50 cm., Collection Alfred Wyler, New York. 141. crenellations of a bonnet Head of an Old Woman with White Cap (The Midwife), F 174 JH 978, December 1885, oil on canvas, 19.7 x 15.7 in., 50 x 40 cm., Van Gogh Museum, Amsterdam. 142. a sweep of hair Portrait of a Woman with Red Ribbon, F 207 JH 979, December 1885, oil on canvas, 23.6 x 19.7 in., 60 x 50 cm., Collection Alfred Wyler, New York. 143. an old man wandered BVG 438, 12/6/1885-12/7/1885: The tentative question suggests that Vincent's success rate with invitations to his studio was not impressive. The old man did, indeed, come, as Vincent confirms a few days later: "I've made two fairly large heads by way of a trial for a portrait. Firstly that old man I already wrote to you about -- a type of head in the style of V[ictor]. Hugo's." (JLB 547, 12/14/1885.) The resulting portrait has survived (Portrait of an Old Man with Beard [F 205 JH 971]). There is also a drawing of an old man with a pipe (Head of an Old Man [F 1359 JH 984]) that may depict the same sitter. (Van Heugten and Vellekoop conclude that the same model sat for both works, but that the drawing was not a preliminary study for the painting [Van Heugten and Vellekoop, pp. 44-45].)

Context:
JLB 546, 12/6/1885: "I have an appointment for tomorrow with a splendid old man -- will he come???"

144. "I have brought lighter" BVG 439, 12/8/1885-12/15/1885: We have removed the emphasis in original.

Context:
BVG 439, 12/8/1885-12/15/1885: "In the woman's portrait I have brought lighter tones into the flesh, white tinted with carmine, vermilion, yellow and a light background of gray-yellow, from which the face is separated only by the black hair. Lilac tones in the dress."
JLB 547, 12/14/1885: "In the woman's portrait I've introduced lighter tones in the flesh, white tinted with carmine, vermilion, yellow, and a light background in greyish yellow, from which the face is separated only by the black hair. Lilac tones in the clothes." (Emphasis in original.)

145. "a light background" BVG 439, 12/8/1885-12/15/1885.

Context:
BVG 439, 12/8/1885-12/15/1885: "In the woman's portrait I have brought lighter tones into the flesh, white tinted with carmine, vermilion, yellow and a light background of gray-yellow, from which the face is separated only by the black hair."
JLB 547, 12/14/1885: "In the woman's portrait I've introduced lighter tones in the flesh, white tinted with carmine, vermilion, yellow, and a light background in greyish yellow, from which the face is separated only by the black hair."

146. "is what gives" BVG 441, 12/19/1885.

Context:
BVG 441, 12/19/1885: "And although the quality of the colour is not everything in a picture, it is what gives it life."
JLB 549, 12/19/1885: "And the quality of the colour may not be everything in a painting, but all the same that's what gives it vitality."

147. "a divine color" BVG 442, 12/28/1885.

Context:
BVG 442, 12/28/1885: "Cobalt -- is a divine colour and there is nothing as fine for putting an atmosphere round things."
JLB 550, 12/28/1885: "Cobalt -- is a divine colour, and there's nothing so fine as that for putting space around things."

148. "warm and lively like wine" BVG 442, 12/28/1885.

Context:
BVG 442, 12/28/1885: "Carmine is the red of wine and is warm and lively like wine."
JLB 550, 12/28/1885: "Carmine is the red of wine, and it's warm, spirited as wine."

149. cadmium yellow BVG 442, 12/28/1885.

Context:
JLB 550, 12/28/1885: "Cadmium likewise."

150. "brilliant" BVG 441, 12/19/1885.

Context:
BVG 441, 12/19/1885: "It is a real delight to me to work with a better kind of brushes, and to have cobalt and carmine, and the right kind of brilliant yellow and vermilion."
JLB 549, 12/19/1885: "It's a real pleasure for me to work with a rather better type of brush, and to have cobalt and carmine and a good brilliant yellow and vermilion."

151. emerald green BVG 442, 12/28/1885.

Context:
JLB 550, 12/28/1885: "So too is emerald green."

476 152. "less far-fetched" BVG 439, 12/8/1885-12/15/1885: After his long, heated defense of his drab colors in Nuenen, Vincent is at some loss to explain to Theo the dramatic reversal of his palette in Antwerp. Just as he earlier blamed the crudeness of his chef d'oeuvre on the quality of his paints, now he blames their darkness on the light in the city: "It's curious that my painted studies look darker here in the city than in the country -- is this because the light isn't as bright anywhere in the city? I don't know -- but it might differ more than one would say on the face of it. It struck me, and I could understand that things that are with you also appear darker than I thought they were in the country." (JLB 545, 11/28/1885.) This is as close as Vincent comes to admitting his arguments, or at least his art, in Nuenen may have been mistaken. The logic is convenient but surely specious. His Antwerp apartment on a sunny, snow-covered winter day was certainly no less bright than the Kerkstraat studio on a cloudless summer day.

Context:
BVG 439, 12/8/1885-12/15/1885: "I prefer to see a simple brush stroke and a less far-fetched, difficult colour. More simplicity, in short that intelligent simplicity which is not afraid of frank technique."
JLB 547, 12/14/1885: "Only for me, it's by no means always that -- it's too contrived and I'd rather see a simple brushstroke and a less contrived, less difficult colour. More simplicity, in a word that knowledgeable simplicity which isn't afraid of frank technique."

153. luminous flesh of Ruben's BVG 439, 12/8/1885-12/15/1885: This is undoubtedly what he is referring to when he describes one of his own portraits (Portrait of a Woman with Red Ribbon [F 207 JH 979, December 1885, oil on canvas, 23.6 x 19.7 in., 60 x 50 cm., Collection Alfred Wyler, New York]), which he considered particularly successful, as having "a tonal flesh colour" (JLB 550, 12/28/1885).

Context:
JLB 547, 12/14/1885: "I'm utterly carried away, for instance, by his way of drawing the features in a face with strokes of pure red or, in the hands, modelling the fingers with similar strokes."

154. colors of stained-glass BVG 443, 1/1/1886-1/15/1886: Raised in a country and a religion that eschewed interior church decorations like stained-glass, Vincent seems to be discovering this medium for the first time -- or at least seeing it with new eyes after his recent study of color.

Context:
JLB 551, 1/2/1886: "There's a stained-glass window that I find superb -- very, very remarkable. A shore, a green sea with a castle on the rocks, a sparkling blue sky in the most magnificent tones of blue, greenish, whitish, deeper, higher in tone. A huge three-master, whimsical and fantastic, silhouetted against the sky, breaking everywhere, light in the dark, dark in the light. In the blue a figure of the Blessed Virgin, bright yellow, white, orange. Higher up again, the window is dark green with black, with glowing red."

155. Henri de Braekeleer BVG 439, 12/8/1885-12/15/1885. Lest Theo think he is embracing Impressionism with this compliment, Vincent hastens to add: "I don't count Henri de Braekeleer among those seekers of mother-of-pearl everywhere, for with him it's a strange, a very interesting endeavour to be literally true, and he stands very much on his own" (ibid.). Although De Braekeleer's life shared a number of biographical themes with Vincent (a lifelong struggle with poverty, ostracism, and mental illness), there is no indication that Vincent was aware of these parallels at this time. (Later, in Arles, in 1888, he heard rumors of De Braekeleer's "brain disease that's supposed to have reduced him to helplessness" [JLB 604, 5/4/1888] and "completely stupefied him" [JLB 605, 5/7/1888].) In Antwerp, Vincent provides an elaborate description of two De Braekeleer works he saw: "One was a woman in a studio or other interior with Japanese objects, the woman had on a costume, yellow and black. Flesh colour, white and carmine. All sorts of strange little tones in the surroundings. The other was a half-finished study of a landscape. Flat, faded yellow fields as far as the eye could see, a black cinder road with a canal alongside it crossing them. Above a sky of lilac, grey, with accents of carmined lilac. Far distant a small red (vermilion) note of a roof and two little black trees. So nothing, and yet I found a lot because of the singular feeling for contrasting colours." (JLB 547, 12/14/1885.) Vincent's description of the latter work is a startlingly apt fore-vision of his own great landscapes in Provence, which are still several years away.

Vincent's interest in De Braekeleer also anticipates his interest in Adolphe Monticelli soon after he arrived in Paris in 1886. (See Chapter 27.) The bending of Vincent's eye in the direction of vivid, fractured color and a more agitated facture can also be seen in the debut of two other "favorites" during his time in Antwerp: Eugène Isabey and Félix Ziem: "Those two are very much painters and that, after all, is what it comes down to in painting" (JLB 551, 1/2/1886; emphasis in original).

Context:
JLB 547, 12/14/1885: "That's why I saw various fine things, two studies by Henri de Braekeleer, ... I mean the one who's a famous colourist and analyzes rigorously -- Manet-like, at any rate as original as Manet" (emphasis in original).

156. "We must carry things" BVG 443, 1/1/1886-1/15/1886.

Context:
JLB 551, 1/2/1886: "We must get to the point where we please the public -- I mean, for example, the girls have to start liking their portraits. I believe that there are some who'd want them."

157. Despite his Herculean efforts BVG 438, 12/6/1885-12/7/1885.

Context:
JLB 546, 12/6/1885: "I've been busy going backwards and forwards, though, and still am, tracking down those fellows, and at the same time hunting for models, too. That last is always terribly difficult, but I've done it elsewhere and so I'll manage here too."

158. the old man See Ch. 26, n. 138. Another indirect indication of Vincent's lack of success at attracting models is the close relationship he developed with the old man who posed for Portrait of an Old Man with Beard (F 205 JH 971), one of his first sitters. In mid-February 1886, he writes Theo: "While I've been here -- all this time -- I've had a comrade, an old Frenchman. I've painted his portrait [Portrait of an Old Man with Beard (F 205 JH 971)], ... The winter was even harder for him than for me, and the poor devil is in a much worse state than I am, since his age makes it very critical. Today I went with him to the same doctor I went to myself, and he'll probably have to go into hospital and undergo an operation, which will be decided tomorrow. I eventually got him to that point, but he was dreading it so much that it took a long time before I could persuade him to go and hear the verdict. He knew that it was likely to be something quite serious and dared not entrust himself to the hospital doctor." (JLB 565, 2/22/1886.) This is a touching story, but hardly the way Vincent envisioned spending his time in Antwerp, nor the company he intended to keep. 159. an old lady Vincent does not mention doing the portrait of an old woman that survives from his Antwerp period (Head of an Old Woman with White Cap (The Midwife) [F 174 JH 978, December 1885, oil on canvas, 19.7 x 15.7 in., 50 x 40 cm., Van Gogh Museum, Amsterdam]). She may be the former model that he describes in an early letter: "I've discovered a woman who formerly -- she's old now -- when living in Paris -- provided models for painters, for Scheffer, Gigoux, Delacroix, she says for instance, and to another one who was painting a Phryne. Now she's a washerwoman and knows a lot of women, and would always be able to provide them, she says." (JLB 547, 12/14/1885.) The woman in Head of an Old Woman with White Cap (The Midwife) (F 174 JH 978) is dressed like neither a former model nor a current procuress. 160. one young woman BVG 439, 12/8/1885-12/15/1885. Vincent does not say that this model was young only that she was "a woman" (JLB 547, 12/14/1885). But his description of his portrait of her does not match his painting of an old woman (Head of an Old Woman with White Cap (The Midwife) (F 174 JH 978) done at this time (see Ch. 26, n. 160) and it follows closely similar descriptions of his other portraits of young female sitters: "In the woman's portrait I've introduced lighter tones in the flesh, white tinted with carmine, vermilion, yellow, and a light background in greyish yellow, from which the face is separated only by the black hair. Lilac tones in the clothes." (JLB 547, 12/14/1885, emphasis in original.) Tralbaut argues that this description refers to Portrait of Woman in Blue (F 207a JH 1204), a painting long thought to date from Vincent's Paris period (Tralbaut, pp. 168-172) although dated between September 29, 1872, and July 31, 1890, in JLB 550 12/28-1885, n. 3.

Context:
JLB 547, 12/14/1885: "In the woman's portrait I've introduced lighter tones in the flesh, white tinted with carmine, vermilion, yellow, and a light background in greyish yellow, from which the face is separated only by the black hair. Lilac tones in the clothes."

161. "half a promise" BVG 440, 12/15/1885. (See Ch. 26, n. 164.) By the very next letter, this "half promise" has become a "definite promise" (JLB 549, 12/19/1885). In the interim, Vincent apparently negotiated an agreement that he would do the mystery model's portrait and give it to her and in return she would sit for "two studies" that he would keep (ibid.). One would be tempted to think that the subject of this drawn-out bargaining was the "café chantant" girl Vincent painted in Portrait of a Woman with Red Ribbon (F 207 JH 979) (JLB 550, 12/28/1885), especially because there appears to be, according to Van Heugten and Vellekoop, one surviving study of the sitter in that painting (Portrait of a Woman [F 1357 JH 981]) (Van Heugten and Vellekoop, pp. 59-60; but see Ch. 26, n. 173). But clearly the negotiation refers to a different sitter. In the same letter in which Vincent describes the modeling session that led to Portrait of a Woman with Red Ribbon, he reports on the consummation of this separate proposal: "Furthermore, I've done that particular portrait that I told you I was in discussions about, and a study of that head for myself" (ibid.). Neither the painting nor the studies Vincent intended have been identified among the surviving works from the period. It is possible that Van Heugten and Vellekoop have incorrectly identified the model for Portrait of a Woman as the same woman who appears in Portrait of a Woman with Red Ribbon; in which case, Portrait of a Woman could be the "study of the same head" Vincent mentions in JLB 550, 12/28/1885.

Context:
BVG 440, 12/15/1885: "I have half a promise of a model to sit for a portrait, I would do my utmost to get her."
JLB 548, 12/17/1885: "I have a half promise of getting a model for a portrait; I'll try to push that through."

162. Using some extra money BVG 442, 12/28/1885.

Context:
JLB 550, 12/28/1885: "As soon as I received the money I got an attractive model and painted a life-size head."

163. For several weeks In the first week of December, Vincent reports going to the Café-concert Scala and seeing "magnificent women's heads, really extraordinarily fine," and loudly laments: "If only I knew my way around here rather better, if only I could get the models I saw!" (JLB 546, 12/6/1885). We believe that the woman whom Vincent paid to pose for him in late December was one of these "magnificent women's heads" he saw earlier that month. He describes her at the later time as "a girl from a café chantant," whom he obviously had selected as a Christmas present to himself sometime in advance (JLB 550, 12/28/1885). While there were many "café-concert" or "café chantant" establishments in Antwerp, only a handful were large enough to support the elaborate arrangements for performers described by Vincent: i.e., to employ regular performers, house them, provide them with costumes, and supervise them in their off hours (ibid.). The Scala was one of that handful. Vincent's chosen model also had a taste for champagne -- not the kind of drink familiar to patrons of smaller, lower-class cafés -- and she made enough money at her place of employment to support herself – according to Vincent, she and "another girl are going to share rooms" (ibid.). 164. Scala's tacky Moorish splendor The interior of the Scala is pictured in Van Heugten and Vellekoop, p. 35. 165. he suspected BVG 442, 12/28/1885: One can easily read Vincent's description of her worn-out appearance when she arrived at his studio to indicate her nights were taken up with more than dancing. The use of the word "typical" also points to prostitution; Vincent would not have been in any position to comment on the "character" of dance-hall performers (JLB 550, 12/28/1885).

Context:
JLB 550, 12/28/1885: "When the model came to me, she'd evidently had a few busy nights -- she said something that was entirely typical -- for my part, champagne doesn't cheer me up, it makes me very sad."

166. "beautiful" BVG 442, 12/28/1885. (See Ch. 26, n. 163.)

Context:
BVG 442, 12/28/1885: "The moment I received the money I took on a beautiful model and did a life-sized painting of her head."
JLB 550, 12/28/1885: "As soon as I received the money I got an attractive model and painted a life-size head."

167. "witty" BVG 442, 12/28/1885: Vincent writes to Theo after his modeling session.

Context:
BVG 442, 12/28/1885: "And I really very much hope that I'll get her back, for she has a remarkable head, and she's witty."
JLB 550, 12/28/1885: "And I sincerely hope that it turns out that I do get her back, because she has a remarkable head and is lively."

168. she could not sit still BVG 442, 12/28/1885: At the same time he reports the woman's visit, he addresses the issue of models' impatience and restlessness, albeit in a general way.

Context:
JLB 550, 12/28/1885: "I have to practise, though, because it certainly comes down to dexterity -- they don't have much time or patience -- for that matter, the work doesn't have to be any the worse if it's put down virtually in one go, and one has to be able to work even when the model doesn't sit stock still."

169. "it doesn't cheer me up" BVG 442, 12/28/1885. The girl apparently spoke French, as Vincent takes the trouble to relate her comment in that language: " pour moi le champagne ne m'égaye pas, il me rend tout triste [for my part, champagne doesn't cheer me up, it makes me very sad]" (JLB 550, 12/28/1885). Vincent does not say specifically (as he would not to Theo) that this was her response to an offer of champagne from him. But it is hard to imagine any other context that would be likely to elicit such a comment.

Context:
BVG 442, 12/28/1885: "When the model arrived, it was obvious she had had quite a few busy nights -- and she said something that was fairly characteristic: 'Pour moi le champagne ne m'égaye pas, il me rend tout triste [For me, champagne doesn't cheer me up, it makes me very sad].'"
JLB 550, 12/28/1885: "When the model came to me, she'd evidently had a few busy nights -- she said something that was entirely typical -- for my part, champagne doesn't cheer me up, it makes me very sad."

170. declined his invitation BVG 442, 12/28/1885: Vincent admits that he asked her to pose nude and she refused. Equally disappointed and embarrassed, he explains her refusal as simply a matter of money: "Obviously that -- wouldn't -- is probably relative, but at any rate it can't be taken as a matter of course. The thing is, though, she would be splendid." (JLB 550, 12/28/1885.) We are inferring that her refusal was given "breezily" and received (at the time, at least) uncomplainingly because, according to Vincent, the two parted amicably: "Something that pleased me greatly is -- that the girl who posed for me wants a portrait from me for herself, preferably just like the one I did" (ibid.). Of course, this could be, in whole or in part, either her teasing farewell (as far as is known, he did not paint her again), or his belated gloss on a humiliating episode, or both.

Context:
JLB 550, 12/28/1885: "It seems to be difficult to get a nude model here -- at least the girl I've had wouldn't do it."

171. Unnerved by the rebuffs BVG 442, 12/28/1885: In the same letter in which Vincent reports the model's visit to his studio, he also voices his complaints. A few weeks later, he appears to confirm the implied admission: "I feel increasingly inclined, without rushing, that's to say without rushing nervously -- to do all my figure studies over again from the beginning very calmly and coolly" (JLB 552, 1/12/1886-1/16/1886).

Context:
JLB 550, 12/28/1885: "I have to practise, though, because it certainly comes down to dexterity -- they don't have much time or patience -- for that matter, the work doesn't have to be any the worse if it's put down virtually in one go, and one has to be able to work even when the model doesn't sit stock still."

172. "something voluptuous" BVG 442, 12/28/1885. In describing this "café chantant" girl that he paid to sit for him, Vincent sends strangely contradictory signals. On the one hand, he calls her "attractive" and "lively"; on the other, he emphasizes her sad expression and describes her as "a little Ecce Homo-like" -- an extraordinarily odd characterization under the circumstances (JLB 550, 12/28/1885). Sympathetic commentators, like Van Heugten and Vellekoop, read this incongruity as a sign of Vincent's insight into the deeper character of his sitters ("capturing a person's character was a preoccupation of his at this time" [Van Heugten and Vellekoop, p. 41]). It is also possible to see this as just another instance of Vincent conflating the erotic and the metaphoric -- as he did insistently throughout his relationship with the prostitute/Mater Dolorosa Sien Hoornik. In this instance, however, there is no pretense of a relationship, nor, apparently, the desire for one. Nor does Vincent appear to be in the grip of any powerful cultural iconography, as he was in the case of Sien. Here, indeed, the reference to "Ecce Homo" is so unfounded and discordant that it could be disingenuous -- i.e., Vincent trying to give this indulgent sexual act (hiring an expensive prostitute) some deeper artistic significance for Theo's sake (whose money, after all, had funded it). This would also explain Vincent's strained efforts to give artistic, even moral, heft to a portrait that barely rises above the cartoonish: "But precisely as to expression, although I add my own thoughts, I nonetheless endeavour to remain true, see what I wanted to get into it" (JLB 550, 12/28/1885, emphasis in original). Certainly, the painted portrait that survives of the sitter (Portrait of a Woman with Red Ribbon [F 207 JH 979]) does not show the slightest trace of the "sad" quality Vincent mentions. While Autumn Landscape (F 119 JH 949) is not the painting being described in JLB 550, one can assume that it was similar because Vincent based the former on the latter -- even perhaps without having the model present (ibid., see Ch. 26, n. 175).

Van Heugten and Vellekoop believe that this quality is evident in the drawing that Vincent did of a "streetwalker" (Portrait of a Woman [F 1357 JH 981]), which, they propose, depicts the same sitter as Portrait of a Woman with Red Ribbon (F 207 JH 979) (Van Heugten and Vellekoop, pp. 59-60). While there are undoubtedly some similarities between the model described in JLB 550 and portrayed in Portrait of a Woman with Red Ribbon on the one hand, and the sitter in Portrait of a Woman on the other, the differences are dramatic. This may indicate that they are not, in fact, the same sitter, or that Vincent had very different aspirations for the oil portraits (i.e., to please the sitter) than for the drawn study (which he did not sign). Discounting the reference to "Ecce Homo," the sitter for the drawing matches much more closely a description Vincent gave of another woman he encountered earlier in December: "There were very good-looking girls there, the best-looking of whom was ugly. I mean, a figure that struck me like an amazingly beautiful Jordaens or Velázquez or -- Goya -- was one in black silk, probably some inn landlady or other, with an ugly and irregular face, but with vivacity and piquancy

173. "jet-black" BVG 442, 12/28/1885.

Context:
BVG 442, 12/28/1885: "Anyway, here is the colour range: a flesh colour full of tonal values, with more bronze in the neck, jet-black hair -- black which I had to do with carmine and Prussian blue -- off-white for the little jacket, light yellow, much lighter than the white, for the background."
JLB 550, 12/28/1885: "Here, by the way, is the colour spectrum -- a tonal flesh colour, more bronzy in the neck. Jet-black hair -- black that I had to make with carmine and Prussian blue, dingy white for the jacket, light yellow, much lighter than the white, for the background."

174. "flame-colored bow" BVG 442, 12/28/1885: The position of the bow appears to have moved between the portrait Vincent describes in his letter, which has been lost, and the surviving portrait of the same subject (Portrait of a Woman with Red Ribbon [F 207 JH 979]). In the latter, the bow is placed squarely in the sitter's hair. In his description of the former, Vincent places the bow "in the dingy white" -- i.e., in the "jacket" that the model was wearing (JLB 550, 12/28/1885). The first portrait was probably a three-quarters view, which would have made a placement of the bow at the side of the hair a significant perspectival challenge, especially under time pressure (see Ch. 26, n. 172). In the second portrait, which is in profile, placement of the bow in the hair makes more pictorial sense. It is not clear from Vincent's description if he painted the second version with the model in front of him or just invented the altered pose based on the first version and his memory. (She seems to have departed the studio long before he announces, "I've now started a second study of the same one, in profile" [ibid.].) If this is the case, it would help explain the considerable differences between the rendering of the facial features in the second painting (Portrait of a Woman with Red Ribbon) and those in the drawn study (Portrait of a Woman [F 1357 JH 981]), presumably done from life and, according to Van Heugten and Vellekoop, of the same woman (Van Heugten and Vellekoop, pp. 59-62; but see Ch. 26, n. 173). Also, the drawing does not feature a bow at all.

Context:
BVG 442, 12/28/1885: "A touch of flame in the jet-black hair and again a flame-coloured bow in the off-white."
JLB 550, 12/28/1885: "A touch of flame red in the jet-black hair and a second flame-red bow in the dingy white."

175. "golden glimmer" BVG 442, 12/28/1885: Vincent describes the portrait (which has been lost).

Context:
BVG 442, 12/28/1885: "Yet the head itself stands out in tone against a background into which I have tried to put a golden glimmer of light. "
JLB 550, 12/28/1885: "Even so, the head itself stands out in tone against a background in which I've tried to get a golden gleam of light."

176. "much lighter than white" BVG 442, 12/28/1885. (See Ch. 26, n. 176.)

Context:
BVG 442, 12/28/1885: "Anyway, here is the colour range: a flesh colour full of tonal values, with more bronze in the neck, jet-black hair -- black which I had to do with carmine and Prussian blue -- off-white for the little jacket, light yellow, much lighter than the white, for the background."
JLB 550, 12/28/1885: "Here, by the way, is the colour spectrum -- a tonal flesh colour, more bronzy in the neck. Jet-black hair -- black that I had to make with carmine and Prussian blue, dingy white for the jacket, light yellow, much lighter than the white, for the background."

177. a flirtatious promise BVG 442, 12/28/1885: Vincent also tells Theo that she has a girlfriend who also wants to have her portrait done. It is impossible to know how much of this is true, how much is the girl's solicitousness of Vincent, and how much is Vincent's wishful enhancement. Given that nothing else comes of the liaison, either sexually or artistically (as far as we know), it is probably a little of all three. When the girl leaves his studio, Vincent is clearly smitten: "I sincerely hope that it turns out that I do get her back, because she has a remarkable head and is lively" (JLB 550, 12/28/1885). Given Vincent's heedless ardor in such situations, and given the girl's other options both for money and for sex (unlike Sien or Gordina), one can easily imagine the relationship quickly burning out, no matter how sincere the girl's compliments.

Context:
JLB 550, 12/28/1885: "Something that pleased me greatly is -- that the girl who posed for me wants a portrait from me for herself, preferably just like the one I did."

178. to pose for him again BVG 442, 12/28/1885: There is contradictory evidence on the question of whether this was empty flirtation or an expression of a genuine desire to meet again. Vincent reports to Theo the girl's elaborate excuse for why she cannot pose for him again in the immediate future: "Which isn't possible right now because the man at the café where she works is opposed to her posing, but since she and another girl are going to share rooms, both she and this other girl will want their portraits" (JLB 550, 12/28/1885). This could easily be mere excuse and, in fact, Vincent never reports any follow-up on the proposed trip to the girl's dressing room, her imminent move to other quarters, or the portrait requested by her friend -- all odd omissions from the letters, if, in fact, they transpired. Arguing the other way is a drawing that Vincent did in Antwerp (Portrait of a Woman [F 1357 JH 981]) that, according to Van Heugten and Vellekoop, shows the same model depicted in Portrait of a Woman with Red Ribbon (F 207 JH 979) (Van Heugten and Vellekoop, p. 60). If it is indeed the same girl, then it must have been done after the modeling session described in JLB 550, 12/28/1885. It would have been consistent with the deal Vincent struck with another sitter (see Ch. 26, n. 162) for him to have requested that she sit for some studies as well as for the portrait in oil paint, but her impatience at the latter (see Ch. 26, n. 169) argues that she may have balked at further sessions and disregarded any conditions Vincent placed on the money he paid her.

Context:
JLB 550, 12/28/1885: "... she's promised to let me paint a study of her in a dancer's costume in her room, as soon as she can."

179. in her dressing room BVG 442, 12/28/1885: According to Vincent, the girl's dressing room was in the café where she worked, so it undoubtedly doubled as sleeping quarters and dressing room. (See also Ch. 26, n. 222.)

Context:
JLB 550, 12/28/1885: "... she's promised to let me paint a study of her in a dancer's costume in her room, as soon as she can."

180. " Sacrebleu" BVG 442, 12/28/1885: Vincent tries to insulate his obsession from Theo's criticism by invoking a litany of artists and writers that he knows his brother admires. The argument, of course, is pure air: so vague and embracing as to be virtually meaningless (i.e., "They like women; I like women; you like women" [JLB 550, 12/28/1885]).

Context:
BVG 442, 12/28/1885: "Manet has done it and Courbet -- well, sacrebleu, I've the same ambition too, the more so as I've felt the infinite beauty of the study of women by the giants of literature -- Zola, Daudet, de Goncourt, Balzac -- in the very marrow of my bones."
JLB 550, 12/28/1885: "Manet did it and Courbet -- well, confound it, I have the same ambition because, moreover, I've felt to the core the infinite beauty of the studies of women by the very great people in literature, Zola, Daudet, De Goncourt, Balzac."

181. there is no evidence See Ch. 26, n. 178 and n. 179. 182. "I feel the infinite beauty" BVG 442, 12/28/1885. We have slightly altered the translation.

Context:
BVG 442, 12/28/1885: "This is something new for me, and I want to achieve it at all costs. Manet has done it and Courbet -- well, sacrebleu, I've the same ambition too, the more so as I've felt the infinite beauty of the study of women by the giants of literature -- Zola, Daudet, de Goncourt, Balzac -- in the very marrow of my bones."
JLB 550, 12/28/1885: "Now this is something new to me, and I want to get it at any price. Manet did it and Courbet -- well, confound it, I have the same ambition because, moreover, I've felt to the core the infinite beauty of the studies of women by the very great people in literature, Zola, Daudet, De Goncourt, Balzac."

183. "chilly and gloomy" BVG 440, 12/15/1885.

Context:
BVG 440, 12/15/1885: "This is not very encouraging, especially when the weather is chilly and gloomy, and when one has changed one's last 5-franc piece and doesn't know how to get through the next two weeks."
JLB 548, 12/17/1885: "This isn't very cheering, particularly when the weather's cold and bleak, and one has already broken into one's last 5 franc piece and is faced with a fortnight in which one sees no way ahead."

477 184. applying paint directly BVG 441, 12/19/1885: Vincent imagines two ways in which photography could be useful to him as a portrait painter. The first involved finding employment in a photographer's studio: "The photographers seem to have plenty to do here. One also sees painted portraits in their shops, which they apparently work up on a background obtained by photography, which obviously has a weak, feeble effect to anyone who knows what painting is." (JLB 549, 12/19/1885.) Vincent takes this notion of a combination of photography and painting and pushes it even further. The first of these proposals involves using a photograph only as a background. Vincent's elaboration appears to involve using a photograph not just for the background, but for the actual portrait, in the manner of a paint-by-numbers template -- except, of course, Vincent intends to add expressive color to the flat visage in the photograph. This goes far beyond the use Vincent made of photographs early in his career as guides for drawing (JLB 169, 7/15/1881-7/20/1881). Although he apparently did not pursue the idea in Antwerp, he did paint a portrait of his mother based on a black-and-white photograph in Arles in 1888 (Portrait of the Artist's Mother [F 477 JH 1600]), although the method he used was closer to the early one in Etten than to the one proposed here.

Context:
JLB 549, 12/19/1885: "It occurs to me now that one could get very much better colours if one worked with studies painted directly from life from the photographs that people want to see painted"

185. "one could get" BVG 441, 12/19/1885.

Context:
BVG 441, 12/19/1885: "Now it seems to me that one could get a much better colouring if one worked from studies painted directly from life on the photographs which one wants to have painted."
JLB 549, 12/19/1885: "It occurs to me now that one could get very much better colours if one worked with studies painted directly from life from the photographs that people want to see painted."

186. "fantasy heads" BVG 441, 12/19/1885.

Context:
BVG 441, 12/19/1885l: "There seems to be a lot of beautiful women in this city, and I feel sure that money is to be earned by painting women's portraits or fantasy heads and figures of women."
JLB 549, 12/19/1885: "There seem to be a lot of beautiful women in this city, and it has to be the case that there's money to be earned with either women's portraits or imaginary women -- heads and figures."

187. blamed tight-fisted buyers BVG 441, 12/19/1885.

Context:
JLB 549, 12/19/1885: "The prices -- the public -- everything needs renewing. And the future is working cheaply for the bourgeoisie, perhaps. At any rate -- the ordinary art lovers themselves seem to be getting more and more set, becoming hard."

188. out-of-touch dealers Vincent has particularly harsh words for the dealers in Antwerp -- a reflection, perhaps, of the mistreatment he suffered at their hands. He says he saw " virtually nothing" at the shops he visited (JLB 544, 11/26/1885; emphasis in original) and disparages their "poor displays" (JLB 549, 12/19/1885). He describes them as whining cowards ("the dealers are complaining -- sheer destitution") and blames their troubles on their own avarice in raising prices too high ("Pushing the prices high is the ruin of the trade and makes it as quiet as the grave") (JLB 547, 12/14/1885). Elsewhere, he blames their old-fashioned ways (citing, in particular, their heavy framing): "Why -- for the trade -- are all paintings always in frames? As a commercial article there's surely sometimes a lot to be said for something's being light and easy to handle and to move. The trade is old-fashioned and ... thrice mouldered." (JLB 549, 12/19/1885.) And, finally, he blames them for being out of touch with the market: "at the moment the dealers are all suffering somewhat from the same ill, that of being more or less a breed withdrawn from the world. They're all too sunk in gloom, and how can one be very inspired to go scratching around in that indifference and that apathy -- particularly since this disease is contagious." (JLB 550, 12/28/1885.)

The last part of this sweeping indictment may betray Vincent's real agenda. He wants to use the dealers' negative attitude about the marketplace (i.e., about the salability of Vincent's art) as an excuse to stop visiting dealers ("scratching about") altogether, thus relieving himself of the duty to sell his own work -- a promise he made repeatedly to Theo before coming to Antwerp -- and the unpleasantness of hearing criticisms of his work.

189. a moribund market BVG 436, 11/24/1885-11/27/1885. In mid-December, he quotes his conversation with one dealer who "lamented in a dreadful manner that literally no one had set foot in his shop in a fortnight" (JLB 548, 12/17/1885). "The shops look grim" (ibid.). Elsewhere, Vincent calls as witnesses some of the painters he reports meeting: "All these gentlemen, though, are complaining bitterly that nothing's moving. Still, that's not news." (JLB 546, 12/6/1885.) Vincent also cites an article he read in Étoile Belge reporting that "affairs in general are really bad" everywhere (JLB 547, 12/14/1885).

Context:
JLB 544, 11/26/1885: "I'm afraid that the trade is categorically as quiet as the grave."

190. "If they showed more" JLB 548, 12/17/1885. Not surprisingly, Vincent lodges this complaint on behalf of the kind of work he wants to make but is unable to sell: "although one has far more difficulties with figures because of the models -- all the same, it may be a better chance. What the dealers say is that they still think women's heads or figures of women are most likely to sell." (ibid.) Given how neatly it fits into Vincent's current obsession, one is entitled to ask how much of this report of what the Antwerp dealers "say" is Vincent's partisanship and how much is true.

Context:
BVG 440, 12/15/1885: "If there were more better things on view, more business would be done."

191. "The prices, the public" BVG 441, 12/19/1885.

Context:
JLB 549, 12/19/1885: "The prices -- the public -- everything needs renewing."

192. "overstrained" BVG 441, 12/19/1885.

Context:
BVG 441, 12/19/1885: "Goodbye, but try to write me by return mail, for I am feeling rather faint, as I have somewhat overstrained myself with one thing and another, and I need my strength."
JLB 549, 12/19/1885: "Regards -- but see that you write to me by return, for I have a faint sensation in my body because I've exerted myself rather a lot on this and that, and I need my strength."

193. "far from well" BVG 445, 1/17/1886-1/20/1886.

Context:
BVG 445, 1/17/1886-1/20/1886: "It is very cold here, and most of the time I feel far from well, but as long as the painting flourishes, it doesn't matter so much."
JLB 553, 1/19/1886-1/20/1886: "It's dreadfully cold here, and I often feel far from well, but anyway, as long as the painting's going, that doesn't really matter."

194. Antwerp's bitter, wet winter BVG 445, 1/17/1886-1/20/1886.

Context:
JLB 553, 1/19/1886-1/20/1886: "It's dreadfully cold here, and I often feel far from well."

195. his stomach rebelled BVG 442, 12/28/1885.

Context:
JLB 550, 12/28/1885: "I notice that my appetite has been kept in check for rather too long and that when I received the money from you I couldn't stomach any food."

196. his gums grew sore BVG 449, 2/3/1886.

Context:
JLB 558, 2/4/1886: "I think that getting the teeth attended to will help in itself because, as my mouth was usually painful, I just swallowed my food as quickly as possible."

197. developed a hacking cough BVG 448, 2/1/1886-2/15/1886.

Context:
JLB 557, 2/2/1886: "It was the last month that I've had a lot of trouble with it -- I also started to cough all the time, bring up phlegm &c., so that I became worried."

198. losing weight BVG 444, 1/12/1886-1/16/1886.

Context:
JLB 552, 1/12/1886-1/16/1886: "At the moment I'm losing weight, and moreover my clothes are getting too bad &c. You know very well yourself that this won't do. All the same, I have a degree of confidence that we can pull through."

199. syphilis Nowhere in the surviving correspondence does Vincent admit to contracting or seeking treatment for syphilis. The text allows for the possibility that he was misdiagnosed. (As Lubin points out, misdiagnoses were common prior to the introduction of a reliable test in 1906 [Lubin, p. 116].) The evidence that he was treated for syphilis in Antwerp breaks down into four types: direct, circumstantial, inferential, and actuarial.

The single most persuasive piece of evidence is direct. It was developed by Tralbaut and subsequently verified by Wilkie. In a small sketchbook from Antwerp, Tralbaut recognized a notation Vincent had made ("A Cavenaile, Rue de Hollande, 2 consultations: 8 à 9, 11½ à 3") as a reference to a doctor named Hubertus Amadeus Cavenaille, who established himself in Antwerp in 1883 and was 44 years old in 1885 (Tralbaut, p. 177). Tralbaut interviewed Cavenaille's grandson, also a doctor, who remembered that his grandfather had claimed to have treated the painter and "sometimes discussed [Vincent] in the family" (ibid., p. 178). According to Tralbaut, "Dr. Cavenaille [the grandfather] clearly remembered the 'queer dauber' in disreputable clothes who told him straight off that he had no money" (ibid.). According to the grandson, Dr. Cavenaille also "made no secret of the fact that he had treated Vincent for syphilis, and this explains the nature of the prescriptions" (ibid.). Wilkie followed up with the same witness and secured confirmation of Tralbaut's account: "Did your grandfather tell you what he treated Van Gogh for?" Wilkie asked the grandson, Dr. Amadeus Cavenaille. "Yes," Cavenaille replied. "He said he treated Van Gogh for syphilis. He prescribed a treatment with mercury and sent him to the Stuyvenberg hospital for hip-baths" (Wilkie, pp. 143-144).

If the subject of this reputable and unbroken chain of hearsay had been less inflammatory, it surely would have been accepted into the biographical canon long ago. Resistance from the Van Gogh family, especially Vincent Willem van Gogh, Vincent's nephew and Theo's son, may have been responsible for the quarantining of this and other unflattering aspects of Vincent's biography for so long. Although Vincent Willem did contribute a laudatory preface to the 1969 work by Tralbaut that first broached the subject of Vincent's syphilis, Wilkie reports that, behind the scenes, he was infuriated by the breach (ibid., p. 146). Wilkie himself, by his account, encountered bitter hostility when he attempted to interview Vincent Willem on the subject of Vincent's and Theo's syphilis (ibid., pp. 150-151). This probably had more to do with the implications of the finding for Vincent Willem's father, Theo; the nature of Theo's death (it was later confirmed that he died from the effects of tertiary syphilis); and the unflattering light both threw on the relationship between Vincent Willem's parents. This long and hidden controversy over the revelation of Vincent's (and Theo's) diagnoses of syphilis is relevant to the current discussion in that it illustrates the shame associated with the disease among "decent" people in Vincent's and Theo's class, even a hundred years later; and helps explain the lengths Vincent went to at this time (in Antwerp) to conceal his condition even from his brother.

For that reason, much of the evidence for the diagnosis is circumstantial: (1) While Vincent never explicitly reported syphilis's signature affliction, cankers, he did report the major consequences of oral cankers: mouth pain and difficulty chewing and swallowing. (2) Although he never admitted to mercury treatments, he complained repeatedly about the primary side-effects of mercury treatments administered orally (i.e., salivation and gastrointestinal problems), and later suffered gruesomely from another known side-effect of mercury treatment: tooth loss. (3) The "bain de siège" that he noted in his sketchbook next to Cavenaille's name (see Ch. 26, n. 266) could have referred to the "fumigations" that were commonly used at the time to treat syphilis (see Ch. 26, n. 268). These were conducted while the patient sat covered in blankets. (4) Another of Vincent's jotted notes "alum 20c pinte ou ½ temps à autre" (alum 20c pint or ½ from time to time) could refer to the use of alum as an astringent or styptic -- a (painful) treatment for open sores. (Given Vincent's stomach troubles, it is unlikely that it was prescribed as an emetic, its other common use in medicine at the time.) (5) The "castor oil" Vincent noted could have been prescribed as an ameliorative for his chronic stomach upset -- another side-effect of mercury treatment. (6) According to Wilkie, Dr. Cavenaille's grandson specifically recalled that his grandfather prescribed mercury for Vincent's affliction (ibid., pp. 146-147). (7) After he moved to Arles in 1888, Vincent revealed that he (along with Theo) had received treatments of "iodide of potassium" while living in Paris after leaving Antwerp (JLB 611, 5/20/1888). As discussed in Ch. 26, n. 264, iodide of potassium was commonly used to treat syphilis in its later stages, when mercury was considered less effective. (According to Wilkie's research, it was not used to treat gonorrhea [Wilkie, p. 153].) Setting aside the implications for Theo's health (see Chapter 26), the fact that Vincent received iodide of potassium treatments in Paris strongly suggests that he had been diagnosed and treated for "primary" syphilis by the time he arrived there. (The classic three-stage progression of the disease had not yet been articulated.) (8) The fact that Vincent did not mention the sitz-baths, the castor oil, the alum, the Stuyvenberg hospital, or Dr. Cavenaille in his letters to Theo suggests that the condition for which he was being treated carried a significant burden of shame.

Theo was well aware of his brother's bout of gonorrhea in The Hague so there would have been no reason to hide a recurrence from him. Which is not to say that Vincent was able to completely conceal his afflictions from Theo. The letters from Antwerp are, in our opinion, fraught with hints or "slips" that reveal Vincent's private torment. (1) He complained about the "indifference" and "apathy" of Antwerp dealers, "particularly since this disease is contagious" (JLB 550, 12/28/1885). (2) Speaking unsympathetically of Rubens's "weeping Magdalen or Mater Dolorosas," he wrote that they "remind me of the tears of a pretty tart who's caught the clap" (JLB 552, 1/12/1886-1/16/1886). (3) In discussing the effects of his stomach problems on his teeth, he wrote, "I thought that my teeth were bad for another reason," but he never says what that reason was (JLB 557, 2/2/1886). (4) In "explaining" his sickness, he reminded Theo, "You understand that I'm no better than the next man," and warned that if he neglects himself "just like so many other painters (SO MANY if one looks into it) -- I would drop dead or, worse still, become mad or slow-witted" (ibid.; emphasis in original). This dire prognosis (insanity or death) bears no relationship at all to the symptoms or treatments Vincent has admitted to. It is, however, where syphilis was thought to lead (and, in Theo's case at least, did lead). (5) Similarly, Vincent later described his condition as "a ruin" and reported that his unnamed doctor prescribed a "better way of life" (JLB 562, 2/14/1886). At the time, these terms, especially "hygienic," almost invariably signaled sexual afflictions.

Finally, it is almost statistically certain that Vincent was exposed to syphilis either during his time in Nuenen or in Antwerp. Not only did he see prostitutes regularly in Eindhoven, but he almost certainly visited them on his rare visits to Utrecht, Amsterdam, and Antwerp before he moved to the latter city in late 1885. This was an era in which syphilis was rampant within the prostitute population -- so much so that prostitution and syphilis were widely seen as inseparable problems. (See Corbin; and Harsin, pp. 250-260.) Rates of infection were especially high in port cities like Antwerp and they spiked when major events brought foreigners and provincials (both clients and prostitutes) to town (Corbin, p. 248). Antwerp had hosted a World Exhibition in 1885, just months before Vincent's arrival. For cosmopolitan cities like Paris, the rate of syphilis infection among all adult males was estimated at fifteen percent or more (Micale, p. 202). Given Vincent's obsessive emersion in Antwerp's prostitute population, it is virtually inconceivable that he did not contract the disease there, assuming that he had not already contracted it by the time he arrived. 200. big Stuyvenberg hospital Tralbaut, pp. 177-180: This is another of the "clues" provided by Vincent's jottings in his sketchbook. Photographs of the sketchbook pages are reproduced in ibid., p. 180. 201. "monstrosities" Corbin, p. 230. 202. the treatment certain

Quétel, pp. 83-84: In the eighteenth century, "there was virtual unanimity in favour of mercury, which was considered to be the only specific remedy for the pox." The nineteenth century added iodides to the armamentarium, but "the star of the pharmacopeia," according to Crissey and Parish, continued to be mercury (Crissey and Parish, p. 360). The only disagreements among experts related to the dosage: "The question of optimum dose and timing led to an incredible amount of bickering in print. Short and intensive courses of treatment, moderate doses intermittently given, protracted courses with smaller amounts -- each permutation had its stable of champions, and the matter had not been settled to the satisfaction of anyone when the discoveries of [the scientist Paul] Ehrlich finally rendered the whole business irrelevant." (ibid.) In general, mercury was recognized as most effective in the early stages of the disease, while iodides were more effective in the later stages (Crissey and Parish, pp. 363-365). (The three-stage symptomatology -- "primary," "secondary," and "tertiary" -- was not codified until the publication of The Parasyphilitic Diseases by the dermatologist Alfred Fournier in 1894.) Both Vincent and Theo were treated with iodides in Paris between 1886 and 1888 (JLB 611, 5/20/1888), suggesting that both were suffering symptoms of late-stage syphilis at that time (see Chapter 28), and further supporting the conclusion that Vincent was being treated for an earlier stage of the disease in Antwerp (see Ch. 26, n. 199). Theo died of tertiary syphilis in 1890, only six months after Vincent's death. Wilkie offers direct evidence, albeit hearsay, that Vincent's doctor in Antwerp prescribed mercury treatments (Wilkie, pp. 146-147). (See Ch. 26, n. 199.)

203. the famous blue pills Crissey and Parish, p. 360: Other ways of administering mercury orally were in gum form; in a tasteless, salt-like additive called calomel (mercurous chloride); or in a granular form that could be mixed with liquids (Quétel, p. 85). The latter led to one of the most famous forms of mercury treatment, Dr. Gerard van Swieten's liquor, which mixed mercury sublimate with alcohol in a potent and popular elixir (ibid.). The advantage of such treatments, of course, was that they could be self-administered. The disadvantage was that they opened the door to a parade of charlatans. 204. a foul-smelling ointment Crissey and Parish, pp. 361-362: Crissey and Parish write amusingly about this unamusing subject: "The preparation most widely used was that old blue ointment, sometimes called gray, celebrated in ribald verse and song, which in one of its commonest forms was a mixture of 50% mercury in suet and lard. Avoiding the hairy areas the patient rubbed the ointment in daily from neck to toes, smoothing out the lumps until the skin took on the requisite blue-gray sheen ... For the traveling man whose adventures in pursuit of the supposedly innocent maidens of the rural scene kept him constantly in need of attention, the ointment was marketed in soft gelatin 'ovules' to be packed along with his samples. Proper application consumed 20 to 30 minutes ... It was dirty and disagreeable, destructive to clothing and bed linen, and difficult to hide from nosy neighbors, much less family and friends. What mother could fail to notice when one of her offspring appeared with a neck stained blue and smelled like a french-fried potato?" 205. "fumigations" Crissey and Parish, pp. 361-362: Like many anti-syphilitic treatments, fumigations fell in and out of favor over the roughly four hundred years between the debut of the disease in Europe and the introduction of a truly effective remedy, penicillin. Early fumigations were elaborate rituals, as described by Quétel: "First the patient is subjected to a preparatory treatment consisting of alterants (thirst-producers) and purges to 'temper the humours'. He is then placed, either naked or in a shirt, under a tent erected in a draught-free and overheated room. At his feet is a portable stove full of embers on which pinches of cinnabar (mercuric sulphide) are thrown from time to time. The patient's body is exposed to fumigation for a long spell. If he begins to faint he is made to breathe fresh air brought in from outside through a pipe. No sooner has the patient left the tent (or 'archet') than he is put in a very warm bed, where he is buried under blankets and made to sweat for an hour. After five or six sessions he may produce a profuse mercurial salivation, which is the desired effect." (Quétel, p. 60.)

According to Crissey and Parish, the method was revived in the 1850s and became "widely used in the last three decades of the century, although it never achieved the popularity of the oral [pill] and inunction [ointment rub] methods" (Crissey and Parish, p. 362). Crissey and Parish quote the instructions from one fumigation manual in 1866, showing that the basic procedure had hardly changed over the centuries: "The best time for taking the bath is just before going to bed. The circular groove, B, is to be filled one third full of boiling water, the alcohol lamp beneath lighted, and at the last moment about a scruple of calomel [mercurous chloride] to be deposited on the plate, A. The patient, stripped of his clothing and enveloped in one or more blankets drawn closely round the neck, sits upon a cane-bottomed chair with the lamp between his legs. In the course of five to ten minutes, profuse perspiration is induced; the calomel is wholly evaporated within fifteen minutes, when the lamp may be blown out, and the patient, after waiting five to ten minutes longer exposed to the moist vapor may retire to bed. I commonly advise, as recommended by Mr. Lee, that the use of a towel after the bath should be avoided, so that the thin layer of mercury deposited upon the surface of the body may remain and be farther absorbed." (ibid.) The special equipment and supplies required by this procedure would have been too expensive for Vincent to purchase, whereas they would have been available at a hospital like Stuyvenberg (see Ch. 26, n. 200).

206. " bain de siège" Tralbaut, pp. 177-180: This phrase, which Vincent jotted on the back cover of a sketchbook, is usually translated "sitz-bath," following Tralbaut. The nature of this procedure, or whether Vincent actually received it, is not known. He may have been referring to a common method for administering mercury, or he may have been referring to an antiquated method for treating syphilis that had been designed early in the nineteenth century specifically to avoid mercury and its adverse side-effects. According to Quétel, advocates of an "inflammatory theory" of the disease opposed the use of mercury and substituted "an antiphlogistic treatment consisting of baths, enemas, laxatives and lenitives, the intention being to counteract the irritation of the tissues" (Quétel, p. 116). While this countermovement permanently moderated the claims of mercury's enthusiasts, it did not dislodge mercury from its position as the preeminent treatment for the disease. "In the 1860s mercury enjoyed a revival when injections were added to the classic treatments of frictions, pills and Van Swieten's liquor" (ibid.). It is possible that Vincent's doctor, Cavenaille, still adhered to these older forms of ameliorative treatments, especially for less severe cases. 207. "liquefied wastes" Quétel, p. 60. 208. one huge, fetid ulcer Quétel, pp. 62-63: Quétel quotes from a very graphic early description of the effects of mercury treatment, written by a critic of such treatments and therefore particularly (and probably exaggeratedly) grim: "The throat becomes ulcerated; the tongue, palate and gums swell; the teeth become loose; salivaruns constantly from the mouth, unimaginably fetid, and so contagious that the lips and the interior of the mouth become ulcerated on contact with it. Because this stench chills and upsets the stomach, the patients lose their appetites and are tormented by an unquenchable thirst; they can scarcely drink, however, because each one's mouth has been transformed into one huge ulcer. Even their speech is unintelligible, and they become deaf, sometimes incurably so. A foul smell pervades the place they inhabit." 478 209. ailing stomach revolted BVG 448, 2/1/1886-2/15/1886: Vincent does not admit to the cause of this and the other new and extreme symptoms he reports, but instead affects to be mystified by them. In the effort to turn these ailments to his advantage (by using them to coerce more money out of Theo), he offers only this half-hearted hypothesis, which is really more threat than explanation: "You understand that I'm no better than the next man in so far as if I let things go too much and too far, just like so many other painters (so many if one looks into it) -- I would drop dead or, worse still, become mad or slow-witted" (JLB 557, 2/2/1886; emphasis in original).

Context:
JLB 557, 2/2/1886: "It was the last month that I've had a lot of trouble with it -- I also started to cough all the time, bring up phlegm &c., so that I became worried. But we'll put it right. You understand that I'm no better than the next man in so far as if I let things go too much and too far, just like so many other painters (so many if one looks into it) -- I would drop dead or, worse still, become mad or slow-witted."

210. "feeling physically weak" BVG 441, 12/19/1885.

Context:
BVG 441, 12/19/1885: "Because I need all my good spirits, all my vitality, I must confess I am afraid of feeling physically weak."
JLB 549, 12/19/1885: "Since I need all my high spirits, all my energy -- putting it bluntly, I dread feeling physically weak."

211. "grayish phlegm" BVG 448, 2/1/1886-2/15/1886.

Context:
BVG 448, 2/1/1886-2/15/1886: "During the last month it began to trouble me a great deal; I began to cough continually too, and to expectorate a grayish phlegm, etc., so that I began to get uneasy. But we will try to redress it."
JLB 557, 2/2/1886: "It was the last month that I've had a lot of trouble with it -- I also started to cough all the time, bring up phlegm &c., so that I became worried. But we'll put it right."

212. chew or swallow food BVG 442, 12/28/1885: Vincent never admits to the tell-tale sores. He reports only his inability to eat and he never reveals why he lost his appetite or why he couldn't "stomach" food. Later, in February 1886, he admits: "My mouth was usually painful, I just swallowed my food as quickly as possible" (JLB 558, 2/4/1886). Without actually saying so, he implies that the basic problem was nothing more serious than toothaches, although toothaches alone would not explain why he refrained from hot meals (ibid.) and sometimes virtually all foods for so long (JLB 550, 12/28/1885). At the end of December, in an attempt to coax more money out of Theo, Vincent tries to portray his self-starvation as the result of not having enough money ("I will, after all, have some 4 or 5 fast days of pretty well everything at the end of this year -- send your letter off 1 January and no later" [JLB 550, 12/28/1885]), but this is at exactly the same time he spent lavishly on an expensive model.

Context:
JLB 550, 12/28/1885: "I notice that my appetite has been kept in check for rather too long and that when I received the money from you I couldn't stomach any food -- but I'll see about remedying it."

213. a precious fifty francs BVG 449, 2/3/1886. This was just an advance on the full cost of 100 francs -- a huge sum that signals the scale and seriousness of the work (JLB 557, 2/2/1886). According to Vincent's report, the fee was broken down between 60 francs for the upper jaw and 40 francs for the lower (JLB 559, 2/6/1886). He reports the completion of the first step, but not the second (ibid.). In mid-February, having run through Theo's stipend for the month, he writes plaintively: "I'd also so very much like to get the work on my teeth finished" (JLB 563, 2/16/1886 or 2/17/1886). The lower jaw may have been done in Paris, as Vincent left Antwerp only two weeks later. He must have completed the arduous process by the summer of 1886 when Theo reported cheerfully to their mother, "You would not recognize Vincent, he has changed so much, others notice it even more than I do. He has undergone a major operation on his mouth, for he lost almost all his teeth due to the bad condition of his stomach." (b0942 V/1962, "Gogh, Theo van" to "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van", July 1886.) It is possible that Theo accepted Vincent's explanation of the unusual tooth loss, or that he perpetuated a story he then knew to be untrue in order to protect his mother from the truth of Vincent's illness and treatment.

Context:
JLB 558, 2/4/1886: "As regards this month, I've paid 25 francs in advance for my room, 30 francs in advance for my food, and 50 francs to the dentist; also a visit to the doctor and some drawing materials -- which leaves 6 francs" (emphasis in original).

214. a third of his teeth

BVG 448, 2/1/1886-2/15/1886: Vincent seems to fudge the number downward ("no fewer than"), suggesting ten is a low estimate. A few months after the surgery, when Vincent was living with him in Paris, Theo wrote to their mother telling her that Vincent "lost almost all his teeth due to the bad condition of his stomach" (b0942 V/1962, "Gogh, Theo van" to "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van", July 1886; emphasis added). On the scope and cost of Vincent's dental work, see Ch. 26, n. 213.

Context:
JLB 557, 2/2/1886: "I'm seeing about getting my teeth put right again. I have no fewer than 10 teeth that I've either lost or am losing. And that's too many and too disagreeable, and besides it makes me look as though I'm over 40, which puts me at too much of a disadvantage."

215. a horrific ordeal b1841 V/1970, "Bonger, Andries" to "Bonger, H.C. en H.L.", 4/8/1886: Theo's friend Andries Bonger described his agony over a single tooth extraction at almost exactly the same time as Vincent's surgery: "The bleeding kept going on and on," he wrote. "Afterwards, I couldn't eat or talk. My mouth felt like it had been bricked up by the clotted blood. At night I couldn't sleep lying down. ... Quelle déveine, quelle déveine. What bad luck, what bad luck!!" 216. "certain recollections" BVG 440, 12/15/1885.

Context:
BVG 440, 12/15/1885: "Certainly it is regrettable that such things much happen. But then, you see, there are certain recollections as, for instance, that up to the last Father spoke and behaved toward me, really, in the same way as the Roman Catholic priest."JLB 548, 12/17/1885: "Certainly it's an unfortunate thing that it has to be like this. But then there are those memories like, for instance, that until the end Pa also spoke and acted towards me, yes, like the priest."

217. "immense melancholy" BVG 437, 11/28/1885. Vincent didn't just project melancholy onto nature, he confessed to feeling it: "I don't feel dejected as long as I'm painting, but in the long run -- the periods in between can sometimes be very depressing. And it grieves me when I can't develop things a little, and one's always between the devil and the deep sea." (JLB 548, 12/17/1885.)

Context:
BVG 437, 11/28/1885: "When one has had enough of this hullabaloo -- with the city behind one at the end of the landing stages where the Harwich and Havre steamers lie, there is nothing, absolutely nothing to be seen in front except for an infinite expanse of flat, half-flooded pasture, immensely melancholy and wet, with undulating dry reeds, and mud -- the river with a single small black boat, water in the foreground grey, sky misty and cold, grey -- still as the desert."
JLB 545, 11/28/1885: "Once one's had enough of this racket -- at the end of the berths where the Harwich and Le Havre boats lie -- having the city behind one -- one sees -- in front of one, nothing, absolutely nothing but an infinity of flat, half-flooded pasture, incredibly sad and wet, undulating dry reeds, mud -- the river with a single small black boat, water in the foreground grey, sky misty and cold, grey -- silent as a desert."

218. turned inevitably to taverns BVG 439, 12/8/1885-12/15/1885. Vincent describes an "inn at St Anne" on the opposite bank of the Schelde from the city to which he would repair in "if the weather's bad" (JLB 547, 12/14/1885). This may be the same establishment as the "English inn" that he describes in one of his first letters from Antwerp: "Through the window of a very elegant English inn one will look out on the filthiest mud ... by the window, looking at this or at something else, stands a very fair, very delicate English girl" (JLB 545, 11/28/1885).

Context:
JLB 547, 12/14/1885: "Towards the end of the month, when I've done a few more heads, I hope to make a view of the Scheldt, which I've also got a canvas for. If the weather's bad I can go into an inn at St Anne, which is right opposite the rise where the Church of Our Lady is. Other painters have been there before."

219. and brothels See, e.g., Ch. 26, n. 77 and n. 96. 220. he adamantly refused BVG 440, 12/15/1885: Vincent not only refuses his brother's entreaties to write, he rejects his mother's specific request, albeit indirectly. Vincent forthrightly blames his refusal on the events of the previous March, when he was summarily driven from the parsonage in Nuenen by his sister Anna with the support of his mother and sisters -- "You'll understand when something happens as it did in March, it's one of those things that is decisive" -- and he tries unconvincingly to write off his alienation from his family as inevitable in the life of a painter: "Certainly it's an unfortunate thing that it has to be like this. ... It's been the same with other painters, too, and there are things one shouldn't meddle with any further" (JLB 548, 12/17/1885).

Context:
JLB 548, 12/17/1885: "As I've received a letter from Ma, who asks me to write and said she'd asked you for my address, will you let them know that I won't write, which for that matter I already made quite plain when I left? You'll understand when something happens as it did in March, it's one of those things that is decisive. I left the house then &c. It follows automatically that, since they got their way, I hardly think about them at all, hardly at all; for that matter don't want them to think about me either." (Emphasis in original.)

221. a blasphemy against faith BVG 440, 12/15/1885: That his mother spent Christmas with sister Anna, his nemesis, only sharpened the pains of loneliness and injury.

Context:
JLB 548, 12/17/1885: "I don't have the slightest desire to write to the people at home while they're with my charming sister Anna and other members of my family who are also so charming to me."

222. "a perpetual state" BVG 443, 1/1/1886-1/15/1886. We have slightly altered the translation.

Context:
BVG 443, 1/1/1886-1/15/1886: " Always to be in a state of exile, forever having to make great efforts, always half measures ..."
JLB 551, 1/2/1886: " Always to be in a state of exile, always hanging by a thread, always half measures."

223. "a family stranger" BVG 443, 1/1/1886-1/15/1886. We have slightly altered the translation.

Context:
BVG 443, 1/1/1886-1/15/1886: "But never mind -- the family stranger than strangers is one fact -- and being through with Holland is a second fact. It is quite a relief."
JLB 551, 1/2/1886: "But anyway -- the family stranger than strangers -- is one fact -- Holland behind me 2. THAT COMES AS QUITE A RELIEF." (Emphasis in original.)

224. cursed the dealers Vincent feels a particular betrayal by Portier: "I really can't understand why Portier, having expressed himself so clearly about my work -- has since apparently become deeply indifferent" (JLB 548, 12/17/1885). Only two paragraphs later in the same letter, he repeats the accusation with fresh anger and frustration: "Now, what I can't understand is that someone like Portier, say, like [Charles Emmanuel] Serret -- if they can't sell -- don't at least come up with an idea to market work" (ibid). By the end of the year, Vincent has universalized Portier's deficiencies to all dealers: "As to Portier -- I'm not abandoning hope yet -- but poverty is snapping at my heels and at the moment the dealers are all suffering somewhat from the same ill" (JLB 550, 12/28/1885). For more on Vincent's disappointment in Portier. 225. He cursed the models BVG 442, 12/28/1885.

Context:
JLB 550, 12/28/1885: "I have to practise, though, because it certainly comes down to dexterity -- they don't have much time or patience -- for that matter, the work doesn't have to be any the worse if it's put down virtually in one go, and one has to be able to work even when the model doesn't sit stock still."

226. he cursed the prostitutes BVG 442, 12/28/1885: Vincent attributes the girl's refusal to pose nude (and, no doubt, to have sex) to his not being able to offer her enough money. But this is surely, at best, only half true. Given his deteriorated physical condition (e.g., rotting teeth) due to both the syphilis and the mercury treatments, the advance may have been refusable at any price.

Context:
JLB 550, 12/28/1885: "It seems to be difficult to get a nude model here -- at least the girl I've had wouldn't do it. Obviously that -- wouldn't -- is probably relative."

227. and the creditors BVG 443, 1/1/1886-1/15/1886.

Context:
JLB 551, 1/2/1886: "A few weaknesses could make me fall in a way from which I wouldn't recover for a long time. My situation is perilous on all sides and can only be won by working on determinedly. The paint bill weighs on me like lead and yet I must go forward!!!" (Emphasis in original.)

228. " real painter" BVG 440, 12/15/1885; emphasis added. Vincent appears to attribute this implied accusation that he was not an "actual painter" to his family.

Context:
BVG 440, 12/15/1885: "Manet and Courbet did not seem serious during their lives, yet how they proved themselves to be real painters!"
JLB 548, 12/17/1885: "Manet and Courbet, who didn't seem to be serious during their lifetimes, how much so they actually were as painters"

229. "frigid and unkind" BVG 443, 1/1/1886-1/15/1886.

Context:
BVG 443, 1/1/1886-1/15/1886: "Ah, if only I could bring home to you how much more satisfaction you yourself might find, how much more you would be a friend to me if, instead of that frigid and unkind slighting and keeping me at a distance"
JLB 551, 1/2/1886: "Oh, if only I could make you understand how much more satisfaction you could have for yourself, how much more of a friend you would be to me -- if, instead of the inflexible and cold neglect, and keeping me at a distance"

230. "taken the wrong side" BVG 443, 1/1/1886-1/15/1886: It is a sign of his desperation that Vincent combines a bitter accusation with an echo of the call of brotherly solidarity from Drenthe.

Context:
BVG 443, 1/1/1886-1/15/1886: "And yet I tell you that at times Father himself felt vaguely that he had made a mistake and had taken the wrong side."
JLB 551, 1/2/1886: "And yet I tell you that Pa himself sometimes vaguely felt that he had chosen the wrong side" (emphasis in original).

231. "Again and again" BVG 443, 1/1/1886-1/15/1886. We have inverted the words in the translation.

Context:
BVG 443, 1/1/1886-1/15/1886: "I know that your business routine induces you again and again to lapse into the old evil with regard to me."
JLB 551, 1/2/1886: "I know that habit always makes you lapse back into that same mistake in regard to me."

232. "I am not the least" BVG 440, 12/15/1885.

Context:
BVG 440, 12/15/1885: " I am not the least bit, literally not the least bit, better off than I was years ago, that winter in Brussels."
JLB 548, 12/17/1885: " And for myself I'm no better, literally no better off than I was years ago when I spent that winter in Brussels."

233. like a phoenix After weeks of letters filled with gloom and near-despair, the letter Vincent wrote immediately after the visit of the "café chantant" girl to his studio surges with defiant new energy for his new mission: "What I have to do, and the only thing that can be sure to help me progress, is work a great deal with models. ... You really must still write and tell me whether it seems such an absurd idea to you that one might create a bit more courage if one were to plant a seed for a business. As regards the work I'm doing now -- I feel that I can do something better -- I need more air and space, though. I mean I must be able to expand it a bit. Above all, above all, I still haven't got enough models. I can produce work of a higher quality, but my expenses would be heavier. But isn't it so -- shouldn't one search for something high -- for the real, for something distinguished? ... You might not be able to understand it, but it's true -- when I receive money, my greatest hunger, even if I've fasted, isn't for food, but is even stronger for painting -- and I set out hunting models right away, and I carry on until it's gone. ... As long as I'm painting it's more than enough for me, but when my models have gone, a feeling of weakness comes over me. ... Anyway, be that as it may -- I want to make progress at all costs, and -- I want to be myself. I'm feeling obstinate, too, and I've got over caring what people say about me or my work." (JLB 550, 12/28/1885.) It was probably this nearly unhinged tirade of enthusiasm that prompted Theo to pull the plug on the Antwerp experiment and press Vincent to return to the country. 234. "greatest craving" BVG 442, 12/28/1885.

Context:
BVG 442, 12/28/1885: "You may well find it difficult to imagine, but it is a fact -- when I receive the money my greatest craving will not be for food, though I shall have been fasting, but even more so for painting -- and I shall immediately go on a hunt for models and continue until all the money has gone."
JLB 550, 12/28/1885: "You might not be able to understand it, but it's true -- when I receive money, my greatest hunger, even if I've fasted, isn't for food, but is even stronger for painting -- and I set out hunting models right away, and I carry on until it's gone."

235. "absolute necessity" BVG 443, 1/1/1886-1/15/1886.

Context:
BVG 443, 1/1/1886-1/15/1886: "Do you understand or don't you, that I am perfectly right when I point out to you the absolute necessity of having my studio full of very good heads if I want to get orders for portraits here?"
JLB 551, 1/2/1886: "Do you or do you not understand that it makes perfectly good sense when I point out to you that, if I want to find work here making portraits, it's an absolute necessity for me to have my studio full of -- very good heads?" (emphasis in original).

236. "whore's expression" BVG 442, 12/28/1885.

Context:
BVG 442, 12/28/1885: "For much the same reasons that if I paint peasant women I want them to be peasant women -- so I want to get a whore's expression when I paint whores."
JLB 550, 12/28/1885: "For the same motives that when I paint peasant women, I want them to be peasant women -- for the same reason, when they're whores, I want a whore's expression."

237. patience and sacrifice BVG 442, 12/28/1885: In addition to the explicit demand for more money for models, there is also, in the first part of the passage, an implied demand for a larger studio -- probably an apartment with a separate room for a studio. One of Vincent's challenges in a sophisticated city like Antwerp (as in The Hague) was to convince models that he was a serious artist. Living and working in the same room must have complicated that task.

Context:
JLB 550, 12/28/1885: "As regards the work I'm doing now -- I feel that I can do something better -- I need more air and space, though. I mean I must be able to expand it a bit. Above all, above all, I still haven't got enough models. I can produce work of a higher quality, but my expenses would be heavier."

238. "I must be able"

BVG 442, 12/28/1885. (See Ch. 26, n. 237.)

Context:
BVG 442, 12/28/1885: "I do need more air and space, in other words I must be able to spread my wings a little."
JLB 550, 12/28/1885: "I need more air and space, though. I mean I must be able to expand it a bit."

239. "It would be by far" BVG 446, 1/22/1886; emphasis added.

Context:
JLB 554, 1/22/1886: "It's by far the best for me to stay there for a long time -- for the models there are good ..."

479 240. promises of financial breakthrough BVG 442, 12/28/1885.

Context:
JLB 550, 12/28/1885: "You really must still write and tell me whether it seems such an absurd idea to you that one might create a bit more courage if one were to plant a seed for a business. As regards the work I'm doing now -- I feel that I can do something better -- I need more air and space, though. I mean I must be able to expand it a bit. Above all, above all, I still haven't got enough models. I can produce work of a higher quality, but my expenses would be heavier. But isn't it so - shouldn't one search for something high -- for the real, for something distinguished?"

241. "One should aim" BVG 442, 12/28/1885.

Context:
BVG 442, 12/28/1885: "Still, one should aim at something lofty, genuine, something distinguished, shouldn't one?"
JLB 550, 12/28/1885: "But isn't it so -- shouldn't one search for something high -- for the real, for something distinguished?"

242. he had to leave Antwerp Vincent responds clearly and definitively to his brother's call to leave Antwerp. The fierceness of Vincent's response is an index to the forcefulness of Theo's demand: "I also just want to tell you that, given my desire to study the figure -- if I weren't to manage it here -- I might perhaps go further afield rather than go back to Holland before I've worked in a studio for a while. And that further afield -- might possibly be Paris, without hesitation [i.e. without Theo's permission]. You may be of the opinion that I'm an impossible character, but -- that's absolutely your business. I, for instance, don't have to worry about it and I won't worry about it. ... What I seek is so straightforward that in the end you'll have to admit it. So let's say in conclusion -- the sooner the better." (JLB 551, 1/2/1886; emphasis in original.)

What Vincent seeks is clear enough -- to stay in Antwerp. Where Theo told him to go is less clear. Vincent's reference to a "studio" indicates that his brother may have alluded to Paris, where Vincent could do anything he intended to do at the Antwerp Academy -- and live more cheaply with Theo. By the end of the month, this "invitation" became quite explicit, although Vincent responded differently to it before and after his breakdown in early February (see Ch. 26, n. 432). The later invitation to Paris (and, no doubt, any earlier one) was clearly conditioned on Vincent's going back to Holland first -- a condition that Vincent fought mightily right up to the moment of his unannounced arrival in Paris, but Theo never withdrew (see Ch. 26, n. 242).

243. neglecting him BVG 444, 1/12/1886-1/16/1886.

Context:
JLB 552, 1/12/1886-1/16/1886: "I've learned something I couldn't do before, so all the opportunities have been renewed and I come up against it, against always being neglected?"

244. hampering his career BVG 444, 1/12/1886-1/16/1886.

Context:
JLB 552, 1/12/1886-1/16/1886: "I'm not looking for a row and I don't want a row, but I won't allow my career to be blocked."

245. "regain some credit" BVG 444, 1/12/1886-1/16/1886: It is not clear if Vincent is referring specifically to his relations with Tersteeg and Mauve -- the great missed opportunities in his career -- or something more general. He undoubtedly felt his alienation from these important figures more acutely when he presented himself to galleries and dealers in Antwerp than he did during his long hermitage in Nuenen. By "credit," Vincent may also be referring simply to sources of financial credit -- another way of expressing his anger at Theo for not sending enough money.

Context:
BVG 444, 1/12/1886-1/16/1886: "I believe a time will come when, of your own accord, you will come to the conclusion that you have been too weak to persevere in trying to help me regain some credit with people."
JLB 552, 1/12/1886-1/16/1886: "I believe that there will come a time when you yourself will have to acknowledge that you've been too weak in seeing to it that I get back some of my credit with people."

246. " À tout prix" BVG 442, 12/28/1885. We have slightly altered the translation.

Context:
BVG 442, 12/28/1885: "Well, be that as it may -- I want to get on à tout prix , and -- I want to be myself. I am feeling obstinate, too, and no longer care what people say about me or about my work.” JLB 550, 12/28/1885: “Anyway, be that as it may -- I want to make progress at all costs, and -- I want to be myself. I’m feeling obstinate, too, and I’ve got over caring what people say about me or my work.” 247. "We cannot do it" BVG 443, 1/1/1886-1/15/1886: Vincent quotes Theo's letter in his angry response. It is possible that Vincent is characterizing Theo's letter, rather than quoting from it, although when he does that elsewhere he generally does not use quotation marks. For clarity, we have slightly altered the punctuation of the quotation from Theo's letter.

Context:
BVG 443, 1/1/1886-1/15/1886: "Now, shall we say like impotent dullards and blockheads, 'We cannot do it, we have no money -- there is nothing doing, I tell you No.'"
JLB 551, 1/2/1886: "Shall we now say, like the damned bores and fools: we can't, we haven't any money, there's nothing to be done? I tell you, no." (Emphasis in original).

248. "impotent dullard"

BVG 443, 1/1/1886-1/15/1886: Vincent hurls this extreme epithet with only the slightest balk of indirection. (See Ch. 26, n. 246.) We have slightly altered the translation.

Context:
BVG 443, 1/1/1886-1/15/1886: "Now, shall we say like impotent dullards and blockheads, "We cannot do it, we have no money -- there is nothing doing"
JLB 551, 1/2/1886: "Shall we now say, like the damned bores and fools: we can't, we haven't any money, there's nothing to be done?"

249. forbade him from vetoing

BVG 443, 1/1/1886-1/15/1886. (See Ch. 26, n. 246.) Essentially, Vincent is saying that he refuses to let Theo say no to his demand for money; that he ought to be prepared to suffer poverty to support Vincent's portrait project. And if he refuses, he is less than a man.

Context:
JLB 551, 1/2/1886: "This is what we'll say -- and say together, if you please. We'll be poor for it personally and suffer want -- as long as we have to -- just as one does in a besieged city that one does NOT mean to surrender, but we'll show that we are someone." (Emphasis in original.)

250. "immediately go"

BVG 442, 12/28/1885. (See Ch. 26, n. 234.)

Context:
BVG 442, 12/28/1885: "I shall immediately go on a hunt for models and continue until all the money has gone"
JLB 550, 12/28/1885: "I set out hunting models right away, and I carry on until it's gone"

251. "If you fell ill" BVG 444, 1/12/1886-1/16/1886: Vincent does not put this line in quotations, but it was clearly taken verbatim or almost verbatim from Theo's letter. We have changed the person and tenses accordingly.

Context:
BVG 444, 1/12/1886-1/16/1886: "But you wrote that if I fell ill, we should be worse off."
JLB 552, 1/12/1886-1/16/1886: "But you said that if I became ill we'd be in even more of a state."

252. insisted that Vincent return Vincent's letters do not make clear exactly what situation Theo envisioned for him. Although he may have presented Vincent with a choice of going back to Holland or coming to Paris, he definitely wanted him out of Antwerp. Perhaps because of Vincent's complaints about his health, perhaps because he reconsidered having Vincent as a roommate, Theo seems to have quickly decided that it would be best if his brother went back to the Dutch countryside where life was cheaper and unhealthy temptations were fewer.

A year earlier, when the family wanted Vincent out of the Nuenen parsonage, Theo floated a proposal for Vincent to move to an apartment in Eindhoven. Vincent's reaction was immediate and firm: "taking rooms in Eindhoven would be sheer nonsense -- and I can't even think about it" (JLB 473, 12/6/1884). At this time (early 1886) Theo did not apparently intend for Vincent to move back to Nuenen -- and certainly not to move back in with his family. Besides, their mother was already planning to leave Nuenen and return to the Breda area in the spring of 1886. His urging may have been quite general, in the same spirit as Vincent's musing in mid-December about returning to the country: "This spring I'll have to decide whether or not I'll stay in the Nuenen area" (JLB 548, 12/17/1885). As recently as mid-November 1885, Vincent had toyed with the idea of returning to Drenthe ("I've also thought of Drenthe" [JLB 541, 11/14/1885]), and this may have been in Theo's thinking, also; although Vincent's experience in the far northern province had hardly been encouraging. Only a month later, after Vincent began to press to come to Paris, Theo adjusted course and began urging Vincent to go to Nuenen and help their mother pack for the trip to Breda (JLB 559, 2/6/1886). This sparked another round of argument, as Vincent suspected he was being kept at arm's length by his brother.

253. "a couple of months" BVG 435, 11/18/1885-11/22/1885.

Context:
BVG 435, 11/18/1885-11/22/1885: "Now it might help if I go away for a couple of months, and if it doesn't help, then not one of those to whom I gave something for it every week last winter will earn a penny with it this winter."
JLB 543, 11/20/1885: "If I go away for a few months now, that might help, and if it doesn't help, then none of those I paid something for it every week last winter will earn anything from it this winter."

254. "I do not think" BVG 444, 1/12/1886-1/16/1886. The spirit of defiance is conveyed indirectly in the preceding letter: "Always to be in a state of exile, always hanging by a thread, always half measures. But anyway -- the family stranger than strangers -- is one fact -- Holland behind me. THAT COMES AS QUITE A RELIEF." (JLB 551, 1/2/1886; emphasis in original.)

Context:
BVG 444, 1/12/1886-1/16/1886: " I do not think you can reasonably expect me to go back to the country for the sake of perhaps 50 fr. a month less, seeing that the whole series of future years will depend so much on the relations I must establish in town, either here in Antwerp or later on in Paris."
JLB 552, 1/12/1886-1/16/1886: " I don't think that you can reasonably ask me to go back to the country for the sake of perhaps 50 francs a month less, when the whole stretch of years ahead is so closely related to the associations I have to establish in town, either here in Antwerp or later in Paris."

480 255. he still envisioned

BVG 445, 1/17/1886-1/20/1886. (See Ch. 26, n. 267.)

Context:
JLB 553, 1/19/1886-1/20/1886: "One is a matter of making two portraits of a couple of very pretty girls -- types with very dark eyes, dark hair -- two sisters who, I imagine, are being kept."

256. "slackening" BVG 444, 1/12/1886-1/16/1886.

Context:
BVG 444, 1/12/1886-1/16/1886: "So let me struggle along my own way, and for Heaven's sake do not lose courage, and do not slacken."
JLB 552, 1/12/1886-1/16/1886: "So just let me scratch around, and for heaven's sake don't lose heart or weaken."

257. "losing courage" BVG 444, 1/12/1886-1/16/1886.

Context:
BVG 444, 1/12/1886-1/16/1886: "So let me struggle along my own way, and for Heaven's sake do not lose courage, and do not slacken"
JLB 552, 1/12/1886-1/16/1886: "So just let me scratch around, and for heaven's sake don't lose heart or weaken"

258. both a financial BVG 444, 1/12/1886-1/16/1886.

Context:
JLB 552, 1/12/1886-1/16/1886: "And what can I do in the country, unless I go there with money for models and paint? There's no opportunity in the country, absolutely none, to make money from my work, and that opportunity does exist in town." 259. "Going back" BVG 444, 1/12/1886-1/16/1886.

Context:
BVG 444, 1/12/1886-1/16/1886: "For the moment this may complicate things somewhat, but after all it is the only way, and going back to the country now would end in stagnation."
JLB 552, 1/12/1886-1/16/1886: "Now for the moment it might make things a bit more difficult but it's the way, all the same, and going back to the country now would end in stagnation."

260. Royal Academy of Art Van Looij, p. 11: The Academy was founded in 1663 primarily as the result of the efforts of David Teniers the Younger. 261. École des Beaux-Arts Van Looij, p. 17: Only the Papal Academy in Rome (founded in 1588) and the École Académique (with the Académie Royale de Peinture et de Sculpture) in Paris (founded in 1648) preceded the Antwerp Academy in Europe. According to Van Looij, the academy in Rome was the "prototype" for Antwerp's school, not the Parisian school (ibid., p. 25). 262. "They would not want" BVG 433, 11/10/1885-11/20/1885.

Context:
BVG 433, 11/10/1885-11/20/1885: " They would not want me at the academy, nor would I want to go there -- but -- perhaps a sculptor, for instance (there surely must be a few living there), might be sympathetic."
JLB 541, 11/14/1885: " They wouldn't want me at the academy, nor probably would I -- but -- with a sculptor, say, there must surely be a few living there, one might readily find some sympathy."

263. Brussels Academy in 1881 See Chapter 14. Vincent's experience with academy education in Brussels is very poorly documented, but the fact that he said virtually nothing about it and, apparently, did not keep any of his work from his time there, speaks volumes. 264. " plaster-of-Paris artists" BVG R58, 9/1/1885; emphasis in original.

Context:
BVG R58, 9/1/1885: "But does one learn it from the plaster-of-Paris artists or at the drawing academy? I think not! If it were taught in this way, I should be pleased to be an enthusiastic admirer of the academy, but I know only too well that such is not the case."
JLB 526, 8/8/1885-8/15/1885: "But -- does one learn it from the plaster statue copiers and at the art academy? I believe: not. If they taught like that, I'd be happy to enthuse about the academy, but I know only too well that this isn't the case." (Emphasis in original.)

265. "superfluous" BVG 418, 7/1/1885. We have removed the original emphasis.

Context:
BVG 418, 7/1/1885: "I believe that no matter how academically correct a figure may be, it is superfluous, though it were by Ingres himself."
JLB 515, 7/14/1885: "I think that no matter how academically correct a figure may be, it's REDUNDANT in this day and age, even if it were by Ingres himself" (emphasis in original).

266. "No matter how" BVG 418, 7/1/1885. We have removed the original emphasis.

Context:
BVG 418, 7/1/1885: "I believe that no matter how academically correct a figure may be, it is superfluous, though it were by Ingres himself (with the exception of his Source, because that surely was, is and always shall be, something new), once it lacks that essential modern aspect, the intimate character, the real action."
JLB 515, 7/14/1885: "I think that no matter how academically correct a figure may be, it's REDUNDANT in this day and age, even if it were by Ingres himself (apart from his Source of course, because that indeed was and is and will remain something new) if it lacks that essential modernism -- the intimate character, the actual DOING SOMETHING" (emphasis in original).

267. to protect his mission

Clearly, Vincent did not see his Academy venture as pre-emptive of, or even superseding, the larger portrait-prostitute project. Indeed, quite the other way around. In the same letter in which he announces (falsely [see Ch. 26, n. 315]) that he has enrolled in a painting class at the Academy, he writes about his latest initiative to find prostitutes who will pose for him: "I also have to go to two people with a view to portraits; ... One is a matter of making two portraits of a couple of very pretty girls -- types with very dark eyes, dark hair -- two sisters who, I imagine, are being kept. And the other is a portrait of a married woman. But I tell you, nothing is settled yet and it could fall through. I do know, though, that if need be I'd be prepared to do them for nothing, just so that I can practise." (JLB 553, 1/19/1886-1/20/1886.)

268. "likenesses" BVG 444, 1/12/1886-1/16/1886. Immediately after complaining about how the models made him nervous when he worked and expressing a desire to re-do all his figures studies "very calmly and coolly" (JLB 552, 1/12/1886-1/16/1886).

Context:
JLB 552, 1/12/1886-1/16/1886: "Now what else shall I tell you? That I feel increasingly inclined, without rushing, that's to say without rushing nervously -- to do all my figure studies over again from the beginning very calmly and coolly. I'd like to get to the point in knowledge of the nude and the structure of the figure where I can work from memory."

269. "new friends and new relations" BVG 444, 1/12/1886-1/16/1886.

Context:
BVG 444, 1/12/1886-1/16/1886: "It is no fault or crime of mine if I must sometimes tell you we must put more vigor into such and such a thing, and if we haven't got the money ourselves, we must find friends and new relations."
JLB 552, 1/12/1886-1/16/1886: "It's no fault of mine and no crime when I tell you we must put more force into this or that, and if we don't have it ourselves we'll have to find friends and new contacts."

270. "It is a good thing" BVG 446, 1/22/1886.

Context:
BVG 446, 1/22/1886: "I do not think I can take a shorter cut to make progress, and whether I go to the country afterward or to a studio in Paris, at all events it is a good thing to see many others paint, and specially to work regularly from the model as much as ever is possible."
JLB 554, 1/22/1886: "I don't think that I can take a shorter route to progress, and whether I go to the country later or come to a studio in Paris, in any event it's good for me to see a lot of painting and above all keep working regularly from models, as much as is in any way possible."

271. "One must live" BVG 449, 2/3/1886.

Context:
BVG 449, 2/3/1886: "And one must live in the artists' world, and work at the clubs where one shares the cost of the models."
JLB 558, 2/4/1886: "And one must be in the artists' world and work at clubs where one shares the cost of the models."

272. require him to dress better BVG 445, 1/17/1886-1/20/1886.

Context:
JLB 553, 1/19/1886-1/20/1886: "But, when you think that I'll have to go and work either there or elsewhere at someone's home etc., I'll have to do something about my clothes, because I've been wearing mine for two years and they've suffered, particularly recently. If it were just a 40-franc suit, say, it would be good enough."

273. "high spirits" BVG 445, 1/17/1886-1/20/1886.

Context:
BVG 445, 1/17/1886-1/20/1886: "I feel in high spirits notwithstanding all, just because it refreshes me to be in all kinds of conditions so disparate from those in the country, and it may be that I shall feel at home here after all ..."
JLB 553, 1/19/1886-1/20/1886: "I continue to feel cheerful in spite of everything, precisely because it does me good to be in all sorts of circumstances so unlike the country, and it could well be that I found myself at home here."

274. savings on rent In addition to savings, Vincent promised improved health and especially better fraternal relations if only Theo would approve his new plan. In discussing the benefits that would come from attending the Academy, Vincent offers this combination of reproach and rapprochement: "I believe that there will come a time when you yourself will have to acknowledge that you've been too weak in seeing to it that I get back some of my credit with people. But anyway, we're facing the future, not the past. And again -- I believe that time will bring you to the realization that, if there had been more cordiality and warmth between us, we could have set up our own business together." (JLB 552, 1/12/1886-1/16/1886.) In the same letter, Vincent hints unsubtly that if Theo yields to his request to stay in Antwerp and attend the Academy, the brothers will quarrel less: "Be fair enough to let me go on, because I tell you, I'm not looking for a row and I don't want a row, but I won't allow my career to be blocked" (ibid.). But he returned again and again to the promise of savings -- even as he proposed spending lavishly on new clothes. "But, when you think that I'll have to go and work either there or elsewhere at someone's home etc., I'll have to do something about my clothes, because I've been wearing mine for two years and they've suffered, particularly recently. If it were just a 40-franc suit, say, it would be good enough. … Try, as I asked you, to send 50 francs, then I can get by till the end of the month and would buy myself a new pair of trousers and waistcoat at once, and the jacket in February." (JLB 553, 1/19/1886-1/20/1886.)

Vincent may or may not have followed through on these proposed purchases. Some of the accounts of his brief time at the Academy have him dressed in the blue smock associated with herders -- an item of clothing he surely already owned -- and the fur cap described by Kerssemakers on their trip to Amsterdam in October 1885. (See Pierard's interview with Piet van Havermaert, quoted in Van Gogh, Vincent, Vol. 2, p. 507.) These accounts, on the other hand, all of them taken after Vincent became famous, could be superimposing the legend on the memory. He did, apparently buy fresh supplies in preparation for his first class (even as he assured his brother that the Academy would help him save money): "And if Verlat says that I have to purchase some painting gear or other, I also have to be prepared to do that too" (JLB 553, 1/19/1886-1/20/1886). This expectation is fulfilled soon after he starts classes: "We're getting new models on Monday -- that's when I actually start properly. Now I ought to have had a large canvas by Monday -- I've also been explicitly told that I have to have other brushes &c. besides what I have" (JLB 554, 1/22/1886).

275. "self-confidence" BVG 443, 1/1/1886-1/15/1886.

Context:
BVG 443, 1/1/1886-1/15/1886: "And I have got my self-confidence and my serenity back."
JLB 551, 1/2/1886: "And I've recovered my self-confidence and serenity."

481 276. "I could not take" BVG 446, 1/22/1886. We have slightly altered the translation.

Context:
BVG 446, 1/22/1886: " I do not think I can take a shorter cut to make progress, and whether I go to the country afterward or to a studio in Paris, at all events it is a good thing to see many others paint, and specially to work regularly from the model as much as ever is possible."
JLB 554, 1/22/1886: " I don't think that I can take a shorter route to progress, and whether I go to the country later or come to a studio in Paris, in any event it's good for me to see a lot of painting and above all keep working regularly from models, as much as is in any way possible."

277. "This is the way" BVG 444, 1/12/1886-1/16/1886. We have slightly altered the translation.

Context:
BVG 444, 1/12/1886-1/16/1886: " That is the way to success, but recently it has been too hard for me."
JLB 552, 1/12/1886-1/16/1886: " That's the way to get there, but it's been too tough for me recently."

278. demand for a larger studio

BVG 442, 12/28/1885. (See Ch. 26, n. 237.)

Context:
JLB 550, 12/28/1885: "As regards the work I'm doing now -- I feel that I can do something better -- I need more air and space, though. I mean I must be able to expand it a bit."

279. painting materials BVG 446, 1/22/1886.

Context;
JLB 554, 1/22/1886: "I say again what I've already said to you before, you've formed a false impression about the expenses of painting and the models, and it's much harder than you evidently realize, particularly when one works alone. But we'll hope that this way there might be some improvement."

280. "I hope that I" BVG 444, 1/12/1886-1/16/1886.

Context:
JLB 552, 1/12/1886-1/16/1886: "I hope to arrange it so that I can paint from the model at the academy all day, which would make it easier for me, since the models are so awfully expensive that I can't keep it up."

281. Vincent led his brother Vincent had long made the association between the Academy and nude modeling. (Vincent rarely specified female nudes when he referred to "nude modeling," but that was only because it went without saying; he never expressed the slightest interest in the male nude.) On the eve of his arrival in Antwerp, he wrote Theo: "There's another reason, too -- that it's not absolutely impossible I might find an opportunity somewhere to paint from the nude. They wouldn't want me at the academy, nor probably would I ..." (JLB 541, 11/14/1885.)

When the idea of enrolling at the Academy first resurfaces in January 1886, the possibility of working with nudes appears to be the major draw: "With a view to getting models, this month I think I'll go and see [Karel] Verlat, who's the director of the academy here -- and I'll see what the rules are and to what extent one could work from a nude model ... I have an immense desire to improve my knowledge of the nude" (JLB 551, 1/2/1886). In the very next letter, he reinforces this connection: "I'd like to get to the point in knowledge of the nude and the structure of the figure where I can work from memory" (JLB 552, 1/12/1886-1/16/1886). It is not clear whether this is wishful conflation or intentional confusion, or at what point it went from being one to being the other. Vincent reports at least two visits to the Academy (ibid.) prior to his purported conversation with Verlat (JLB 553, 1/19/1886-1/20/1886) -- a conversation in which he had vowed to inquire about the "conditions" for drawing from the nude (JLB 551, 1/2/1886). (It is possible the conversation never happened. [See Ch. 26, n. 321.]) All three reported visits to the Academy took place before he began classes there. It is hard to imagine that neither his foreknowledge nor his research nor these direct encounters revealed to him that nude female models were, in fact, not available at the Academy.

282. hinted that he might abandon The number of reassurances Vincent gives Theo about the availability of models at the Academy is probably a direct reflection of the negative attention the subject received in Theo's letters. Theo clearly recognized Vincent's model-hunting among prostitutes and others as the primary drain on his limited resources. Yet despite all his advertisements about the availability of models, both nude and clothed, at the Academy, Vincent never explicitly renounces his larger "prostitute" portrait project, and, in fact, seems to reserve the right to continue it: "I'd like to work either with Verlat or at another studio for a while, and for the rest also paint from models for myself as much as possible" (JLB 552, 1/12/1886-1/16/1886; emphasis added). This further suggests that the reassurances on this subject were offered disingenuously as part of the effort to win Theo's approval for staying in Antwerp. 283. only men posed nude

Sheehy, p. 131: "As late as 1886 there were no unclothed, or even semi-draped female models, though they had been introduced by 1892." According to Sheehy, not even male models posed completely nude in class: "The nude model was generally draped from the waist down, and only the top part, the torse, was painted" (ibid.). In one of his later reports on the subject, Vincent summarizes a similar but more nuanced Academy policy on nude female models that suggests ways could be found around the rules: "They hardly ever use nude female models, not at all in class at any rate -- very occasionally individually" (JLB 561, 2/11/1886). This, however, may be the last vestiges of Vincent's pretense to Theo that he has been painting and drawing nudes all along. (See Ch. 26, n. 318.)

284. as Vincent surely knewSee Ch. 26, n. 281. 285. "I am very pleased" BVG 447, 1/28/1886. We have slightly altered the translation.

Context:
BVG 447, 1/28/1886: "Well, I am still very pleased that I came here, whatever may happen, and whatever the results may be, whether I get along with Verlat or not."
JLB 555, 1/28/1886: "Anyway -- I'm still really pleased that I came here -- however it goes and however it turns out -- whether or not I get along with Verlat."

286. He joined two drawing clubs BVG 447, 1/28/1886.

Context:
BVG 447, 1/28/1886: "I have been tremendously busy this week, for besides the painting class, I go and draw in the evening too, and after that, from half past ten till half past eleven, I work from the model at a club. For I have become a member of not less than two of these clubs, and I now know two fellows who draw well, I think, both Dutchmen."
JLB 555, 1/28/1886: "I've been dreadfully busy this week because, as well as the painting class, I also go drawing in the evenings, and then after that go on and work from a model at a club from half past 9 to half past 11. For I've become a member of no fewer than two of these clubs."

287. "It is an attempt" BVG 445, 1/17/1886-1/20/1886.

Context:
BVG 445, 1/17/1886-1/20/1886: "And at all events, it is an attempt to come into contact with people. In the painting and drawing class I saw in passing several fellows my age at work."
JLB 553, 1/19/1886-1/20/1886: "And in any event it's an attempt to get to know people.

482 288. "severe" BVG 447, 1/28/1886.

Context:
BVG 447, 1/28/1886: "The advice Verlat gives me is very severe, and also what Frans Vinck of the drawing class tells me, and they strongly advise me especially to draw for at least a year, if possible to draw nothing but plaster casts and the nude, and that this would be the shortest way, and I shall then go back to my other outdoor work or my portraits quite a different man; and I believe it is true, so I must try to be somewhere where both plaster casts and nude models are within my reach, at least at first."
JLB 555, 1/28/1886: "What Verlat tells me is very severe and so too is what Vinck, who takes the drawing class, tells me -- and they strongly advise me above all to draw, if necessary do nothing else but draw from the antique and nudes for at least a year, and that this would be the shortest way, that then I'll return very differently to my other work outdoors or my portraits" (emphasis in original).

289. "I get a fresh look" BVG 447, 1/28/1886.

Context:
JLB 555, 1/28/1886: "I'm getting a fresh eye for my own work, can judge better where the weak points are and thus make progress in order to correct them."

290. final break with Mauve In April 1882, less than five months after arriving in The Hague, Vincent recorded his angry, final confrontation with Mauve over the issue of drawing from plaster casts: "The way Mauve talked also became just as narrow-minded, if I may put it like that, as previously broad-minded. First and foremost, I had to draw from plaster casts. I utterly detest drawing from plaster casts ... he spoke to me about drawing from plaster casts in a tone that even the worst teacher at the academy wouldn't have used, and I held my peace, but at home I got so angry about it that I threw the poor plaster mouldings into the coal-scuttle, broken. And I thought: I'll draw from plaster casts when you lot become whole and white again and there are no longer any hands and feet of living people to draw." (JLB 219, 4/21/1882; emphasis added.) (See Chapter 16.) 291. "On looking at them" BVG 445, 1/17/1886-1/20/1886.

Context:
BVG 445, 1/17/1886-1/20/1886: "I, who for years had not seen any good plaster casts of ancient sculptures -- and those they have here are very good -- and who during all those years have always had the living model before me, on looking at them carefully again, I am amazed at the ancients' wonderful knowledge and the correctness of their sentiment."
JLB 553, 1/19/1886-1/20/1886: "I, who haven't seen a good cast of a classical piece for years -- and the ones they have here are very fine -- and who have always had live models in front of me in those years -- I'm astounded by the ancients' immense knowledge and aptness of sentiment now that I really see it again."

292. "Maybe I shall" BVG 445, 1/17/1886-1/20/1886. We have slightly altered the translation.

Context:
BVG 445, 1/17/1886-1/20/1886: "I feel in high spirits notwithstanding all, just because it refreshes me to be in all kinds of conditions so disparate from those in the country, and it may be that I shall feel at home here after all -- but do your best to write me soon, and it is really necessary that I got those 50 fr. for this month, otherwise I cannot manage, and things are too urgent."
JLB 553, 1/19/1886-1/20/1886: "I continue to feel cheerful in spite of everything, precisely because it does me good to be in all sorts of circumstances so unlike the country, and it could well be that I found myself at home here."

293. "I most urgently beg" BVG 447, 1/28/1886.

Context:
JLB 555, 1/28/1886: "What I ask you very earnestly for the sake of things working out well, is not to lose your patience, nor above all your optimism, for we'd be cutting our own throats if our courage were to fail us precisely as the moment presents itself when we could acquire a degree of influence if we show that we know what we want, and dare to do something and manage to see it through."

294. for at least a year BVG 447, 1/28/1886.

Context:
JLB 555, 1/28/1886: "What Verlat tells me is very severe and so too is what Vinck, who takes the drawing class, tells me -- and they strongly advise me above all to draw, if necessary do nothing else but draw from the antique and nudes for at least a year, and that this would be the shortest way, that then I'll return very differently to my other work outdoors or my portraits" (emphasis in original).

295. "I shall then go back" BVG 447, 1/28/1886.

Context:
BVG 447, 1/28/1886: "The advice Verlat gives me is very severe, and also what Vinck of the drawing class tells me, and they strongly advise me especially to draw for at least a year, if possible to draw nothing but plaster casts and the nude, and that this would be the shortest way, and I shall then go back to my other outdoor work or my portraits quite a different man; and I believe it is true, so I must try to be somewhere where both plaster casts and nude models are within my reach, at least at first."
JLB 555, 1/28/1886: "What Verlat tells me is very severe and so too is what Vinck, who takes the drawing class, tells me -- and they strongly advise me above all to draw, if necessary do nothing else but draw from the antique and nudes for at least a year, and that this would be the shortest way, that then I'll return very differently to my other work outdoors or my portraits. And I think it's true -- so I have to see to it that I'm somewhere where I have access to both the antique and nude models at first." (Emphasis in original.)

296. "this is a question" BVG 447, 1/28/1886.

Context:
BVG 447, 1/28/1886: "But that is a question of time, of exercise, till the touch becomes more immediately correct, the better one has it fixed in one's mind."
JLB 555, 1/28/1886: "But this is a question of keeping on painting for a while, so that the touch is effective straightaway as one gets it more fixed in one's mind."

297. "It is to my advantage" BVG 447, 1/28/1886.

Context:
BVG 447, 1/28/1886: "Which I certainly shall do systematically, because it is to my advantage to stay here for some time."

298. "I repeat" BVG 448, February 1886.

Context:
BVG 448, February 1886: "And I repeat, we are on the right track to accomplishing this."
JLB 557, 2/2/1886: "Which, I say, we're on track to establishing really solidly."

299. CHARLES VERLAT INTERVIEWED Van Looij, p. 105: This was not just Verlat's choice, but a requirement of the new rules of admission promulgated the previous fall: "To be included in one of the workshops of the Institute, the candidates have to be accepted, after the entrance examination, by the professor-titular of the workshop." The question remains completely unaddressed, by Vincent or by subsequent discussion, whether Vincent took the required "entrance examination" (Article 37) and how he satisfied the registration requirement for "a written statement, signed by the father or the mother of the student [which] has to contain last name and given names, his age, his place of birth, his place of residence and his profession or the profession that he would like to follow." (See Extract from the Rules and Regulations of the Royal Academy," in b1495 V/1962, "Koninklijke Academie van Beeldende Kunsten, Antwerpen" to "Gogh, Vincent van", 1/18/1885.) 300. He had a vigorous b1495 V/1962, ''Koninklijke Academie van Beeldende Kunsten, Antwerpen'' to ''Gogh, Vincent van'', 1/18/1885, pp. 5-6: According to this source, Verlat "was keen on physical fitness and a regular visitor to the gymnasium." Although this is a report from his youth, a more embracing assessment from the same source describes him as "adventurous." He undertook extensive travels to many exotic locales in his life, also indicating an unusual level of vigor (ibid.). 301. "a taste for the new" b1495 V/1962, ''Koninklijke Academie van Beeldende Kunsten, Antwerpen'' to ''Gogh, Vincent van'', 1/18/1885, p. 7: Inevitably, Verlat's reputation has suffered considerably in the Van Gogh hagiography, where he is sometimes portrayed as the villain of Vincent's brief Academy venture and often dismissed as a mere obstruction in Vincent's artistic self-discovery. Victor Hageman, an art instructor, describes him as "the perfect example of an official and characterless painter, charged with transmitting for posterity the memory of great patriotic events by means of painting" (Hageman, "Van Gogh in Antwerp," in Stein, ed., p. 68). Tralbaut summarizes his career with a single, unflattering detail: "Charles Verlat, a historical and animal painter of sixty-one who had once disgraced himself by painting thirteen spokes on a chariot wheel and who was then director of the Academy" (Tralbaut, Vincent van Gogh, p. 180). But his writings reveal a learned, thoughtful pedagogue and a surprisingly agile intellect. Most of the recollections of his students portray him as forceful but also respected and liked by his contemporaries and his students. (See, e.g., Sheehy, p. 136: "[t]he close relationship between Verlat and his pupils"; and Richard Baseleer, quoted in van Gogh, The Complete Letters of Vincent van Gogh, Volume II, p. 505: "Verlat, whom the pupils liked very much ... ") 302. an irascible temperament Piérard, "Van Gogh 303. champion of Flemish culture Verlat, p. 11: "The study of our great masters has been sadly neglected for a long time. We have preferred to follow fashion and certain revolutionary studio movements of no real value, which have compromised our national character by casting doubt on our Flemish beliefs. ... Let our painters learn style and drawing from the French school -- but colour belongs to us and should be learnt in Flanders. So let us make our Flemish (painters) understand that they must, above all, be of their country, and to teach them let us speak often of our great painters; let us keep alive their sense of patriotism." 304. believed in nurturing talent Verlat, p. 3: Verlat described the purpose of Academy education as "to ensure that any artist of a certain age with real talent should be allowed to come and draw for hours a day, if he would rather spend his time in the Academy than in the café." 305. "Artists are born, not made" Verlat, p. 3. 306. Ingres, Flandrin Verlat, p. 15: "We are outclassed in the area of classical studies by the Paris school of Fine Arts. That cannot be denied. Teaching there has been in the hands of men of the highest calibre for nearly a century. I shall name but a few -- those closest to us in time: Horace Vernet, Ingres, [Hippolyte] Flandrin, Paul de la Roche [Delaroche] and today the painters Cabanel, Gérome and [Henri] Lehmann." 307. befriended the rogue Courbet b1495 V/1962, ''Koninklijke Academie van Beeldende Kunsten, Antwerpen'' to ''Gogh, Vincent van'', 1/18/1885, p. 6: "[Verlat] also made friends with Courbet, whose pictures and theories were causing quite a stir in the art world. The great realist, who at the time was being torn apart by influential critics, and whose pictures were being parodied for a joke in all the newspapers, had a great deal of influence on the young Flemish painter who understood from the first what there was in these ideas that was right and fruitful. He exhibited his Coup de collier in the same Salon as Courbet's Casseurs de pierres (The Stonebreakers)." 483 308. even exhibited with himb1495 V/1962, ''Koninklijke Academie van Beeldende Kunsten, Antwerpen'' to ''Gogh, Vincent van'', 1/18/1885, p. 6. (See Ch. 26, n. 307.) 309. He eschewed "fashion" Verlat, p. 11. (See Ch. 26, n. 303.) 310. lesson of the new art Sheehy, p. 139: According to Sheehy, the Antwerp Academy differed from the Paris École, and was popular among English artists, because "[t]eaching was more broadly based, with a strong bias towards realism, and was less fixated on neoclassicisrn." They also came because they could work from models more readily than they could under English art-school regulations (ibid., p. 131). 311. artists should be allowed freedom Verlat, p. 24: Verlat never compromised his faith in the essential discipline of academic training, but he believed that the more advanced a student became in that training, the more freedom he should be allowed to find his own creative style. 312. "breathe life" Verlat, p. 9. 313. opening up admission Van Looij, p. 76: The Royal Decree of October 5, 1885, under which the Academy curriculum was revised, was designed to reconcile what it described as an old dilemma of art education: "Since the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, with art education caught between, on the one hand, the need to initiate the coming generations systematically and thoroughly into the use and the usefulness of techniques, tools and base materials and, on the other hand, the ever-surfacing creative and personal, intuitive activities of those who are called 'artists,' in all ages one has been able to point to a tension as well as an attraction amongst artists themselves." This broad language ("the ever-surfacing creative and personal, intuitive activities of those who are called 'artists'") might have readily come to Verlat's mind in considering Vincent's application. 314. "more useful" Verlat, p. 2. 315. never did gain admission "Captions of Photographs and Illustrations about Van Gogh and the Antwerp Academy," n.p.: The fact that Vincent was registered only for the antiek drawing class (presumably the one taught by Vinck) is clearly marked on his entrance card (reproduced in Tralbaut, Vincent van Gogh, p. 181; Tralbaut transcribes the hand-written entry as "Anteeke"), and in the Academy's register where Vincent was assigned "number 61." Yet that fact has been widely ignored in the literature because Vincent's claims of winning entrance to Verlat's class are so bold, detailed, and unequivocal: "Wanted to tell you that Verlat has seen my work at last, and when he saw the two landscapes and the still life that I brought with me from the country, he said -- 'yes, but that doesn't concern me' -- when I showed him the two portraits, he said -- that's different, if it's the figure you can come. So I'm going to begin tomorrow by starting work in the painting class at the academy." (JLB 553, 1/19/1886-1/20/1886.)

But the encounter described by Vincent does not ring true in a variety of ways. In fact, Verlat was extremely interested in landscape and rural subject matter -- in his case, for patriotic reasons -- and dutifully labored to increase enrollment in the Academy's chronically under-subscribed Landscape and Animal Painting class. (See Verlat, Plan général des études à l'Académie Royale d'Anvers, 1879.) If anything, the school suffered from an oversupply of portrait and figure painters, many of whom came to the Antwerp Academy from other countries, just as Vincent did, because models were more available there than in British or French art schools. With its unequivocal affirmation of his own priorities for his art, the encounter Vincent describes sounds suspiciously like his fantasy of an encounter with Verlat that never, in fact, took place. (See Ch. 26, n. 321.)

316. the school term would end b1495 V/1962, "Koninklijke Academie van Beeldende Kunsten, Antwerpen" to "Gogh, Vincent van", 1/18/1885: The winter term began on October 1, 1885, and ended on March 31, 1886. The core painting and drawing courses stopped having classes almost two months before the end of the term in order to allow students to prepare a work for the concours, or competition, that climaxed each course. Vincent alluded to the process in a letter written in the first half of February: "The painting course ended last week, because before the end of the course there's a competition for people who've been through the course; so I'm not one of them" (JLB 557, 2/2/1886). His failure to enter the life-painting concours may be another indication that Vincent was not registered in Verlat's class. There is no indication in the Academy regulations that registered students in a course were disallowed from entering the concours if they had not "been through the course." Indeed, at the very same time he made this claim to Theo, Vincent did enter the concours for the evening drawing course that he had also started on January 18 (JLB 561, 2/11/1886), and his entry was subsequently judged at the end of the term even though he had been gone from the school for a month. The hoary concours custom began to be phased out at the Antwerp Academy a year after Vincent's departure (i.e., in the 1887-1888 academic year), when the winter and summer terms were merged into a single term (Van Looij, p. 122). 317. "painting class" BVG 446, 1/22/1886.

Context:
BVG 446, 1/22/1886: "The painting class is better and, as I think I wrote you already, there are all kinds of people and of all ages, about five of them even older than I am."
JLB 554, 1/22/1886: "The painting class is better, and as I believe I already told you there are all sorts of people of all ages, at least 5 or so even older than me."

318. "seeing the nude again" BVG 447, 1/28/1886: Vincent writes this after describing the two posed wrestlers in Verlat's class. He may have seen nudes in one of his drawing clubs by this time, or he may be eliding the nude statues and the "nude" wrestlers, so the passage is not necessarily technically prevaricating, but by placing the observation in the middle of a summary of his Academy work, it is certainly misleading. Similarly, later in the same letter, Vincent refers to "some fellows ... in the life class." A few weeks later, when his Academy ambitions are overtaken by his urgent desire to join Theo in Paris, he finally admits the true situation: "They hardly ever use nude female models, not at all in class at any rate -- very occasionally individually" (JLB 561, 2/11/1886). He imagines that this failure of the Academy will be curable in Paris, revealing one of his primary reasons for leaving Antwerp: "That must surely be better in Paris" (ibid.).

Context:
BVG 447, 1/28/1886: "At all events there are two things to be said for it, in the first place it interests me, after having drawn for years from fully clothed models, to see the nude again, and the works of the ancients, and to verify things."
JLB 555, 1/28/1886: "At any rate it has two things in its favour -- firstly that it interests me greatly, after having drawn clothed models for years, to see the nude and the antique again and to verify things."

319. "getting along with" BVG 447, 1/28/1886: While distressing in its own way, this report clearly was intended to leave Theo with the impression that Vincent was in critical contact with Verlat on a regular basis -- i.e., in class.

Context:
BVG 447, 1/28/1886: "Well, I am still very pleased that I came here, whatever may happen, and whatever the results may be, whether I get along with Verlat or not."
JLB 555, 1/28/1886: "Anyway -- I'm still really pleased that I came here -- however it goes and however it turns out -- whether or not I get along with Verlat."

320. "I have now been" BVG 446, 1/22/1886: Bonger's translations of the final clause ("I must say that I like it pretty well") attribute to Vincent a reservation in this expression of enthusiasm that we do not believe he intended. In idiomatic English, the emphatic "must" and the cautious "pretty" are at odds with each other. The rest of the passage lists only positives: "Above all because there are all sorts of painters there, and I see them working in very diverse ways -- something I've never had -- often seeing other people at work" (ibid.). Therefore, we think Vincent did not intend to hold back on his enthusiasm -- which is not to say that his enthusiasm was, in fact, unreserved; or, indeed, genuine.

Context:
JLB 554, 1/22/1886: "I've been painting there for a few days now and it suits me very well."

321. Verlat's first encounter

Any claim that Verlat met Vincent for the first time in the incident described by Hageman (see Ch. 26, n. 324) must confront Vincent's account of his encounter with the director prior to registering for his painting class (JLB 553, 1/19/1886 or 1/20/1886). In addition to announcing, "Wanted to tell you that Verlat has seen my work at last," Vincent summarizes what sounds like a direct conversation: "when he saw the two landscapes and the still life that I brought with me from the country, he said -- 'yes, but that doesn't concern me' -- when I showed him the two portraits, he said – 'that's different, if it's the figure you can come.' So I'm going to begin tomorrow by starting work in the painting class at the academy."

However, in addition to the reasons to suspect the content of the conversation, there is significant circumstantial evidence that the conversation did not take place at all (see Ch. 26, n. 315). First, Vincent did not, in fact, register for the course; second, he originally told Theo that he planned to "go and see Verlat" specifically in order to "I'll see what the rules are and to what extent one could work from a nude model ... I have an immense desire to improve my knowledge of the nude" (JLB 551, 1/2/1886), but he appears surprised when he starts at the Academy and finds that nudes are not available (JLB 560, 2/9/1886); and third, the purported encounter with Verlat comes after at least two failed attempts to see the director the previous week (i.e., mid-January): "At the moment I've left 5 paintings -- 2 portraits, 2 landscapes, 1 still life -- with Verlat's painting class at the academy. I've just been there again, but each time I haven't found him there." (JLB 552, 1/12/1886-1/16/1886.) It would have been perfectly consistent with Vincent's impatient, impetuous, and confrontational nature, and with the urgency he felt in using the Academy as an excuse to stay in Antwerp, that, when he did not succeed in button-holing Verlat after two attempts, he determined to confront the director in the one place he was surely and readily available -- his class (ibid.).

322. the position of wrestlers A recent discovery by Teio Meedendorp at the Kröller-Müller Museum may lend unintended support to Victor Hageman's account of Vincent's confrontation with Verlat in the latter's painting class. In a yet unpublished paper, Meedendorp reports that x-ray examination of a de-attributed work in the museum's collection shows the figures two wrestlers (Correspondence from Leo Jansen to the authors, March 2011). 323. crowded with sixty painters Hageman, "Van Gogh in Antwerp," in Stein, ed., p. 69. 324. "Van Gogh arrived"

Hageman, "Van Gogh in Antwerp," in Stein, ed., p. 68: Victor Hageman, who was a student at the Academy during Van Gogh's attendance, was interviewed by Louis Piérard for an article, "Van Gogh in Antwerp," that appeared in Les Marges in January 1914, reprinted in Stein, pp. 68-70. Hageman's account, as well as those of other students at the Academy during Vincent's brief stay, generally receive dismissive treatment in the literature, even though some were recorded within three decades of the events. The reason for this resistance is simple: they conflict irreconcilably with Vincent's account to Theo. (See Ch. 26, n. 325.) Vincent's letters do, however, confirm the broad outlines of Hageman's recollection and put Vincent at the scene Hageman describes: "This week I painted a large thing with two nude torsos -- two wrestlers, a pose set by Verlat. And I really like doing that" (JLB 555, 1/28/1886). The painting of the wrestlers has not survived. (For further corroboration, see Ch. 26, n. 351.)

484 325. "fled the classroom"

Regarding Hageman's account, Hulsker and others maintain that, even if Verlat did throw Vincent out of the painting class that day, "it is certain that he remained in the class" (Hulsker, Vincent and Theo: A Dual Biography, p. 216). This is surely wrong. The fact that he was not registered in the course (see Ch. 26, n. 315), that he did not enter the concours, that he began a second drawing class immediately after he reported painting the wrestlers in Verlat's class (his only detailed account of any encounter with the teacher), all confirm Hageman's recollection -- if not in detail, then certainly in broad outline. Verlat's stature and duties as the director, as well as his irascibility and decisiveness, also argue against any such quick reconciliation -- even if Vincent had been otherwise a model student. Nor was there time or reason for the wound to heal, with the end of classes literally only days away. The account of Vincent's friend, Archibald Standish Hartrick, whom he met in Paris only a few months later, appears to confirm the finality of Verlat's ban: "[Vincent] stayed for a time in the Academy in Antwerp, where Verlat enraged him by sending him back from 'life' to draw 'antique,' as it is called in schools" (Hartrick, p. 40).

326. immediately after the scene Vincent reports painting the wrestlers in JLB 555, 1/28/1886 and in JLB 557, 2/2/1886 announces, "So now I'm drawing during the day, too." These letters were written as little as four days apart and two of the intervening days (January 30-31) were weekend days when classes did not meet. 327. Vincent had already clashed BVG 445, 1/17/1886-1/20/1886: Vincent's disapproval and disliking of Vinck and his methods were instantaneous. And again in the next letter only days later: "I think that the fellows in the drawing class all work badly and in completely the wrong way" (JLB 554, 1/22/1886; emphasis in original). In February, Vincent entered a drawing in the course's concours, but accompanied with this defensive volley of vitriol: "I know for sure that I'll certainly come last, because all the drawings by the others are the same, and mine is completely different. But I saw the drawing that will be considered to be the best being done -- I was sitting just behind -- and it's correct, it's anything you like, but it's dead and so are all those drawings that I saw." (JLB 561, 2/11/1886.)

Context:
JLB 553, 1/19/1886-1/20/1886: "I've already drawn there 2 evenings, and I have to say that that I think it's very good to draw plaster casts, particularly for doing peasant figures, for instance, but not, please, as it's usually done! I actually find all the drawings I see there hopelessly bad -- and fundamentally wrong. And I know that mine are totally different -- time will just have to tell who's right. Damn it, not one of them has any feeling for what a classical statue is." (Emphasis in original.)

328. François Vinck BVG 445, 1/17/1886-1/20/1886. François Vinck is listed in the Academy's annual report as giving drawing lessons only from plaster ornaments during the 1885-1886 academic year. The teacher for the evening class in antiquities in the winter term was listed as "E[dward]. Dujardin", who had been teaching at the Academy for almost half a century. Tralbaut maintains that Vinck substituted for Dujardin because the latter was preparing a set of illustrations for a work by Hendrik Conscience at the time. A more obvious and likely explanation is that Dujardin dropped out because of ill health (Tralbaut, p. 132).

Context:
JLB 553, 1/19/1886-1/20/1886: "While I've moreover arranged with Vinck (a pupil of Leys's by whom I saw things in the manner of Leys, medieval) to draw some plaster casts in the evening."

329. met in the afternoon BVG 448, 2/1/1886-2/15/1886. According to school rules and regulations on file in the Van Gogh Foundation Archives, classes at the "Higher and Secondary" level met as follows: "from 9 o'clock in the morning until midday, half past two until 4 o'clock in the afternoon and 5 o'clock until 8 o'clock in the evening" (b1495 V/1962, "Koninklijke Academie van Beeldende Kunsten, Antwerpen" to "Gogh, Vincent van", 1/18/1885).

Context:
JLB 557, 2/2/1886: "So now I'm drawing during the day, too, and the teacher there -- who presently makes portraits and gets well paid for them -- has repeatedly asked me whether I'd never drawn plaster casts before and whether I'd taught myself to draw."

330. a gas reflector lamp Sheehy, p. 129. 331. "disheveled, nervous"

Hageman, "Van Gogh in Antwerp," in Stein, ed., p. 68: Hageman, who was a student in the drawing class, recalls that Vincent had this effect "on the Academy of Antwerp, overwhelming the director, the drawing master, and the students." (See Ch. 26, n. 324.)

332. cautiously at first BVG 448, 2/1/1886-2/15/1886: In his very first report from Eugène Siberdt's drawing class, Vincent is full of encouraging news. In assessing the reliability of this report, it may be relevant that it is teamed with another that is almost surely false: "Then he [Siberdt] also said that Verlat had told him that there were good things in my work" (ibid.). This is, coincidentally, the exact same vague compliment that Vincent had reported several times in the past, as well as the same compliment Theo reported to their mother in Nuenen the previous year.

Context:
JLB 557, 2/2/1886: "It was just after I got your letter that Siberdt came to look over the drawings -- (mine was a head of Niobe and a hand that could be by Michelangelo -- I'd done the hand in a couple of hours and he particularly liked that one)."

333. "I irritate him" BVG 452, 2/1/1886-2/15/1886: Vincent casts this accusation more widely than just Siberdt, although it comes at the end of a long diatribe specifically against his drawing teacher.

Context:
BVG 452, 2/1/1886-2/15/1886: "Yet I irritate them even though I don't say anything; and they, me."
JLB 561, 2/11/1886: "All the same, even though I don't say anything, I irritate them -- and they me."

334. sixteen hours

Sheehy, p. 129: The afternoon antiek class began at 1:30 and ended at 4:30 p.m. So the sixteen-hour limit could extend slightly into a second week. However, Sheehy's schedule disagrees with the Academy regulations on file at the Van Gogh Foundation Archives, which give a shorter time for the afternoon classes (see Ch. 26, n. 329).

335. without retouching Hageman, "Van Gogh in Antwerp," in Stein, ed., pp. 69-70: Hageman describes Vincent as "working rapidly without retouching and more often than not tearing up his drawing or throwing it behind him as soon as he finished it. ... Already Van Gogh had astonished everyone with the speed at which he worked, redoing the same drawing or painting ten or fifteen times." (See Ch. 26, n. 433.) 336. tossing them over his shoulder Hageman, "Van Gogh in Antwerp," in Stein, ed., pp. 69-70. (See Ch. 26, n. 335.) 337. " prendre par le contour" BVG 452, 2/1/1886-2/15/1886.

Context:
BVG 452, 2/1/1886-2/15/1886: "After all I am glad I went to the academy, for the very reason that I have abundant opportunity to observe the results of prendre par le contour."
JLB 561, 2/11/1886: "All the same, I'm glad I went to the academy, if only because I have ample opportunity to observe the results of starting from the outline, because they do that systematically and they pick petty quarrels with me about it."

338. no maul sticks Sheehy, p. 131: The maul-stick was used to support the wrist. 339. no hatching, no stippling Sheehy, p. 129: "Purely mechanical work was discouraged, so stippling or the elaboration of tints with stump or chalk were forbidden in the intermediate and senior classes." 340. "First make a contour" BVG 452, 2/1/1886-2/15/1886. 

Context:
BVG 452, 2/1/1886-2/15/1886: " First make a contour, your contour isn't right; I won't correct it if you do your modelling before having seriously fixed your contour."
JLB 561, 2/11/1886: " Make an outline first -- your outline isn't right -- I won't correct that if you model before having conscientiously finished your outline."

485 341. a white background BVG 448, 2/1/1886-2/15/1886. Also according to Vincent, Siberdt specifically exempted him from this rule ("as for you, you will draw as you please"), but given the troubles that the two experienced, and Siberdt's personality, this is a dubious claim (JLB 557, 2/2/1886).

Context:
JLB 557, 2/2/1886: Then Siberdt, that's the name of the teacher -- who also takes the life class -- said, as for you, you will draw as you please, since I see that you take drawing seriously; as for the others, in general I don't allow them to make a background because then they skimp on drawing the forms, while on a white background they're really forced to do them -- so it's a straitjacket.

342. discus thrower The most famous Greek original, simply titled Discobolous, was a bronze cast created by Myron (Myron, c. 480-440 BCE; Greek sculptor) around 450 BCE. Vincent's drawing is The Discus Thrower (F 1364e JH 1080), which is discussed in Van Heugten and Vellekoop, pp. 63-70. 343. Vincent objected so vehemently BVG 447, 1/28/1886: In the effort to protect his life in Antwerp, Vincent tries heroically to convince Theo that he is holding his notorious temper. After describing his frustration with Siberdt and others and detailing their injustices against him, he writes unconvincingly of his self-restraint in the face of so much abuse: "So you see how it is. But it's not bad, though, and one mustn't get angry about it, and must keep quiet just as if one would really like to break oneself of it, that bad manner, but unfortunately keeps slipping back into it." (JLB 555, 1/28/1886.) The last clause is the giveaway. He may have tried the strategy of false contrition ("keep quiet just as if one would really like to break oneself of it"), but clearly he could not keep it up for long ("keeps slipping back into it") (ibid.).

Context:
JLB 555, 1/28/1886: "He showed me the drawing and we talked about it. It was full of life and it was the finest drawing that I've seen by any of the fellows here. Now do you know what they think about it? The teacher, Siberdt, purposely sent for him and said that if he dared to do it again in that manner it would be considered that he was making a fool of the teacher."

344. "mocking his teacher"

BVG 447, 1/28/1886. Vincent claims that when he encouraged another Siberdt student to draw with the same "vigorous modelling," Siberdt scolded the student (JLB 555, 1/28/1886). This is consistent with Vincent's claim elsewhere that he did not directly confront Siberdt on this issue, but that claim is not credible nor is it consistent with other accounts. This anecdote does not have the ring of authenticity. Given the accounts of fellow students, it is hard to imagine that Vincent had any persuasive effect on his classmates. Whether or not the anecdote is true, we suspect that the teacher leveled the charge of "making a fool" directly at Vincent. As to Vincent's provocative behavior in class, Hageman offers another recollection that cuts against Vincent's effort to portray himself as sinned against rather than sinning: "He [Vincent] would sketch everything that was to be found in the classroom: the students, their clothing, or the furniture, but forgetting the plaster cast that the professor had assigned to copy" (Hageman, "Van Gogh in Antwerp," in Stein, ed., pp. 69-70; see Ch. 26, n. 324).

Context:
BVG 447, 1/28/1886: "The teacher Sibert expressly sent for him, and told him that if he dared to do it again in the same way he would be considered to be mocking his teacher."
JLB 555, 1/28/1886: "The teacher, Siberdt, purposely sent for him and said that if he dared to do it again in that manner it would be considered that he was making a fool of the teacher."

345. his heresy BVG 445, 1/17/1886-1/20/1886: This is Vincent's own characterization, used in a similar attack on (or defense against) his previous drawing instructor, François Vinck (see context).

Context:
JLB 553, 1/19/1886-1/20/1886: "All the same, it's to be expected that the academic gentlemen will accuse me of heresy, but -- so be it."

346. "vigorous modeling" BVG 447, 1/28/1886: While it is undoubtedly true that Vincent would have argued his case with anybody willing to listen, his self-justifying reports to Theo of winning over disciples, like this one, should be taken skeptically. Vincent may be setting Theo up for his failure at the Academy by using his "success" at persuading other students as one reason why "Verlat or someone else will seek a row with me, even if I systematically avoid it. Which I'll do systematically because it's to my advantage to stay here for a bit." (JLB 555, 1/28/1886.) It may be in the same spirit that, a few days or perhaps weeks later, Vincent goes out of his way to deny that he is the author of his troubles: "The issue behind it is that the fellows in the class are talking about things in my work among themselves, and I've said, not to Siberdt but outside the class to some of the fellows, that their drawings were completely wrong" (JLB 559, 2/6/1886). Given the accounts of Vincent's fellow students at the Academy, it seems hardly likely that they took him or his contrarian theories seriously, which suggests that this line of argument to Theo is either manipulative or delusional, or both.

Context:
BVG 447, 1/28/1886: "Some of the fellows have seen my drawings, one of them, influenced by the drawing of my peasant figures, has started at once to draw the model in the nude class with a much more vigorous modelling, putting the shadows down firmly."
JLB 555, 1/28/1886: "There are some fellows who've seen my drawings -- after seeing my peasant figures one of them immediately started drawing the model in the life class with more vigorous modelling, putting the shadows in strongly."

347. "absolutely wrong" BVG 450, 2/1/1886-2/15/1886: Vincent writes this to try to explain Siberdt's hostility to him. Elsewhere, Vincent bitterly condemns the product of Siberdt's methods: "you really should see!!! how flat, how dead and how bloody boring the results of that system are" (JLB 561, 2/11/1886).

Context:
BVG 450, 2/1/1886-2/15/1886: "What's behind it is that the fellows in the class are discussing my work, and that I have said -- not to Sibert, but outside the class to some of the fellows -- that their drawings were absolutely wrong."
JLB 559, 2/6/1886: "The issue behind it is that the fellows in the class are talking about things in my work among themselves, and I've said, not to Siberdt but outside the class to some of the fellows, that their drawings were completely wrong."

348. Within weeks, if not days

Many of the letters from Vincent's time at the Academy are insecurely dated, which makes sequencing them largely deduction and estimating the time between events mere guesswork. Vincent first mentions "drawing in the daytime" (i.e., Siberdt's class) in letter JLB 557, 2/2/1886, recently re-dated by Jansen to "on or about February 2." (There is a mention of Siberdt in an earlier letter dated c. January 28 [JLB 555, 1/28/1886], but the context does not indicate that Vincent was a student in his class at the time.) Exactly when he entered the class would depend on whether he did so in an orderly way or was hastily "sent down" from Verlat's painting class, as some accounts have it. (See Ch. 26, n. 326.) As discussed in Ch. 26, n. 473, we believe the Venus de Milo incident described in Hageman's account happened around February 11 or 12. If JLB 557, 2/2/1886 is accurately re-dated (see Ch. 26, n. 467), then the two events (starting class and the fight with Siberdt) could have been as much as ten days apart (i.e., the end of the following week). Given the provocative and antagonistic behavior attested to by Vincent's classmates, this short interval seems completely likely.

486 349. Vincent took his pencil Baseleer, in Van Gogh, The Complete Letters of Vincent Van Gogh: Volume II, pp. 508-509: According to Baseleer's account, the Venus drawing "issued from Vincent's drawing pencil." 350. "I can still see" Baseleer, in Van Gogh, The Complete Letters of Vincent Van Gogh: Volume II, pp. 508-509: Richard Baseleer is quoted in an interview with Charles Bernard. 351. "beautiful Greek goddess" Hageman, "Van Gogh in Antwerp," in Stein, ed., p. 70: Not surprisingly, Vincent did not report this particular incident to Theo, but there are clear signs of the blow-up in his correspondence with Theo. "That Siberdt, ... definitely tried to pick a quarrel with me today," he wrote in a letter dated to the first two weeks of February, "perhaps with a view to getting rid of me" (JLB 559, 2/6/1886; emphasis in original). We believe this probably refers to the confrontation over the Venus de Milo recalled by his classmates and described in the text. Vincent does not provide any details that would confirm this connection. Instead, he uses the incident as an opportunity to reassure Theo about his poise under pressure. "I said -- Why are you trying to pick a quarrel with me? I have no wish to quarrel, and in any case I have absolutely no desire to contradict you, but you deliberately try to pick a quarrel with me. He evidently hadn't expected that and couldn't say much to refute it this time, but -- next time, of course, he'll be able to start something." (ibid.) This clever, if wildly improbable, version of the incident not only turns the whole thing into a Gandhian triumph for Vincent, it prepares his brother for the fate that may have already befallen him: a class-ending confrontation. (Not so clever is the way in which Vincent inadvertently reveals that he and Siberdt have had previous fights ["this time"].)

Although he says nothing more about the fight, in the same letter he muses tellingly on the right way and the wrong way for teachers to criticize their students: "if I go to Cormon and run into trouble," he says, ostensibly referring to the possibility of going to Cormon's studio in Paris, " I wouldn't let it worry me. ... I'd far rather have correction -- as long as it doesn't become DELIBERATE provocation; that correction without one giving any cause other than a certain singularity in one's manner of working which is different from the others." (ibid.; emphasis in original.)

Within a few days, this sort of fatalistic brooding over the "quarrel" has taken its toll. By about February 14, 1886, his determinedly optimistic tone has changed dramatically: "I'm not getting on very well with the work," he writes (JLB 562, 2/14/1886). This is followed a few days later by another despairing assessment: "I'd always have trouble with fellows who had been at some academy or other -- that I couldn't draw -- according to them" (JLB 563, 2/16/1886 or 2/17/1886). He also hints, for the first time, at some cloud over his future at the Academy: ("I still don't know how things will turn out for me in the end at the academy here" [ibid.]) All during this slow reveal, Vincent conducts a campaign to cover up the seriousness of the altercation with Siberdt and cast the blame for it on his teacher: "I heard yesterday that Siberdt -- the teacher -- had said somewhere that I had a good understanding of drawing and that he'd been rather too hasty" (JLB 563, 2/16/1886 or 2/17/1886). He also attempts to explain why he has not seen Siberdt since the incident: "Since he doesn't come into the class all that often, I haven't seen him in several days" (ibid.).

In his last letter from Antwerp, he announces a complete reconciliation with his teacher: "since I wrote and told you that the teacher had indirectly let it be known that he hadn't meant to be so harsh I haven't had any more trouble with him, and he even said that the drawing I did today needed virtually no change in proportion and none at all in tone" (JLB 566, 2/24/1886). If nothing else, this confirms the substance of the dispute with Siberdt in a way that corroborates Hegeman's Venus de Milo account (bad proportions and misuse of toning). Whether it can be trusted substantively is another matter. When Vincent first arrived in his class, Siberdt did, apparently, try to placate him (see Ch. 26, n. 355), so he may well have returned to a more conciliatory tone after a cooling-off period. (Piérard gives Siberdt a "disposition less irritable than his director's [i.e., Verlat's]" [Piérard, p. 93].)

More likely, in our opinion, is that Vincent has merely imagined or invented the reconciliation. His assurance that Siberdt found nothing that "needed virtually no change" in his drawing is belied by the results of the concours that he entered for Vinck's antiek class. When the judges saw Vincent's entry, they recommended that he be demoted to the "elementary" level, which included children eight to ten years old (Tralbaut, Vincent van Gogh, p. 198). This does not bespeak the irreproachable competence implied by Vincent's account. Since the latest dating of JLB 559 is February 14 (a Sunday), the incident could not have occurred any later than the end of the previous work week (i.e., February 11 or 12), and may well have occurred earlier in February (see Ch. 26, n. 348).

352. "[He] flew into a violent" Hageman, "Van Gogh in Antwerp," in Stein, ed., p. 70; emphasis in original. (See Ch. 26, n. 473.) In a letter probably written soon after this incident, one can hear Vincent desperately trying to slough off Siberdt's angry attack -- chalking it up to his own odd work habits and Siberdt's intolerance (the same strategy he used to undercut Tersteeg's attacks in The Hague) -- without revealing any specifics to Theo, of course. Contemplating the possibility of going to Paris for additional academic training, Vincent writes, "if I go to Cormon and run into trouble sooner or later either with the master or the pupils, I wouldn't let it worry me. ... I'd far rather have correction -- as long as it doesn't become DELIBERATE provocation; that correction without one giving any cause other than a certain singularity in one's manner of working which is different from the others." (JLB 559, 2/6/1886, emphasis in original.) 353. Vincent's last class Hageman, "Van Gogh in Antwerp," in Stein, ed., p. 70: "This was the last lesson that Van Gogh took -- or gave -- at the Academy of Antwerp." Another version of the events published by Emmanuel de Bom in 1938 has Siberdt sending Vincent "to a lower class," where Vincent, "who did not disdain anything, drew 'noses and ears'" (De Bom, n.p.). This seems unlikely and unreliable (and may be a distortion of the fact that the concours judges at the end of the term recommended that Vincent be sent down to the "elementary" level). It is also possible that Siberdt's class ended soon anyway. According to Hageman's account, "[t]here were only a few weeks left until the end of the course" (Hageman, in Van Gogh, The Complete Letters of Vincen van Gogh, Volume II, p. 507). If there was a concours for the Siberdt course, Vincent did not enter it. He entered a drawing for the competition only for Vinck's evening antiek class (JLB 561, 2/11/1886).

While it is true that Vincent's subsequent letters suggest that he continued to draw from the antique, it is certainly also true that if he had been kicked out of class prematurely he would not have informed Theo of that fact, but would have continued to pretend that he was enrolled. This is, indeed, what we think happened. (See Ch. 26, n. 351.) As to whether Vincent "hung around" the Academy after he was no longer attending classes, Heugten cites and dismisses the recollection of Richard Baseleer, another of Vincent's classmates (interviewed in 1948 by Tralbaut), that "Van Gogh remained in Antwerp for several months after leaving the Academy" (Hageman, "Van Gogh in Antwerp," in Stein, ed., p. 70, n. 33). But it is quite possible that Baseleer only exaggerated the amount of time between Vincent's last class and his departure for Paris, from several weeks to several months.

354. until the early hours Tralbaut, Vincent van Gogh, p. 185: One club officially met from 8:00 p.m. to 10:00 p.m., the other from 10:00 p.m. to midnight. Vincent probably joined the earlier one only after he stopped going to Vinck's evening antiek class (which let out at 8:00 p.m.) sometime in late January. Vincent gives the official hours slightly differently -- "I also go drawing in the evenings, and then after that go on and work from a model at a club from half past 9 to half past 11" (JLB 555, 1/28/1886) -- but reports, not surprisingly, that the late-night sessions often lasted past their appointed end: "I haven't worked for a few days, gone to bed early a couple of nights (otherwise it was usually 1 or 2 o'clock because of drawing at the club). And I feel that it's calming me." (JLB 559, 2/6/1886.) 355. Members chipped in Hageman, in Van Gogh, The Complete Letters of Vincent Van Gogh, Volume II, p. 505: In the case of the Winkler House club, according to Hageman's account, "[a]t the end of the week each member paid his share of the expenses, which were strictly limited to the remuneration of the models, for they got the room 'free for nothing,' as the members drank a pint of beer each every evening." 356. pints of beer all around Hageman, in Van Gogh, The Complete Letters of Vincent Van Gogh, Volume II, p. 505. 357. permitted to pose nude The testimony on this point is conflicting. While the implication of almost all the memoirs of the drawing clubs is that nude models were available, the only specific reference we can find appears to argue otherwise. Tralbaut summarizes his interview with Richard Baseleer: "pupils were not allowed to paint or draw from the completely nude model, at least not in the day classes; on the other hand, it was permitted in the evening, but in that case never from a female specimen! The utmost limit of propriety and moral decency, which it was under no circumstances allowed to overstep, was the head of a woman, but never a torso!" (Tralbaut, Vincent van Gogh, p. 185.) This sounds too proper by half. Writing twenty years after his interview with Baseleer, Tralbaut comes firmly to the opposite conclusion: "[Clubs] were also formed as a gesture of protest against the reactionary rules of the Academy, where drawing from the female nude was exceptionally rare if not totally forbidden; they drew from models who were really naked" (ibid.). Hulsker agrees: "About ten drawings after male and female nudes, ascribed to the Antwerp period, must have been done at the sketching clubs" (Hulsker, Vincent and Theo: A Dual Biography, p. 216). At least two of the drawings referred to by Hulsker (Standing Female Nude Seen from the Front [F 1696 JH 1011] and Standing Female Nude Seen from the Side [F 1699 JH 1013]) are of completely nude women and attributed by Van Heugten to the Antwerp period in general and to the drawing classes in particular (Van Heugten and Vellekoop, pp. 71-75 and p. 15). The conflict with Baseleer's testimony may suggest that Vincent's nude women drawings were done at a club other than the Winkler House, the one that he shared with Baseleer. 358. settle for a man See Ch. 26, n. 377. 359. one of their own See Ch. 26, n. 378. 360. tobacco Ritchie, p. 142: On the smoking habits of the Academy students: "Time was when the students might smoke and paint the livelong day; and there is a record that on one occasion the cloud of smoke was so dense and copious that it obscured the model." 361. "spiteful" BVG 452, 2/1/1886-2/15/1886.

Context:
BVG 452, 2/1/1886-2/15/1886: "I must also tell you that, although I keep going there, that nagging of those fellows at the academy is often almost unbearable, for they remain positively spiteful."
JLB 561, 2/11/1886: "I also have to tell you that although I still go there -- it's often insupportable for me, the carping of the fellows at the academy, for it has proved that they're still spiteful."

362. carrying his roll Baseleer, "Vincent Van Gogh in zijn Antwerpse Periode," p. 71: "[Vincent] spread out all over the floor a roll of studies that carried under his arm what to the uninitiated would seem most singular, but in the world of artists is a very normal manner of showing one's work." The same roll figured in the recollections of another of Vincent's classmates, Victor Hageman. In an article entitled "Victor Hageman and memories of Vincent van Gogh," published in Nieuwe Rotterdamsche Courant in 1938, Emmanuel de Bom wrote, "That sturdy way of Vincent, with his roll under his arm, without any complaints, that's what we saw in Hageman's stories" (De Bom, n.p.). 363. "unbelievably peculiar" De Bom, n.p.: According to De Bom's 1938 article in Nieuwe Rotterdamsche Courant, "[Victor] Hageman was never more amusing than when he talked about his memories of Vincent van Gogh. He told how he saw him come in the class at the Antwerp Academy, much older that all the others there, and so willing, so wanting to learn something from others -- but so unbelievably peculiar." 364. "He came rushing in" Baseleer, "Vincent Van Gogh in zijn Antwerpse Periode," p. 71: There is a possibility that the remarkable scene described by Hageman of Vincent coming in and laying out his work for his fellow students is the same encounter described by Vincent in a letter from around January 22. If so, it is a heavily and poignantly edited version: "I've already made a few acquaintances there, who had seen the things that I'd taken in in order to be admitted" (JLB 554, 1/22/1886). The timing of this incident seems late for Vincent's debut at the school. It would fit much better if it described Vincent's debut at a drawing club. Interestingly, one of the first-hand accounts, given by Richard Baseleer, seems to put the incident described by Hageman in front of a nude model -- something that could not have happened in a classroom at the Academy, but only in a club setting (Baseleer, in Van Gogh, The Complete Letters of Vincent van Gogh, Volume II, pp. 506-507). 365. a decade or more his junior Tralbaut, Vincent van Gogh, p. 180: "Any man of thirty-two [Vincent's age in early 1886] would have been conspicuous among a group of students mostly in their late teens and their attitude probably made him even more so." 487 366. experiences among the miners Piérard, in Van Gogh, The Complete Letters of Vincent Van Gogh, Volume II, p. 508: Piérard summarizes his interview with Victor Hageman: "Very often [Vincent] spoke to them [his fellow students] about those rough and kind-hearted miners of the Borinage, whom he had catechized and cared for and helped and nursed with so much love." It is hard to know how much of this detail is Piérard, whose account overplays Vincent's socialist sympathies, and how much is Hageman. It must have been hard for Piérard to imagine that Vincent could be present in Antwerp in the year of Belgium's first general strike and remain untouched by the historic upheaval all around him. 367. a similar artistic solidarity BVG 453, 2/14/1886: This would become a frustrated theme in Vincent's effort to reach out to fellow artists.

Context:
JLB 562, 2/14/1886: "And every day I find evidence supporting the proposition that a major reason for many misfortunes among artists lies in the discord between them, in not cooperating, in being nasty, not kind, to one another."

368. "freak" Baseleer, in Van Gogh, The Complete Letters of Vincent van Gogh, Volume II, p. 506. 369. large contingent of Englishmen Hageman, "Van Gogh in Antwerp," in Stein, ed., p. 70: "There [at the Academy] he had made some staunch friends among the students, especially among the English, such as Levens [sic]. … With those who understood him, who sensed his nascent genius, he showed himself to be communicative, enthusiastic, and fraternal." This glowing report is so contradicted by other accounts (including Hageman's own elsewhere) -- as well as by Vincent's immutably abrasive, defiant, and defensive personality among fellow artists, with whom he felt both competitive and insecure (witness his behavior in The Hague in 1882), that it can be dismissed as hagiographic afterglow ("his nascent genius"). The relationship with Horace Mann Livens probably has some basis in reality. Indeed, Vincent had practice at befriending young Englishmen who shared his bookish background, sentimental ardor, and social insecurity (witness Harry Gladwell).

However, as the text points out, there is no surviving evidence, even in Vincent's letters, for a close relationship between the two, while there are indirect indications that the relationship was never more than formal. (See Ch. 26, n. 371.) Vincent apparently knew Livens as part of a group. "Remember me to Allan, Briët, Rink, Durand" he wrote from Paris (JLB 569, September or October 1886), referring to classmates Henry Allan, Arthur Briët, Paul Rink, and Ernest Durand. Of these, interestingly, only Allan hailed from the British Isles (Ireland). Briët came from the Dutch East Indies; Rink, from Holland; and Durand, from Brussels (Tralbaut, "In Vincent van Gogh's voetspoor te Antwerpen," pp. 361-371).

370. left the severities Ritchie, p. 142: This flight of British artists to the Antwerp Academy is a theme of Ritchie's book. (Also see Sheehy, p. 131: "One way in which Antwerp differed radically from London and Paris was that students could work from costumed models.") 371. Horace Mann Livens The only known connection between Vincent and Livens is the letter that Vincent wrote in the fall of 1886 while living with his brother in Paris (JLB 569 September or October, 1886). The letter is notable for its strange combination of formal tone and intimate entreaty. Vincent begins by virtually introducing himself -- or, at least, reminding Livens who he is -- a clear indication, at least, that there was no intervening correspondence between the two: "Since I am here in Paris I have very often thought of yourself and work. ... I have already before now thought that I ought to let you know what I was doing, where I was." What follows is an extraordinarily elaborate plea for Livens to join him in Paris: "Now I would very much like to know what you are doing and whether you ever think of going to Paris. If ever you did come here, write to me before and I will, if you like, share my lodgings and studio with you so long as I have any." (ibid.) Vincent never mentions that he is living with his brother in an apartment that is already crowded and for which he pays no rent. His yearning for Livens's company is so intense ("I do think of you -- almost daily") that he even invites the younger man to accompany him on a trip to the south of France in the spring of 1887 (almost a year before he actually goes) (ibid.).

Although the letter has vast implications for Vincent's situation in Paris at the time it was written (see Chapter 27), it contains little hard information about his relationship with Livens in Antwerp in January and February of 1886. The two obviously talked about color and perhaps about the difficulty of selling. However, Vincent knew nothing about Livens's financial status ("not knowing what your circumstances are") and, judging by Vincent's failure to mention his living situation in Paris, Livens knew nothing about Vincent's. (The letter becomes astonishingly confessory toward the end -- "I am not an adventurer by choice but by fate, and feeling nowhere so much myself a stranger as in my family and country" -- but that appears to be a function of Vincent's uncontrollable angst, not of an established intimacy.) Vincent apparently knew Livens as part of a group ("remember me to Allan, Briët, Rink, Durand" he wrote [JLB 569, September or October 1886], referring to Livens's classmates Henry Allan, Arthur Briët, Paul Rink, and Ernest Durand. [See Ch. 26, n. 369.])

Academy records indicate, however, that Vincent and Livens did not share any classes (Tralbaut, "In Vincent van Gogh's voetspoor te Antwerpen," pp. 366-367). This would suggest that they met in one of Vincent's evening drawing clubs. Vincent did at least visit Livens's apartment building in Antwerp, which was on Mutsaertstraat, because he asks Livens to "[k]indly remember me to your landlady Mrs. Roosmalen and say to her that if she will exhibit something of my work I will send her a small picture of mine" (quoted in ibid.). This probably refers to a landlady who occupied a gallery on the street level of Livens's building, which was very close to the Academy (Vincent's landlord was a paint dealer). It does not necessarily mean Vincent visited Livens's lodgings.

Livens's work runs the gamut from greeting-card flowers to candy-colored vignettes to drab city views. Some of his work is vaguely reminiscent of Henri Braekeleer, and it may have been a mutual fondness for the latter's bright dashes of color that brought Vincent and Livens together. Of all Vincent's classmates who were subsequently interviewed, only Victor Hageman recalled a friendship with Livens (see Ch. 26, n. 369). Livens himself never made such a claim and left no known accounts of his time in Antwerp. Vincent never mentioned Livens again after the letter in 1886. We suspect Hageman was basing his account on his knowledge of the Livens letter. Finally, Bonger's misspelling of Livens's (as Levens) name still haunts the Van Gogh literature. Tralbaut first corrected it in 1948, but substituted another incorrect spelling, "Lievens." He corrected his mistake in 1955, but the original error lives on (see, e.g., Hageman, "Van Gogh in Antwerp," in Stein, ed., p. 70).

372. "flat, pink head" Baseleer, in Van Gogh, The Complete Letters of Vincent van Gogh, Volume II, p. 507. 373. "You will remember" BVG 459a, 8/1/1886-10/31/1886: Vincent wrote the letter in English.

Context:
JLB 569, September or October 1886: "You will remember that I liked your colour, your ideas on art and litterature and I add, most of all, your personality."

374. "My dear Mr. Livens" BGV 459a, 8/1/1886-10/31/1886. Bonger misspells Livens's name as Levens, but the facsimile of the letter and JLB spell it correctly (see JLB 569, September or October 1886). 375. impatience of his teachers

JLB 563, 2/16/1886 or 2/17/1886. (See Ch. 26, n. 375.)

Context:
JLB 563, 2/16/1886 or 2/17/1886: "I heard yesterday that Siberdt -- the teacher -- had said somewhere that I had a good understanding of drawing and that he'd been rather too hasty."

376. withdrew into silence BVG 452, 2/1/1886-2/15/1886: Whether these comments apply only to his teachers or to both students and teachers is not clear from the context -- probably an intentional ambiguity as Vincent did not want to share with his brother the full extent of his alienation from the Academy community in general. But when he writes, "I must have wanted to say at least twenty-five times -- your outline's just a trick &c.," (JLB 561, 2/11/1886) one can safely assume he is thinking of others besides his one or two teachers. And eventually he let slip more direct hints: "Bear in mind that if I go to Cormon and run into trouble sooner or later either with the master or the pupils, I wouldn't let it worry me" (JLB 559, 2/6/1886; emphasis added). In one of his last letters from Antwerp, by which time he was more interested in persuading Theo to let him come to Paris than in maintaining the fiction of success in Antwerp, he admits despairingly, "I'd always have trouble with fellows who had been at some academy or other -- that I couldn't draw" (JLB 563, 2/16/1886 or 2/17/1886).

Context:
JLB 561, 2/11/1886: "However, I make a point of avoiding any quarrel, and go my own way."

377. drawing a bored workman Of the four surviving drawings of clothed males traced to the Antwerp drawing classes, three depict working-class men: two seated (Seated Man with a Moustache and Cap [F 1369r JH 1017] and Seated Man with a Beard [F 1369v JH 1018]) and one standing (Standing Man Seen from the Back [F 1706 JH 1088]). Their clothing and especially their loose-limbed posture convey their social origins. The two seated figures slouch in deep unease and their expressions, to the extent Vincent captures them, make no secret of their awkwardness. 378. a haughty fellow student The identity of the seated figure in Seated Man with a Beard (F 1370 JH 1087, January-February 1886, black chalk, 20.1 x 15.6 in., 51 x 39.5 cm., Van Gogh Museum, Amsterdam) is not known, but Vincent took unusual care in rendering the face, something he would not have done for an anonymous model, especially a male one. This, and the sitter's natty dress, point to one of Vincent's fellow students. A man of the socio-economic class depicted would likely not have sat for a rowdy drawing class. 379. an angular, muscular monument The drawing is Standing Female Nude Seen from the Side (F 1699 JH 1013, January-February 1886, pencil, 19.7 x 15.6 in., 50 x 39.5 cm., Van Gogh Museum, Amsterdam) (see Van Heugten and Vellekoop, pp.71-75). Among the many features that might have amused Vincent's colleagues in the drawing club were this figure's gargantuan feet. But this may also have been Vincent's joke on them. In an earlier letter, he had criticized his fellow students on precisely this point: "The figures that they draw -- are virtually always top-heavy and topple forwards, headlong -- there's not one that stands on its feet" (JLB 555, 1/28/1886). 380. "He pretended" Baseleer, "Vincent Van Gogh in zijn Antwerpse Periode," p. 71. 381. "I am sure" BVG 452, 2/1/1886-2/15/1886: For the competition, which concluded Vinck's evening antiek class, Vincent submitted a drawing of a cast titled Germanicus, made after Julius Caesar. This cast was owned by the Antwerp Academy from 1866-1896 and now is in the possession of the Louvre (JLB 561, 2/11/1886, n. 5).

Context:
BVG 452, 2/1/1886-2/15/1886: " I am sure I shall place last, because all the drawings of the others are exactly alike, and mine is absolutely different."
JLB 561, 2/11/1886: " I know for sure that I'll certainly come last, because all the drawings by the others are the same, and mine is completely different."

382. the judges' recommendation Van Heugten and Vellekoop, p. 15: Vincent had already left for Paris when the competition was judged at a teachers' meeting on March 31, 1886. According to Van Heugten, seventeen other students were also demoted to the elementary course (ibid.). 383. to draw with ten-year-olds Tralbaut, Vincent van Gogh, p. 198. Van Heugten notes that the elementary course "was attended by working men as well as aspiring artists," but this could not have significantly mitigated Vincent's humiliation (Van Heugten and Vellekoop, p. 13). 488 384. the difficulty of Vincent's courses This is clearly the implication of Vincent's rebuttal: "It's by far the best for me to stay there for a long time -- for the models there are good and it'll work out better that way. I say again what I've already said to you before, you've formed a false impression about the expenses of painting and the models, and it's much harder than you evidently realize." (JLB 554, 1/22/1886; emphasis added.) 385. the mettle of his resolve In late January, Theo sent a chastising letter to which Vincent mounted a vigorous defense: "when you judge me you rely too much on generalities and on prejudices that are too superficial and too wrong for me to be able to believe that you'll always stick to them" (JLB 555, 1/28/1886). Vincent does not specify the charges or suspicions Theo raised, but they obviously touched a nerve both old and raw. That would point in the direction of a general criticism about Vincent's obstreperousness, failure to socialize, and unconventional behavior -- all longstanding points of friction between the brothers. 386. "intercourse with women" BVG 453, 2/14/1886.

Context:
BVG 453, 2/14/1886: "And in the intercourse with women one especially learns so much about art."
JLB 562, 2/14/1886: "And in relationships with women one learns so much specifically about art."

387. out of reach save one Obviously, this topic does not find its way explicitly into Vincent's letters, but it is implied -- reflecting the nineteenth century view that masturbation was unhygienic. According to Vincent, his doctors concluded that he was leading an excessively "unhygienic" life in Antwerp and he does not dispute this accusation: "As far as my health is concerned, though, I've observed that I relied on it too much and that, although the core is still good, I'm just a ruin of what I might have been. So it wouldn't surprise me in the slightest if you were also in just as much need in the strongest possible terms of that better way of life that was prescribed for me." (JLB 562, 2/14/1886; emphasis in original.) The "cure" that Vincent recommends for both himself and his brother is also typical for the era: marriage. "I wish that before too long we could both have acquired a wife" (ibid.). Having a wife, he tells Theo, "[is] pretty much a prerequisite for living better" (ibid.). 388. symbols of his virility BVG 427, 10/1/1885. There are many examples in the letters of Vincent's threatening to "show his teeth" or even bite his detractors and enemies, including (indeed, especially) his father (JLB 535, 10/13/1885). In his relentless quest for validation among artists he admired, he relished references like one to Delacroix in 1885 (ibid).

Context:
JLB 535, 10/13/1885: "At the museum -- I thought a lot about Delacroix. Why? Because in front of Hals, in front of Rembrandt, in front of Ruisdael and others, I thought constantly of that saying, When Delacroix paints -- it's like the lion devouring his piece of flesh. How true that is -- and oh, Theo -- when I think about what I'll call the self-styled technical gang, how deathly it is. Rest assured that if I ever have to do with those gentlemen or come across one of them, I'll play the innocent -- but -- 389. rotted and broke off BVG 449, 2/3/1886.

Context:
JLB 558, 2/4/1886: "Only it began to worry me that teeth were breaking off one after another. And that I was starting to look worse and worse."

390. weak and feverish BVG 449, 2/3/1886.

Context:
JLB 558, 2/4/1886: "It really struck me so unexpectedly -- I did feel weak and feverish, but I still kept going."

391. "keeping courage" BVG 449, 2/3/1886: We have omitted Vincent's emphasis.

Context:
BVG 449, 2/3/1886: "But, Theo, this indisposition is a damn bad thing just now; I regret it terribly, but yet I keep courage. It will right itself."
JLB 558, 2/4/1886: "But Theo, it's so rotten about this indisposition -- I'm dreadfully sorry -- but I'm still in good spirits. It will get better."

392. "making progress" BVG 448, 2/1/1886-2/15/1886.

Context:
BVG 448, 2/1/1886-2/15/1886: "I keep feeling satisfied with having come here, otherwise I should have remained in a fix; and now, though there are still many difficulties, I see some chance of making progress."
JLB 557, 2/2/1886: "I'm still pleased that I came here, otherwise I'd have become stuck, and now, although I see there are still many obstacles, I've nonetheless got light by which to make progress." 393. "avoiding a real illness" BVG 450, 2/1/1886-2/15/1886.

Context:
BVG 450, 2/1/1886-2/15/1886: "Now what shall I tell you about my health? I keep thinking there is a chance of avoiding a real illness, but it will take some time to restore my health."
JLB 559, 2/6/1886: "Now what shall I tell you about my health? I still believe that I have a chance of avoiding being really ill; all the same, I'll need time to get better."

394. claims of calmness and serenity BVG 449, 2/3/1886.

Context:
JLB 558, 2/4/1886: "I have a degree of calm and serenity in the face of things."

395. confidence in the future BVG 448, 2/1/1886-2/15/1886.

Context:
JLB 557, 2/2/1886: "Setting up a studio together may perhaps be very good -- but we have to be able to stick it out and -- we really have to know what we're doing and what we want, and once we set it up a degree of self-confidence is needed, left, after all, after whole series of lost illusions" (emphasis in original).

396. "I keep feeling" BVG 448, 2/1/1886-2/15/1886.

Context:
BVG 448, 2/1/1886-2/15/1886: " I keep feeling satisfied with having come here, otherwise I should have remained in a fix; and now, though there are still many difficulties, I see some chance of making progress."
JLB 557, 2/2/1886: " I'm still pleased that I came here, otherwise I'd have become stuck, and now, although I see there are still many obstacles, I've nonetheless got light by which to make progress."

397. "There is something" BVG 453, 2/14/1886. We have slightly altered the translation.

Context:
BVG 453, 2/14/1886: "In short, there was something of resurrection in the atmosphere."
JLB 562, 2/14/1886: "And in short there was something of a resurrection in the atmosphere."

398. "It is an absolute" BVG 449, 2/3/1886. Emphasis in original.

Context:
JLB 558, 2/4/1886: "It's total debilitation" (emphasis in original).

399. "It overtook me" BVG 449, 2/3/1886.

Context:
JLB 558, 2/4/1886: "It really struck me so unexpectedly." 400. ambush of metaphor In the inn at Hoogeveen, Drenthe, in 1883, the sight of his empty palette (he had run out of paints) and worn brushes had triggered Vincent's breakdown. (See Chapter 20.) 401. seen drunk in public Tralbaut, "Addendum bij de Antwerpse Periode," p. 43: Tralbaut relates a story from the grandson of Vincent's doctor Cavenaille: "One story he was told [i.e., by his grandfather] is that one time Vincent came to his doctor's office while drunk, and was thrown out." Vincent reports many instances of drinking in public in relation to his model-hunting (e.g., JLB 550, 12/28/1885). 402. a local police station Tralbaut, Vincent van Gogh, p. 162: "In a pocket notebook that Vincent carried at this time, there are two phrases that refer to the police: 'Bureau,3e wijk' (Office, Third Division) on one page and its address, 'Everdijst 28,' on another." Tralbaut reports that "[t]he records of this police station have disintegrated in a damp cellar and no longer exist -- and in any case Vincent's lodging in the Longue rue des Images would have been in the Fifth Division, not the Third" (ibid.). 403. courtship of Johanna Bonger

None of Theo's letters to Vincent survive from this period, except in regurgitated bits in Vincent's letters. However, Theo's friend Andries Bonger clearly hoped to spark a courtship between his sister Jo and Theo even before he introduced the two in August 1885, when Theo visited Amsterdam and met the Bonger family. ("It would please me to introduce my friend to you," Andries wrote Jo on the eve of the visit. After that meeting, both the Van Gogh family and the Bonger family were set on a trajectory of potential engagement, even though Theo did not see Jo again until the following summer. Theo's mother and sister planned a visit to the Bongers in Amsterdam in early January 1886 -- plans about which Vincent was surely aware. The visit was cancelled at the last minute because of Anna van Gogh's infirmity, but the momentum of expectation was such that Jo and her mother visited Theo's mother later that month when she visited Amsterdam (b3552 V/1984, ''Bonger, Jo'' to ''Gogh, Elisabeth van'', 2/21/1886) -- a visit that Theo had suggested (b0905 V/1962, ''Gogh, Theo van'' to ''Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van'', 1/12/1886). Theo's match-making sisters Lies and Anna both corresponded with Jo throughout the winter of 1885-86. And the subject of marriage was much on everyone's mind.

In August 1885, Andries Bonger had become secretly engaged to a slender blonde named Anne van der Linden (Theo had met "Annie" on his trip to Amsterdam that summer). In Paris, Andries talked endlessly with his friend Theo about wives and marriage, as he reported to his parents in September: "One important point in our conversation these last weeks has been marriage, with all its benefits and drawbacks" (b1821 V/1970, ''Bonger, Andries'' to ''Bonger, H.C. en H.L.'', 9/7/1885, quoted in Jansen and Robert, p. 14). Andries quotes Theo saying, "'You get married first, then I shall see if it suits you'" (ibid.). Andries adds, "It would be so nice if we were both happily married in Paris" (ibid.). Theo reported his side of these conversations to his sister Lies. "I often hear about her [Annie] through Bonger," he wrote her in December. "I myself would be frightened that she is too out of the ordinary to become a good housewife" (b0904 V/1962, ''Gogh, Theo van'' to ''Gogh, Elisabeth van'', 12/28/1885, quoted in Jansen and Robert, p. 14). As Jansen and Robert acutely point out, Andries's pining "injected a sense of urgency into Theo's own situation" (ibid.). In the same letter to Lies, he complained about the loneliness of his single life in Paris: "The streets are full of people yet one feels lonelier than one would in a village. ... I long to know people who are open about what they are & who make no secret of their virtues and vices. You will find precious few of them here." (ibid.).

Similar plaints surely found their way into Theo's letters to Vincent that winter. Theo later claimed that he carried a flame for Jo Bonger throughout this period. In a letter he wrote to her two years later (July 26, 1887), he described his long preoccupation: "Yet even the first time I saw you, two years ago, when I knew no more about you than I did about your sisters, I instantly felt that our meeting would have far-reaching consequences. There is something in you that I had sought in others, but to no avail. Had we seen more of one another, I would certainly not have waited so long to speak to you, but as that was unfortunately such a rare opportunity, I decided last year to see whether I still felt the same and, if so, to as, whether I might correspond with you. As to my feelings, well, they hadn't changed except that I felt more and more attracted to you." (b4284 V/1984, ''Gogh, Theo van'' to ''Bonger, Jo'', 7/26/1887, quoted in Jansen and Robert, p. 63.)

Even allowing for amorous overstatement, this passage suggests that Theo was entertaining at least a courtship of Bonger during Vincent's time in Antwerp. If so, then he undoubtedly shared his plans with Vincent, as he did with Andries ("I made no secret to André [Andries] of my intentions concerning you," he wrote Jo in 1887 -- a claim that she could have checked with her brother [ibid.]). This deduction also makes sense of a very odd passage in one of Vincent's letters from Antwerp, a passage focused suddenly and inexplicably on the question of finding a wife: "I want to tell you at the start of our conversation about one thing and another that I wish that before too long we could both have acquired a wife, one way or another. Because it's high time, and because we'd be no better off if we were to wait a long while to do it. Anyway -- all that quite coolly. But it's pretty much a prerequisite for living better. And I mention it because we may perhaps have a huge difficulty to overcome in this respect. And on which much depends. And I'm just breaking the ice about it here; we'll always have to come back to it. And in relationships with women one learns so much specifically about art." (JLB 562, 2/14/1886.)

This cryptic passage is surely a response to something Theo has written about marriage (presumably, to Bonger). Vincent agrees that marriage would be a good thing for both of them because it would lead to a more hygienic life (i.e., less masturbation [see Ch. 26, n. 387]); but, he cautions, both of them would have the same enormous difficulty with marriage: that is, they would have to stop sleeping around as much. This is the subject about which Vincent is breaking the ice. Most of this wisdom appears to be offered somewhat archly (for instance, the notion that one of the primary benefits of relationships with women is that one can "learn so much about art" from them). Apparently, the larger "logic" of Vincent's argument had no inhibiting effect on Theo's plans for Jo Bonger, as it appears designed to do (see Chapter 28), even though Theo was supporting yet another mistress in Paris at the time. Note that it is not necessary to the text argument that Theo was thinking and talking (to Andries and Vincent) about Jo Bonger specifically, only that marriage was on his mind. Any talk of marriage would have posed a threat to Vincent's vision of a perfect brotherhood.

404. cadaverous, gap-toothed face BVG 450, 2/1/1886-2/15/1886. This is Vincent's description of himself (see context).

Context:
JLB 559, 2/6/1886: "Some years of those 10 years that I appear to have spent in prison will disappear as a result. Because bad teeth, which one so seldom sees any more as it's so easy to get them put right, since bad teeth give a physiognomy a sort of sunken look."

405. "I look as if" BVG 448, 2/1/1886-2/15/1886.

Context:
BVG 448, 2/1/1886-2/15/1886: "That impression I can't help getting of myself when comparing myself to others, namely that I look as if I had been in prison for ten years, is not exaggerated;"
JLB 557, 2/2/1886: "This impression of myself that I can't help getting when I compare me with other people -- that beside them I look as though I've spent 10 years in prison -- is not exaggerated"

406. "There is something stiff" BVG 448, 2/1/1886-2/15/1886.

Context:
BVG 448, 2/1/1886-2/15/1886: "When I compare myself to the other fellows, there is something stiff and awkward about me, as if I had been in prison for ten years."
JLB 557, 2/2/1886: "When I compare myself with the other fellows, there's something much too stiff about me, as if I'd been in prison for 10 years" (emphasis in original).

407. too much smoking BVG 449, 2/3/1886.

Context:
JLB 558, 2/4/1886: "Well I've made it worse by smoking a lot, which I did all the more because then one isn't troubled by one's empty stomach."

408. "Nervous people" BVG 449, 2/3/1886.

Context:
BVG 449, 2/3/1886: "On the contrary, nervous people are more sensitive and refined."
JLB 558, 2/4/1886: "... on the contrary, nervous fellows are more sensitive and more refined."

409. his outward appearance BVG 448, 2/1/1886-2/15/1886.

Context:
JLB 557, 2/2/1886: "And it's important for me to smarten up my appearance a bit."

410. "a difficult and harassed life" BVG 448, 2/1/1886-2/15/1886.

Context:
BVG 448, 2/1/1886-2/15/1886: "And the cause of this is that for about ten years I have had a difficult and harassed life, much care and sorrow and no friends."
JLB 557, 2/2/1886: "And that's a matter whose cause lies in the fact that for 10 years or so I've had a both difficult and turbulent time, and worry and sorrow and no friends."

489 411. fears of insanity BVG 448, 2/1/1886-2/15/1886. (See also Ch. 24, n. 368.)

Context:
JLB 557, 2/2/1886: "It was the last month that I've had a lot of trouble with it -- I also started to cough all the time, bring up phlegm &c., so that I became worried. But we'll put it right. You understand that I'm no better than the next man in so far as if I let things go too much and too far, just like so many other painters (so many if one looks into it) -- I would drop dead or, worse still, become mad or slow-witted." (Emphasis in original.)

412. "dined for years" BVG 453, 2/14/1886.

Context:
BVG 453, 2/14/1886: "If one is always in respectable company among rather well-to-do bourgeois, one does not notice this so much perhaps, but if one has dined for years on la vache enragée, as I have, one cannot deny that great misery is a fact that weights the scale."
JLB 562, 2/14/1886: "When one is always in respectable company and among reasonably well-to-do citizens, one may perhaps not notice it so much -- but when, like me, one has been through very hard times, then it's impossible to ignore the fact that great hardship is a factor that weighs in the balance."

413. "cure or save"

JLB 562, 2/14/1886: Vincent couches this stark admission in the third person, but there is no doubt that he is talking about himself. (See Ch. 26, n. 412.)

Context:
BVG 453, 2/14/1886: "One may not be able to cure or to save, but one can sympathize with and pity them."
JLB 562, 2/14/1886: "One may not be able to cure or save, but one can nonetheless sympathize and share in it."

414. images of death and dying In addition to the full images cited in the text, Vincent's letters from this period are laced with more fleeting thoughts of mortality, both direct and indirect: "It's not pleasant, but what must be must be, and one must see that one stays alive and see one saves some strength if one wants to make paintings. … And one must set up a studio like this -- knowing that it's a battle and that most people are utterly indifferent -- so one has to set it up -- feeling one has a degree of power, and -- SO AS TO BE SOMETHING IN ONE'S TIME, to be active -- to be able to think when one is dying, I am going where the people who dared went." (JLB 2/2/1886; emphasis in original.) "I wish that at the end of our lives we could also walk somewhere together and -- looking back, say -- we've done this -- and that's one; and that -- and that's two; and that -- and that's three. … But if we undertake something it won't be a matter of indifference to either of us to improve our health, because we need time alive -- some 25 or 30 years of working constantly. " (JLB 559, 2/6/1886; emphasis in original.) "After all, working has the secret of being able to give someone a second youth" (JLB 560, 2/9/1886). "Pity that as one learns by degrees, so by degrees one ceases to be young. But were that not so, life would be too good." (JLB 562, 2/14/1886.)

Vincent's newfound fatalism also expressed itself on a larger stage. At the time of Vincent's stay, Antwerp's bars and taverns seethed with labor militancy on the eve of Belgium's first great general strike in 1886. Vincent undoubtedly heard these rumblings, but he listened instead to the apocalyptic predictions of his bourgeois teachers and classmates.

His dread over his own fate merged with these fears of social revolution, producing one of Vincent's rare political pronouncements: "There's so much of interest in the present age when one thinks how very possible it is that we may well yet see the beginning of the end of a society" (JLB 559, 2/6/1886). "Well there's still this -- I believe -- one feels instinctively that a tremendous amount is changing, and everything will change. We're in the last quarter of a century that will end with another colossal revolution." (JLB 560, 2/9/1886.)

But the plight of the working class never really captured Vincent's imagination. This carefully nonjudgmental recognition of the upheaval in the air is quickly swallowed up in the much more pressing issue of "decadence" in art and even larger, vaguer eschatological notions that borrow heavily from the shadow Christianity of Carlyle (Thomas Carlyle, 1795-1881; English writer and philosopher) and Michelet (Jules Michelet, 1798-1874; French writer) (both of whom Vincent mentions at this time [ibid.]). Ultimately, Vincent uses both these wider perspectives (artistic and eschatological) to justify his behavior and console his despondency with the prospect of ultimate vindication somewhere beyond death: "And as for art -- decline, if you will, after the Delacroix, Corots, Millets, Duprés, Troyons, Bretons, Rousseaux, Daubignys -- very well -- but a decline so full of charm -- that there truly is still an immense, immense amount of good things to come, and they're being made every day" (JLB 559, 2/6/1886). "But suppose we both yet see the beginning of it at the end of our lives. We'll certainly not experience the better times of clear air and refreshment of the whole of society after those great storms. All the same, it's something not to be taken in by the falseness of one's time, in so far as one detects in it the unhealthy closeness and mugginess of the hours that precede the thunderstorm." (JLB 560, 2/9/1886; emphasis in original.) This comforting mix of religious faith and belief in eschatological regeneration will become extremely important in Arles, in Vincent's last years, as his hope for his own life's "material happiness" fades even further.

415. graceful exits of great artists BVG 451, 2/1/1886-2/15/1886. Vincent's discussion of the style of great artists' deaths was apparently triggered by comments from Theo about Alphonse Daudet and Ivan Turgenev (JLB 560, 2/9/1886.). Yet neither man had died recently, suggesting that Theo's comment did not concern death.

Context:
JLB 560, 2/9/1886: "What touches me is the magnificent serenity of the great thinkers of the present day, like, say, the last walk of the two De Goncourts, which you'll find described. The last days of the ageing Turgenev were like that, too -- he was with Daudet a great deal then. Sensitive, subtle, intelligent as women, sensitive to their own suffering, too, and always still full of life and self-assurance, no indifferent stoicism, no contempt for life -- I say again, those fellows, they die like women die. No idée fixe about God or abstractions -- always on the ground floor of life itself and attached only to that, again, like women who have loved much -- touched and -- as [Armand] Silvestre says of Delacroix -- thus died, almost smiling." (Emphasis in original.)

416. "they die the way women die" BVG 451, 2/1/1886-2/15/1886. Immediately after the psychotic episode ("debilitation") that we presume occurred in late January or early February 1886, Vincent's letters became preoccupied with the issue of his "nervous health" (JLB 558, 2/4/1886). One of the key features of his thinking on this issue is his association of mental illnesses of this kind with the female sex. Contemplating the deaths of Turgenev (about whom he read a biography [JLB 557, 2/2/1886]), the Goncourt brothers, and Alphonse Daudet, he describes them all as "[s]ensitive, subtle, intelligent as women, sensitive to their own suffering, too, and always still full of life and self-assurance, no indifferent stoicism, no contempt for life -- I say again, those fellows, they die like women die. No idée fixe about God or abstractions -- always on the ground floor of life itself and attached only to that, again, like women who have loved much -- touched." (JLB 560, 2/9/1886, emphasis in original.) This association of women's special sensitivity with nervous disorders was common in the nineteenth century and it added significantly to the guilt and emasculation that Vincent felt as his own mental problems overtook him in the last years of his life.

Context:
BVG 451, 2/1/1886-2/15/1886: "I repeat -- those fellows, they die the way women die. No fixed idea about God, no abstractions, always on the firm ground of life itself, and only attached to that. I repeat -- like women who have loved much, hurt by life."
JLB 560, 2/9/1886: "I say again, those fellows, they die like women die. No idée fixe about God or abstractions -- always on the ground floor of life itself and attached only to that, again, like women who have loved much." (Emphasis in original.)

417. suicide of a young girl BVG 453, 2/14/1886: This has the ring of a story that Vincent read in the newspaper.

Context:
JLB 562, 2/14/1886: "But I also see the young girl of barely 20, who could have been healthy and has contracted consumption -- and perhaps will drown herself before she dies of a disease."

418. somewhere in Antwerp The question arises as to where Vincent found this skeleton. Although he had worked from a skeleton in Brussels in 1881, he would not have had one in his studio, as they were "fairly difficult to find" (JLB 163, 2/16/1881). The nightly drawing classes were moveable feasts and unlikely to have acquired permanent fixtures like a skeleton. However, skeletons were a common feature of academies like the one in Antwerp where they facilitated studies of human anatomy. Although Vincent was never registered in a painting class at the Academy, he would have had informal access to its facilities and could easily have made this painting, either alone or with a group of other students, on that basis. Hulsker has suggested, not improbably, that the image may have been the result of a "macabre" studio prank, or that Vincent added the cigarette later (Hulsker, Vincent and Theo: A Dual Biography, p. 216). Neither explanation would deny the image's special significance for Vincent who lamented: "Because bad teeth, which one so seldom sees any more as it's so easy to get them put right, since bad teeth give a physiognomy a sort of sunken look" (JLB 559, 2/6/1886). 419. his first self-portrait

The painting is Skull with Burning Cigarette (F 212 JH 999, 1885-86, oil on canvas, 12.8 x 9.4 in., 32.5 x 24 cm., Van Gogh Museum, Amsterdam). (See Ch. 26, n. 418.)

420. "lost all chance" BVG 451, 2/1/1886-2/15/1886. We have slightly altered the translation.

Context:
BVG 451, 2/1/1886-2/15/1886: "Well it may come sooner or later, but for you too there will come a moment when you know for sure that all chance of material happiness is lost, fatally and irrevocably."
JLB 560, 2/9/1886: "Well, whether or not it comes soon -- a moment will come for you, too, when you'll be sure that material well-being has gone by the board, fatally and irrevocably" (emphasis in original).

421. Brothers had been fighting

See Ch. 26, n. 423, n. 424-426.

490 422. an edge of reprimand BVG 386a, 12/9/1884: Vincent captured that spirit in a bitter complaint in December 1884.

Context:
JLB 474, 12/10/1884: "Your position doesn't -- does it? -- admit of our associating with each other very intimately and actively and cordially. Your position -- to give just one example -- doesn't, for instance, admit of my living in Paris with you -- either to study or for financial reasons -- however useful and necessary this might increasingly become if things permitted. For -- you, like so many others, have things to say about my person, manners, clothes, words, important enough and evidently without redress -- that have gradually caused personal, brotherly relations to die and weaken over the years. Added to that is my past, and the fact that you feel quite the little gentleman at G&Cie, and I'm insufferable and an awkward customer. Enough -- this is how things are -- aren't they? -- and when it comes to analysis, when it comes to looking manfully at our positions -- you won't contradict me in this respect."

423. in the Borinage In September 1880, Theo invited Vincent to join him in Paris and Vincent pretended to be considering the offer, then went to Brussels instead -- without telling his brother.  424. in Brussels In March 1881, Theo invited his brother to live with him in Paris as Vincent's expenses in Brussels outstripped their father's ability to support him. Two months later, in April 1881, as part of the same ongoing dialog, Vincent pretended to entertain coming to Paris in order to cover his intention of going home to Etten. 425. in Drenthe

In late 1883, as Vincent's dream of a reunion on the heath faltered and, as in Antwerp, his poor health and out-of-control finances combined to create a mandate for change, the subject of moving to Paris came up. It is not clear who raised it first, but, as in Antwerp, it was probably Theo, trying to deflect Vincent's ardent invitations to Drenthe and save his brother from himself. Vincent, inevitably, uses the invitation as yet another tool to leverage Theo into quitting Goupil and joining him. (See Ch. 20, n. 383.) As part of this same "round," Theo found a job for Vincent at a magazine in Paris, but Vincent refused it and instead descended on his parents in Nuenen. (See Ch. 20, n. 346.)

426. in Nuenen In December 1884, in the throes of Christmastime despondency (see Chapter 23), Vincent lamented his "black sheep" status in the family by picturing how Theo would react if Vincent came to live with him in Paris: "Your position doesn't -- does it? -- admit of our associating with each other very intimately and actively and cordially. Your position -- to give just one example -- doesn't, for instance, admit of my living in Paris with you -- either to study or for financial reasons -- however useful and necessary this might increasingly become if things permitted. For -- you, like so many others, have things to say about my person, manners, clothes, words, important enough and evidently without redress -- that have gradually caused personal, brotherly relations to die and weaken over the years." (JLB 474 12/10/1884.) In June 1885, they fought another round when, as part of his The Potato Eaters (F 78 JH 734) defense, Vincent threatened to come to Paris and take over promotion of his career because of Theo's manifest lack of enthusiasm for his work. (See Ch. 24, n. 828.) 427. to quit Goupil BVG 441, 12/19/1885.

Context:
JLB 549, 12/19/1885: "But it strikes me right away that -- if you should ever get to the point of working for yourself, independently of the Goupils, either sooner or later -- Antwerp could perhaps be a place where, given the poor displays there are now, by exhibiting properly quite a lot could be done that the other houses don't understand. Furthermore -- It's relatively easy to go back and forth to England from here."

428. return to Holland insteadSee Ch. 26, n. 242. 429. "without any hesitation"

BVG 443, 1/1/1886-1/15/1886: There can be no doubt that Vincent meant this angrily and punitively. (See Ch. 26, n. 332.) Another example comes a few weeks later when Vincent ponders the trip to Paris in what appears at first to be a friendly vein: "I believe that in any event it can do no harm if we see each other again in Paris after a while" (JLB 555, 1/28/1886, emphasis in original). That this statement was made out of fraternal pique, not affection (and thus constitutes a threat), is made clear by the upbraiding that immediately follows it: "As regards your letter, it's still the same and, to my mind, when you judge me you rely too much on generalities and on prejudices that are too superficial and too wrong for me to be able to believe that you'll always stick to them" (ibid.). In the same letter, Vincent tells Theo that teachers Verlat and Vinck have advised him "draw from the antique and nudes for at least a year, ... so I have to see to it that I'm somewhere where I have access to both the antique and nude models" (ibid.). This phrasing pointedly leaves open the possibility of coming to Paris, where both plaster casts and nude models were also available. Vincent wants to keep the threat of coming to Paris alive because he thinks it is the only way to get Theo to come up with the necessary money for Antwerp.

Context:
BVG 443, 1/1/1886-1/15/1886: "I should rather go farther away than go back to Holland before I had worked for a time at some studio. That 'farther' might perhaps be Paris, without any hesitation [i.e., without your permission]."
JLB 551, 1/2/1886: "I might perhaps go further afield rather than go back to Holland before I've worked in a studio for a while. And that further afield -- might possibly be Paris, without hesitation."

430. "work regularly" BVG 446, 1/22/1886: This appears to be Vincent's way of telling Theo that, whether he goes to the country or comes to Paris, he will continue to pursue models. In either place, of course, he would have to pay for them. In the next letter, he bolsters this nonnegotiable demand with the supposed advice of Verlat and Vinck: "they strongly advise me above all to draw, if necessary do nothing else but draw from the antique and nudes for at least a year, ... so I have to see to it that I'm somewhere where I have access to both the antique and nude models at first" (JLB 555, 1/28/1886, emphasis in original). This both supports his determination to stay in Antwerp and leaves open the possibility of coming to Paris, where models and casts would also be available -- but at some additional expense.

Context:
BVG 446, 1/22/1886: "I do not think I can take a shorter cut to make progress, and whether I go to the country afterward or to a studio in Paris, at all events it is a good thing to see many others paint, and specially to work regularly from the model as much as ever is possible."
JLB 554, 1/22/1886: "I don't think that I can take a shorter route to progress, and whether I go to the country later or come to a studio in Paris, in any event it's good for me to see a lot of painting and above all keep working regularly from models, as much as is in any way possible."

431. "a rather good studio" BVG 448, 2/1/1886-2/15/1886: This appears at first to be an offer of economy -- until one realizes that, by inference, it precludes the possibility of Vincent moving in with Theo. It is, in fact, a demand for his own space -- an extra expense that would vitiate the only good reason, in Theo's mind, for Vincent to come to Paris. That this offer was not made sincerely becomes clear in the very next sentence: "But that's pretty much by the way and we're not there yet. Let's stay here for a while first -- and then, all in good time" (JLB 557, 2/2/1886). The "offer" is just a Trojan horse for Vincent's defiant argument to stay in Antwerp.

Context:
BVG 448, 2/1/1886-2/15/1886: "As to the plan of possibly living together and taking a rather good studio where one can receive people if need be, keep it in mind, and let me keep it in mind too."
JLB 557, 2/2/1886: "As to the plan that we should perhaps live together and take a relatively good studio where we could receive people if need be, keep thinking about it, and let me think about it again too."

432. the name of Fernand Cormon Until the most recent edition of the correspondence, this was regarded as the first specific mention of Cormon in the letters from Antwerp. However, Jansen re-dates JLB 556 to c. January 29 instead of the second half of February, thus placing it prior to JLB 557 c. February 2, 1886. One effect of this re-ordering is to put the first specific mention of Cormon in Vincent's mouth, not Theo's: "Let me draw with Cormon for a year. During that period, you take another really good look at the business, and the opportunities." (JLB 556, 1/29/1886.)

Even assuming that the re-dating of JLB 556 (see Ch. 26, n. 467) is correct, we still believe that Theo was the first to mention the possibility of Vincent going to Cormon's atelier. In JLB 555, dated c. January 28, Vincent responds coolly to an invitation that Theo has already proffered: "I believe that in any event it can do no harm if we see each other again in Paris after a while" (emphasis in original). The invitation, apparently, came accompanied with much criticism of Vincent's prospects for success in Antwerp ("As regards your letter, it's still the same and, to my mind, when you judge me you rely too much on generalities and on prejudices that are too superficial and too wrong for me to be able to believe that you'll always stick to them" [ibid.]). But it is also clear that Theo's invitation specifically held out the possibility of Vincent studying at a studio in Paris. "[T]o be admitted anywhere in Paris," Vincent responds, defending his largely fictional involvement at the Antwerp Academy, "one has to have been somewhere else and have lost one's rough edges" (ibid.).

Did Theo mention Cormon by name in his invitation? Whether he did or did not, Vincent rejects coming to Paris any time soon ("Let's stay here for a while first -- and then, all in good time" [ibid.]). If JLB are correct and the next letter is JLB 556, 1/29/1886, then Vincent's first specific mention of Cormon's name sounds more like a response than a new proposal ("Let me draw with Cormon for a year") and in the next letter, he is still surprisingly unenthusiastic, even ambivalent about the prospect (JLB 556, 1/29/1886). "[A]s long as one doesn't have enough money, one must take advantage of the opportunities at the studios, like Verlat, like Cormon," he writes (JLB 558, 2/4/1886). "Because speaking of Cormon -- I imagine he would tell me much the same as Verlat says -- that I have to draw nudes or plaster casts for up to a year" (ibid.). This is hardly the kind of fierce advocacy one would expect if the proposal for Cormon's had been Vincent's own. In fact, no sooner has Vincent acceded to the proposal than he starts exploring alternatives to it: "you can be sure that I'd be very pleased indeed if I could work with Cormon for a year or so, unless there's somewhere better for drawing in L'Ecole des Beaux-Arts or other studios I've heard about here" (JLB 560, 2/9/1886; emphasis added).

Whatever the ordering of letters, we believe Theo was the first to suggest the possibility of going to a studio in Paris and probably mentioned Cormon's as one of several possibilities. It was a way to parry Vincent's repeated demands that he must continue to work from plasters and models -- his primary justification for staying in Antwerp -- and thus to lure Vincent out of his financially draining, personally dangerous, and professionally dead-end stay in that city. As discussed in Ch. 26, n. 602, Theo did not pull the name Cormon out of a hat. Apparently, he and Vincent had discussed it previously, although there is only one mention of his name in the correspondence (in October 1884) prior to this one (JLB 465, 10/9/1884). There is also evidence that Theo made an argument in favor of Cormon ("You talk about the clever fellows at Cormon's studio"), something that Vincent never does (JLB 558, 2/4/1886). Finally, the re-ordering of letters does not alter the primary premise of the text's argument that Vincent's correspondence in late January and early February reflects a profound and quite sudden change of attitude toward Theo and toward the possibility of joining him in Paris as a result of Vincent's self-described "debilitation" at that time (ibid.).

Context:
JLB 557, 2/2/1886: "Thanks for your letter and the enclosure. The fact that you yourself now actually propose the plan of going to Cormon is something that gives me immense pleasure."

433. long known to Vincent

BVG 381, 10/1/1884: Vincent first mentions Cormon in his letters in October 1884. In proposing that he go work at the studio of the sculptor Jean Theodore Stracké in "Den Bosch," Vincent notes that "there are people he gives the opportunity to draw the nude or to model in clay" (JLB 465, 10/9/1884). He compares this opportunity to the one that Cormon afforded his former colleague in The Hague, George Hendrik Breitner: "I'll find out more about this, and then it's not impossible that I might go to Stracké in the way that Breitner went to Cormon, say." This makes it clear that, for Vincent, the salient feature of Cormon's studio was the availability of nude models. The connection was no doubt reinforced by the fact that Vincent's and Breitner's principal activity during their acquaintanceship in 1882 (see Chapter 16) was prowling the red-light district in The Hague for "models" (i.e., prostitutes). Thus, by introducing the possibility of working in Cormon's studio in 1886 (see Ch. 26, n. 432), Theo may have provoked Vincent's competitiveness, both artistic and sexual, with his younger countryman Breitner. Indeed, he may have intended to do so.

Context:
JLB 465, 10/9/1884: "I'll find out more about this, and then it's not impossible that I might go to Stracké in the way that Breitner went to Cormon, say. This would be in the area and would also work out the cheapest."

434. nude modelsSee Ch. 26, n. 433. 435. He angrily dismissed BVG 447, 1/28/1886: Vincent does not enumerate Theo's objections, which supported his argument for going to Brabant before coming to Paris, but Vincent clearly took them as rehashed criticisms.

Context:
JLB 555, 1/28/1886: "As regards your letter, it's still the same and, to my mind, when you judge me you rely too much on generalities and on prejudices that are too superficial and too wrong for me to be able to believe that you'll always stick to them."

436. reaffirmed his satisfaction BVG 447, 1/28/1886.

Context:
JLB 555, 1/28/1886: "Anyway -- I'm still really pleased that I came here -- however it goes and however it turns out -- whether or not I get along with Verlat I find the friction of ideas that I'm looking for here -- I'm getting a fresh eye for my own work, can judge better where the weak points are and thus make progress in order to correct them."

437. "for at least a year" BVG 447, 1/28/1886.

Context:
BVG 447, 1/28/1886: "The advice Verlat gives me is very severe, and also what Vinck of the drawing class tells me, and they strongly advise me especially to draw for at least a year."
JLB 555, 1/28/1886: "What Verlat tells me is very severe and so too is what Vinck, who takes the drawing class, tells me -- and they strongly advise me above all to draw, if necessary do nothing else but draw from the antique and nudes for at least a year" (emphasis in original).

438. "we aren't that far yet" BVG 447, 1/28/1886: Vincent's response studiously keeps open the possibility of coming to Paris at some vague future time. The letter opens with a feint of cooperativeness -- "I believe that in any event it can do no harm if we see each other again in Paris after a while" -- but then goes on to list in emphatic detail all the reasons for staying in Antwerp (JLB 555, 1/28/1886; emphasis in original). Vincent also argues specifically against Theo's suggestion of coming to Paris anytime soon: "to be admitted anywhere in Paris one has to have been somewhere else and have lost one's rough edges, and one always has to contend with fellows who've already worked at an academy for some length of time" (ibid.). This faux humility stands in marked contrast to Vincent's protests elsewhere that he has paid his dues in drudgery. (If anyone else had referred to him "hav[ing] lost one's rough edges," he would have exploded with objections.) At the end of the letter, Vincent returns to the theme of open-endedness.

Context:
BVG 447, 1/28/1886: "As for me, if I come to Paris, I shall be perfectly contented with a cheap little room in some remote quarter (Montmartre) or a garret in a hotel, but that is relatively unimportant, and we aren't yet that far."
JLB 555, 1/28/1886: "As to me, though, if I come I'll be perfectly content to take a cheap little room or a garret in a hotel somewhere in an out-of-the-way quarter (Montmartre). But that's pretty much by the way and we're not there yet."

439. the scolding defenses BVG 444, 1/12/1886-1/16/1886.

Context:
JLB 552, 1/12/1886-1/16/1886: "You get cross if I make a comment, or rather you take no notice of it, and all the rest that we know, and yet I believe that there will come a time when you yourself will have to acknowledge that you've been too weak in seeing to it that I get back some of my credit with people."

440. strident demands for money BVG 447, 1/28/1886.

Context:
JLB 555, 1/28/1886: "And as to the money -- if I worked in a studio and so saved a good part of the cost of models, even then 150 francs still wouldn't be much, because painting is very expensive -- but it can be done, provided one economizes even on food."

441. "If it could be arranged" BVG 449, 2/3/1886.

Context:
BVG 449, 2/3/1886: " If it could be arranged so that we lived in the same city, it would certainly be by far the best, at least for a time."
JLB 558, 2/4/1886: " If we could now find some way of living in the same city it would be far and away the best thing, at least for the time being."

442. a complete reversal Vincent's reversal is complete but not instantaneous. He spends one long letter right at the time of his breakdown in early February trying heroically to reconcile his sudden desperate outreach to Theo with his vociferous arguments for staying in Antwerp (JLB 557, 2/2/1886). He relates various compliments both from his drawing instructor Siberdt and from the Academy director Verlat. He says that Siberdt, in fact, has recommended against going to Cormon's studio ("'I urge you very strongly to stay [with us]'") and offered Vincent a "handsome promise that they guarantee success" if he stays in Antwerp (ibid.). All of these implausible encomiums appear designed to create the impression that he is leaving Antwerp not in defeat, but on a high note; not because he has to, but solely because he wants to; not because Theo wants him to, but because he chooses to. He says he has developed independent information about the comparative advantages and disadvantages of going to Paris by talking to classmates who have been to Paris. He ostentatiously wrestles with the pros and cons of the Cormon studio ("They say that one is relatively freer in Paris and, for instance, one can decide for oneself what one wants to do, more than here, but that the correction is indifferent") and appears to teeter on the brink of indecision: "So in any event we're actually on track, whether I stayed here for a while longer or came to you. … what shall I do," he asks Theo, rhetorically, as if presented with a genuine quandary (ibid.).

All this elaborately-staged soul-searching (letter JLB 557, 2/2/1886, is the equivalent of four single-spaced typed pages, much of it dedicated to this "question") is reminiscent of a similar simulated quandary in Brussels over where he would go for the summer of 1881, when it was clear he always intended to go home to Etten (see Ch. 14, n. 200); or another in Drenthe in 1883 when he appeared to carefully consider Theo's offer to come to Paris before rejecting it and going to Nuenen. (See Ch. 20, n. 383.) In both those cases, as in this one, the choice was never really in doubt. The elaborate charades of indecision were designed only to mask the raw emotional need that always drove Vincent homeward at times of psychic crisis. Later in letter JLB 557, 2/2/1886, Vincent loses his grip somewhat and betrays his unequivocal determination to come to Paris with vivid, grim descriptions of the state of his health and near-desperate expressions of urgency: "It's not pleasant, but what must be must be, and one must see that one stays alive and see one saves some strength if one wants to make paintings. ... You understand that I'm no better than the next man in so far as if I let things go too much and too far, just like so many other painters (SO MANY if one looks into it) — I would drop dead or, worse still, become mad or slow-witted." (Emphasis in original.)

Then, at the end of the letter, he returns to the pose of a reticent lover, waiting to be won over to the idea of coming to Paris: "As to the plan that we should perhaps live together and take a relatively good studio where we could receive people if need be, keep thinking about it, and let me think about it again too. ... I wish you'd write more, now we're discussing this change." (ibid.) Yet even in these straining efforts at nonchalance, one can hear Vincent's desperation right beneath the surface: "Setting up a studio together may perhaps be very good -- but we have to be able to stick it out and -- we really have to know what we're doing and what we want, and once we set it up a degree of self-confidence is needed, left, after all, after whole series of lost illusions. And one must set up a studio like this -- knowing that it's a battle and that most people are utterly indifferent -- so one has to set it up -- feeling one has a degree of power, and -- SO AS TO BE SOMETHING IN ONE'S TIME, to be active -- to be able to think when one is dying, I am going where the people who dared went. Anyway, we'll see." (ibid.) After this letter, Vincent's pleas to come to Paris immediately meet Theo's resistance, and the pretenses of face-saving fall away.

443. "critical" BVG 448, 2/1/1886-2/15/1886.

Context:
BVG 448, 2/1/1886-2/15/1886: "The year of drawing is the critical point; after that we are free to do other things, both portrait and landscape."
JLB 557, 2/2/1886: "The year drawing is the critical point, after that we'll be freer for many things, both for portraits and for paintings."

444. calls for caution and savings

BVG 454, 2/15/1886-2/17/1886. (See Ch. 26, n. 447.)

Context:
JLB 556, 1/29/1886: "If we're prepared to look at it coolly and sensibly, I don't think this year of drawing is a misfortune. On the contrary, it gives us time to work everything out and consider things at our leisure before we begin."

445. A single room

BVG 451, 2/1/1886-2/15/1886. (See Ch. 26, n. 446.)

Context:
JLB 560, 2/9/1886: "As regards a studio -- if we could find, in one and the same house, a room with an alcove and also a garret or a corner attic -- then you could have that apartment of room and alcove, and we could make it just as comfortable as possible. And during the day the room could serve as studio, and the garret could serve for various more unsightly tools or for dirty work, and I could also sleep there -- and you in the studio alcove."

446. would be sufficient BVG 451, 2/1/1886-2/15/1886.

Context:
JLB 560, 2/9/1886: "As regards a studio -- if we could find, in one and the same house, a room with an alcove and also a garret or a corner attic -- then you could have that apartment of room and alcove, and we could make it just as comfortable as possible."

447. "Anything will do" BVG 454, 2/15/1886-2/17/1886: Vincent backtracks dramatically on this issue, probably because it was the primary source of Theo's concern about expenses. He urges uncharacteristic caution: "So the wisest thing would be if I were to come to Paris and we were to put it off for a year" (JLB 556, 1/29/1886); "the more I think about it, the more and more I fancy that it might be better not to spend much on a studio in the first year" (JLB 558, 2/4/1886; emphasis original). He recommends not renting a studio for at least the first six months because he only needs to draw and therefore won't need a studio (ibid.). But there is more to Vincent's caution than self-sacrifice. He is willing to wait because he doesn't want Theo to commit to a cheap studio that might "dislike" potential models: "Still, I do believe that for portraits it's necessary to create a degree of comfort in a studio, otherwise the people who come to sit will dislike it. But if one wants to start on that, one must think about where one rents it, where one has the best chance of getting visitors and making friends and becoming known." (JLB 556, 1/29/1886.)

Context:
BVG 454, 2/15/1886-2/17/1886: "Because of the primary necessity of drawing for a year, for the moment the question of a good studio is quite secondary, and anything will do."
JLB 556, 1/29/1886: "Given the desirability, above all, of drawing for another year -- the question of a good studio is very much a side issue for the time being, and so anything will do" (emphasis in original).

448. not making more progress

BVG 450, 2/1/1886-2/15/1886. (See Ch. 26, n. 449.)

Context:
JLB 559, 2/6/1886: "It's true, for instance, that wanting to progress too quickly here, I may actually have progressed less, but what would you? My health is also behind it, and if I regain that as I hope to do, then my taking pains will have been less in vain."

449. "disappointment" BVG 450, 2/1/1886-2/15/1886. In the same letter, he expressed the same (undoubtedly painful) thought in a more indirect way: "It's true, for instance, that wanting to progress too quickly here, I may actually have progressed less, but what would you?" (JLB 559, 2/6/1886). But this time he blames his health: "My health is also behind it, and if I regain that as I hope to do, then my taking pains will have been less in vain" (ibid.). He repeats the original admission in a later letter, but this time more hedged, suggesting just how painful it was: "And were we to be together much more in the near future, I'd disappoint you in things for sure, but not in everything and not in my way of looking at things, I believe" (JLB 562, 2/14/1886). (We have removed the emphasis in original.)

Context:
BVG 450, 2/1/1886-2/15/1886: "For the rest, I must say exactly the same about myself as you write about yourself: You will be disappointed in me."
JLB 559, 2/6/1886: "For the rest, I have to tell you the same about me as you write about yourself -- I'll disappoint you" (emphasis in original).

491 450. led Theo to believe BVG 453, 2/14/1886: As Theo surely knew, the winter term at the Academy ended on March 31. This appears to precede a letter that is dated in the first half of February in which Vincent throws the Academy calendar out the window: "I don't mind going to Nuenen in the month of March ... then after March I could come straight to Paris ... So please give me permission to come sooner if need be. In fact I'd say right away, if need be." (JLB 561, 2/11/1886.) Even on the eve of his departure for Paris in late February, he continued to write as if he were still involved at the Academy: "Still, my time is very much taken up by the work at the academy. ... But unfortunately there's nothing there until May except for the competitions and the day class for plaster casts, and those are coming to an end too." (JLB 566, 2/24/1886.)

Context:
JLB 562, 2/14/1886: "If you can send me a bit more this month, be it a lot or be it little, but even if it's only five francs, don't neglect to do it, and if you can't, you can't. I'm really looking forward to hearing your decision as to whether for your part you would approve if I were to come to Paris as early as somewhere around 1 April."

451. "If I did not go" BVG 450, 2/1/1886-2/15/1886.

Context:
BVG 450, 2/1/1886-2/15/1886: "I am very glad that you are not opposed to my intention of coming to Paris. I think it will help me to make progress, and if I did not go, I am afraid I should get into a mess, and continue to go in the same circle and keep on making the same mistakes. Besides, I do not think it would do you any harm to come home to a studio in the evening."
JLB 559, 2/6/1886: "I'm really glad that you like my plan to come to Paris. I believe it will help me make progress and at the same time that, if I didn't go, I might easily get into a mess, keep moving around in the same circle too much, persist in the same mistakes. Furthermore, as for you, I don't think that coming home to a studio would do you any harm."

452. "Union is strength" BVG 451, 2/1/1886-2/15/1886.

Context:
BVG 451, 2/1/1886-2/15/1886: "But perhaps the fault is in ourselves, because we are both too isolated, and because our forces and resources are too much divided and therefore insufficient. So union is strength, that would be much better."
JLB 560, 2/9/1886: "But perhaps it's because of our policy that we're each too much alone and our forces and resources are too divided, and in that form insufficient. So -- unity is strength -- would certainly be much better."

453. "It is such a splendid" BVG 453, 2/14/1886.

Context:
JLB 562, 2/14/1886: "It's such a brilliant idea, working and thinking in concert."

454. "joined hands" BVG 450, 2/1/1886-2/15/1886. Speaking of Edmond and Jules de Goncourt, Vincent writes poignantly, "I wish that at the end of our lives we could also walk somewhere together and -- looking back, say -- we've done this -- and that's one; and that -- and that's two; and that -- and that's three. ... We can try two things -- making something good ourselves -- collecting things by other people that we think are good, and dealing in them. But we must both live rather more robustly, and perhaps combining forces is a step towards becoming more robust." (JLB 559, 2/6/1886; emphasis original.) There is a hint here of the desperate arguments from Drenthe for Theo to quit his job and become an artist ("making something good ourselves"), although in this instance Vincent takes care not to attack Theo's work directly (including "collecting things by other people that we think are good, and dealing in them"), no doubt for fear of clouding his welcome in Paris (ibid.). In a later letter, he repeats the "combining forces" image: "You also need to take better care of yourself, and should we succeed in uniting, the two of us would know more than each one individually, and could do more" (JLB 561, 2/11/1886).

Context:
BVG 450, 2/1/1886-2/15/1886: "But we must both live somewhat more vigorously, and perhaps joining hands is a step toward this."
JLB 559, 2/6/1886: "But we must both live rather more robustly, and perhaps combining forces is a step towards becoming more robust" (emphasis in original).

455. "I do not think" BVG 450, 2/1/1886-2/15/1886.

Context:
BVG 450, 2/1/1886-2/15/1886: " I do not think you can reasonably expect me to go back to the country for the sake of perhaps 50 fr. a month less, seeing that the whole series of future years will depend so much on the relations I must establish in town, either here in Antwerp or later on in Paris."
JLB 559, 2/6/1886: " I don't think that you can reasonably ask me to go back to the country for the sake of perhaps 50 francs a month less, when the whole stretch of years ahead is so closely related to the associations I have to establish in town, either here in Antwerp or later in Paris."

456. "I have wanted it" BVG 451, 2/1/1886-2/15/1886.

Context:
BVG 451, 2/1/1886-2/15/1886: "Now I have wanted it to be this way between us for a long time already, and I imagine if you stayed alone, you would get depressed, because times are not cheerful unless one finds satisfaction in one's work."
JLB 560, 2/9/1886: "Well I'd already wanted to have that between us for a long time, and you see, I imagine that if you stayed on your own you'd become depressed because the times aren't encouraging unless one finds satisfaction in one's work" (emphasis in original).

457. better health BVG 454, 2/15/1886-2/17/1886.

Context:
JLB 556, 1/29/1886: "If we work for another year, if we recover our health -- you as well as me -- we'll be more resilient then than now" (emphasis original).

458. a better chance at happiness BVG 453, 2/14/1886.

Context:
JLB 562, 2/14/1886: "And now if we were wiser in this respect, I don't doubt for a moment that we'd be on a better path and happier in a year's time."

459. to Jo Bonger or anyoneSee Ch. 26, n. 403. 460. Vincent's vision of perfect Vincent made it clear: wife or no wife, studio or no studio, Cormon or no Cormon, models or no models, he needed Theo. For example, he discusses the possibility of his experience at Cormon going awry and assures Theo that he still would prefer to be in Paris: "Bear in mind that if I go to Cormon and run into trouble sooner or later either with the master or the pupils, I wouldn't let it worry me. If need be, even if I didn't have a master, I could also go through the antique course by going to draw in the Louvre or somewhere." (JLB 559, 2/6/1886; emphasis in original.) Vincent also professes to accept the possibility that lack of money may prevent him from having the models he wants: "But otherwise I like the idea of setting up a studio a great deal, a very great deal. Even, if need be, such that one could combine with other painters to take models together. The more energy the better. And in hard times -- one must especially seek a way out in friendship and collaboration." (JLB 558, 2/4/1886.) The very vagueness of this reassurance suggests that, even in his fever to win Theo's approval for coming to Paris, Vincent could not entirely surrender this fantasy. 461. "I wish we both"

BVG 453, 2/14/1886: We have slightly altered the translation; emphasis added. (See Ch. 26, n. 403.)

Context:
BVG 453, 2/14/1886: "Now that we are discussing things, I want to tell you to begin with that I wish both of us might find a wife in some way or other before long, for it is high time, and if we should wait too long, we should not be the better for it."
JLB 562, 2/14/1886: "I want to tell you at the start of our conversation about one thing and another that I wish that before too long we could both have acquired a wife, one way or another. Because it's high time, and because we'd be no better off if we were to wait a long while to do it."

462. vows of hard work BVG 448, 2/1/1886-2/15/1886.

Context:
JLB 557, 2/2/1886: "Do you know what I think? This -- I'd certainly work more in Paris than here -- for instance a drawing in a day or every two days" (emphasis in original).

463. improved health BVG 448, 2/1/1886-2/15/1886.

Context:
JLB 557, 2/2/1886: "This impression of myself that I can't help getting when I compare me with other people -- that beside them I look as though I've spent 10 years in prison -- is not exaggerated -- only, to change it, and it will change, I mustn't stray too far out of the art world again for the present, but will have to carry on for the time being by remaining at a studio or academy."

464. and good behavior Vincent promises specifically to stop criticizing their parents and family or blaming them for his troubles. This had been a flashpoint between the brothers for years: "But now allow me to touch on a delicate matter -- if I've said unpleasant things to you, specifically about our upbringing and our home, this has been because we're in an area where being critical is essential in order for us to get along with and understand each other and cooperate in business. ... Very well -- I won't go into that except in so far as it might make a fatal separation between us where reconciliation is needed. ... But if we stick to the positive idea of wanting to produce and to be something, then we'll be able, without getting angry, to discuss faits accomplis as such when it's unavoidable and might perhaps touch on or directly concern the Goupils or the family. And for the rest, these issues between us are for the understanding of the situation and not out of rancour." (JLB 559, 2/6/1886; emphasis original.) Even as he makes this pledge of good behavior, Vincent seems to be formulating his excuses for when he is forced to break it. 465. "After so many lost" BVG 448, 2/1/1886-2/15/1886. We have slightly altered the translations; emphasis added. The question arises as to whether Vincent intended to invoke the novel Lost Illusions by Honoré de Balzac that was published in 1837. Vincent reported reading the book for the first time in August 1881 while he was staying with his parents in Etten (JLB 170, 8/5/1881). He mentioned it again a year later in The Hague (JLB 258, 8/20/1882). In both instances, he referred to it by its original French title, Illusions perdues. However, in the instant passage from February 1886, he uses the Dutch words and word-order, "verloren illusies" (JLB 557, 2/2/1886). This was, in fact, the title of the Dutch translation of Illusions perdues, but Vincent surely read it in French, and he does not capitalize the phrase or set it off in quotation marks (ibid.). All of which suggests he did not consciously intend to refer to Balzac's novel. Furthermore, the book would not have helped his effort to rally his brother to his cause in any apparent way; indeed, quite the opposite. Lost Illusions tells the story of young provincial ("grand homme de province") who comes to Paris to find his fortune but finds instead only misery and failure (ibid.). Eventually, in utter disgrace, he hangs himself in prison.

Context:
BVG 448, 2/1/1886-2/15/1886: "Founding a studio together would perhaps be a good thing, but we must feel sure that we can carry it through -- and we must know our own minds perfectly, and once we begin it, we must have a certain confidence after all, left us after a long series of lost illusions."
JLB 557, 2/2/1886: "Setting up a studio together may perhaps be very good -- but we have to be able to stick it out and -- we really have to know what we're doing and what we want, and once we set it up a degree of self-confidence is needed, left, after all, after whole series of lost illusions" (emphasis in original).

466. his lease did not expire BVG 450, 2/1/1886-2/15/1886.

Context:
JLB 559, 2/6/1886: "Further, since you say you'll have to pay rent until the end of June -- well then, perhaps it would be best after all if I were to return to Nuenen, starting in March, only -- if I encountered opposition and scenes like I got before I left, I would be wasting my time there and so, even if it were only just for those few months, I'd make a change anyhow, since I want to have some new things from the country ready to bring to Paris with me."

467. too expensive to rent Around the end of January, fending off Theo's demand that he go to Brabant, Vincent complains: "You constantly write and tell me that you haven't any money, very well, so that's so. If making money is not possible when it comes to food -- then it ought not to be possible when it comes to rent or unnecessary travelling expenses." (JLB 556, 1/29/1886; emphasis original.) And he assures his brother: "Once I'm better and I start to sell in Paris, very well, then I can pay off the rent and the paint" (ibid.). After Vincent's breakdown and his change of heart toward Theo and Paris, the subject of rent comes up again, only this time they wrangle from opposite sides: instead of demanding a studio, Vincent now says there is no need of one immediately; while Theo pleads the necessity of paying additional rent as a reason why Vincent should not come until June, as made clear in Vincent's response: "I've given a lot of thought to what you wrote about taking a studio -- but it seems to me that it would be a good thing if we were to look for it together and that before we start living together permanently -- did it for a while -- provisionally -- and I started by renting a garret at the beginning of April, say, until June" (JLB 561, 2/11/1886).

Vincent makes the same uncharacteristic, back-tracking argument in JLB 556, 1/29/1886: "I hear various people complaining, both painters and -- ordinary people: 'I took a fine room because people were going to come to me, and no one's come to me since, and I don't feel at home there myself.'" Because this argument tracks so closely that in JLB 561, 2/11/1886, among other reasons, we believe the new translation may have erred in re-dating JLB 556 to late January, one day after JLB 555 and prior to the series of closely-spaced letters that begins with JLB 557. JLB make three arguments (in an email to the authors): (1) that JLB 556 contains a reassessment of Vincent's situation in Antwerp and the possibility of coming to Paris that falls more naturally at the end of the painting course at the Antwerp Academy in late January; (2) that the reference to Theo's "proposal" to go to Cormon's contained in JLB 557 ("The fact that you yourself now actually propose the plan of going to Cormon is something that gives me immense pleasure") must post-date Vincent's first mention of the famous atelier in JLB 556 ("Let me draw with Cormon for a year. During that period, you take another really good look at the business, and the opportunities"); and (3) that Vincent's reference to a "résumé" of two letters in JLB 556 must refer to JLB 555 because both these letters discuss Vincent's insistence on drawing for another year.

Although supplemented by the first and last of these arguments, the case for the redating of JLB 556 rests primarily and heavily on an insistence that going to Cormon's atelier must have been Vincent's idea and, therefore, "logic" demands putting his first reference to the atelier (JLB 556, 1/29/1886) ahead of Vincent's acknowledgement of Theo's proposal (JLB 557, 2/2/1886). For the reasons discussed in Ch. 26, n. 620, we believe that it was, in fact, Theo who first proposed the "plan" for Cormon.

We also do not see the close, "résumé" relationship between letters JLB 555 and JLB 556. In fact, quite the opposite. The tone and subject change abruptly between the two letters: JLB 555 is very upbeat and energetic; JLB 556 is very downbeat and apologetic. JLB 555 is obsessed with the possibilities in Antwerp; JLB 556 is determined to put to rest Theo's demand that Vincent go to Brabant. While it is true that both letters mention the need to continue drawing for a year, the imperative is used in completely different ways: in JLB 555, to support staying in Antwerp; in JLB 556, to demand coming directly to Paris.

The plan for Cormon progresses significantly between the two letters -- far more than seems possible in a single day, even in Vincent's volatile imagination -- with apparent input from Theo in the interim as well as a complete change of attitude on Vincent's side. Where JLB 555 is boldly ambitious about the potential in Antwerp, JLB 556 is reticent about the ambition of the Paris project. As for the natural caesura of the end of the painting course in late January, Vincent's participation in this course was brief at best and largely fictitious (see Ch. 26, n. 325, and n. 348). Even if he had been registered in the course, the ebbs and flows and earthquakes of his life never responded to anything as ephemeral and external as school calendars.

468. at least until June

Vincent's arguments for avoiding Brabant grow increasingly far-reaching and frantic -- an indication both of his desperation to come to Paris and his dread of returning to the site of his humiliation. His early reaction (if the recent redating of JLB 556, 1/29/1886 is correct [see Ch. 26, n. 467]) is absolute and unequivocal, bordering on outrage: "I've already told you that there's no reason to go and work in the country again for the first year -- that it's infinitely better for the whole future if I draw plaster casts and nudes in town" (ibid.). The argument quickly escalates to the usual excesses of rhetoric: "But what should I do now? Look here, to go back to Brabant is actually a detour, and I'll lose time and money on it. Why can't I go straight from here to Paris whenever you like, and carry on working here until I go? I tell you, I'm in such a bad way that if there's any money, then let me take care of my health and let the rest go, because they can do just as well at home with a labourer, in fact better." (ibid.) He goes so far as to suggest that if he gets sick in the country, it will be Theo's fault (ibid.). As if that were not coercion enough, he informs Theo that he has creditors back in Nuenen with whom he would likely get into a legal dispute -- a source of yet another embarrassment to the family -- and threatens to spend himself into even deeper debt if he returns there (ibid.).

Finally, he uses Theo's own pleas of scarce funds to argue against the side trip to Brabant: "You constantly write and tell me that you haven't any money, very well, so that's so. If making money is not possible when it comes to food -- then it ought not to be possible when it comes to rent or unnecessary travelling expenses." (ibid., emphasis in original.) He vows to stay in Antwerp if Theo will not take him in Paris immediately and defiantly tells Theo that his mind is made up against Nuenen: "Anyway, I've had so much unpleasantness there that I don't have to consider anyone there. It would also be a weakness on your part if you were to alter that." (ibid.) Although his desperate need for money eventually reins in his defiance even at this early stage ("In the end, it doesn't bother me, but I just tell you what's right and I point out to you the urgency of going on with what will enable us to make progress"), it is Vincent's self-described "breakdown" in early February (see Ch. 26, n. 398) that really tempers his arguments (ibid.).

Only days later, he writes with sudden pliability, if not enthusiasm: "As regards going to Nuenen too -- I want to know what you'd think best" (JLB 558, 1/28/1886). He persists in the practical arguments ("But I'm not needed there -- because someone like Rijken, the gardener, for instance, can see to what needs to be packed or sent at least as well as I can" [ibid.]). But not inflexibly so, adding: "If there's any point in it, though, I can be ready by March if need be" (ibid.). Even as he warningly envisions the awkward reunion at the parsonage (" perhaps it would be best after all if I were to return to Nuenen, starting in March, only -- if I encountered opposition and scenes like I got before I left, I would be wasting my time there" [emphasis added]), he appears to defer to Theo's wisdom: "I'm curious as to how those few months in Nuenen will be for me. ... Keep thinking about what we can best do." (JLB 559, 2/6/1886.) But he guides his brother's wisdom by reminding him of the pain their mother would be spared if she did not see Vincent's dreadful condition: "I don't want you to tell Ma that I'm not well -- because she might possibly consider that it wasn't nice that what happened, happened, that's to say that I didn't stay there -- precisely because of these consequences" (JLB 558, 2/4/1886).

As soon as Theo makes clear that he does not want Vincent to come to Paris until summer, Vincent's arguments become much more forceful: "I definitely need to tell you that it would reassure me greatly if you were to approve my coming to Paris much earlier than June or July if need be. The more I think about it, the more desirable this appears to me. (JLB 563, 2/11/1886.) He revives the argument that the recovery of his health would be compromised by staying in Nuenen and his art would be put on hold. In what sounds as much like a threat as a worry, he tells Theo that he would be more likely to abuse his health and overspend his budget in Nuenen: "if things were to be the same for me in Brabant from March to July as they've been for the past few months, and it's likely they'd be no different. ... in Brabant I'd wear myself out again taking models, the same old story would start all over again, and it doesn't seem to me that any good could come of it. That way -- we'd be straying from the path. So please give me permission to come sooner if need be. In fact I'd say right away, if need be." (ibid.) Although he still wants to sound cooperative, he puts more and more conditions on his cooperation: "Know that I don't mind going to Nuenen in the month of March if need be and seeing how things are there, and how the people are, and whether or not I can get models. But if that doesn't work out, which is likely, then after March I could come straight to Paris and start drawing, in the Louvre, for instance." (ibid.)

After appearing to agree on an "interval" of "one month in the country" ("I'm really looking forward to hearing your decision as to whether for your part you would approve if I were to come to Paris as early as somewhere around 1 April" [JLB 562, 2/14/1886]), he then reconsiders and mounts another round of arguments, this time against any detour on his way to Paris, preposterously arguing that his work on drawing plaster casts is so urgent and essential that it must be done for one year (JLB 565, 2/22/1886). Perhaps in response to Theo's continued insistence, Vincent begins discussing a compromise "plan" that involves "coming to Paris should go ahead as soon as possible" and spending a "short while" in Brabant -- although exactly how short is suspiciously unclear (JLB 563, 2/17/1886). This plan may be simply a red herring signaling Vincent's decision to come to Paris without Theo's permission or warning. ("I'm really looking forward to hearing from you," Vincent says in proposing his plan. "But anyway, for my part I've decided -- only it would be pleasant for me if you could see it the same way as I do." [ibid.]) Indeed, there is a thematic thread that connects the resigned language of Vincent's volte-face to the note that he sent Theo on his arrival in Paris: "I've thought about it so much and I think we'll save time this way. ... We'll sort things out, you'll see." (JLB 567, 2/28/1886.)

469. "Brabant is a useless detour" BVG 454, 2/15/1886-2/17/1886.

Context:
BVG 454, 2/15/1886-2/17/1886: "So Brabant is a useless detour, a loss of time, etc."
JLB 556, 1/29/1886: "So Brabant is a detour, waste of time etc."

470. to paint landscapes BVG 448, 2/1/1886-2/15/1886. After his breakdown, Vincent takes up the suggestion in a more conciliatory mood, saying that even if he cannot go to Nuenen he would like to go "even if it were only just for those few months, I'd make a change anyhow, since I want to have some new things from the country ready to bring to Paris with me" (JLB 559, 2/6/1886). But by mid-February, in the throes of yearning to reunite with Theo and bitterly opposed to returning to Nuenen, his opposition to landscape painting has hardened: "So let's do it sensibly. They have some interest, but not a lot, in studies that one makes outdoors. And the fellows who've been in Paris all tell me the same thing." (JLB 564, 2/18/1886.) "With a view to Cormon, it's decidedly better for me to go on drawing plaster casts rather than working outdoors ... And I wouldn't insist on it like this if I didn't think it was necessary, with a view to June, specifically, for me to go on drawing plaster casts at once. ... For my own pleasure I'd rather paint something else, but as far as practical use is concerned, it's unavoidable." (JLB 565, 2/22/1886.)

He even goes so far as to argue that doing landscapes would be a threat to his health: "Moreover, my health -- when I paint outdoors I don't eat -- and I won't overcome it. For I keep relapsing; my constitution is still far from strong." (ibid.) Toward the end of the month, he seems to have a change of heart both on going to Nuenen and on Theo's advice to paint landscapes: "The time when one can work outdoors could be upon us with the slightest change in the weather and so, if I have to and if you're absolutely set on it, at least my being in Brabant wouldn't be entirely fruitless" (JLB 566, 2/24/1886). But these reversals are clearly either tactical or disingenuous, as Vincent arrives in Paris only days later. (See Ch. 26, n. 665.)

Context:
JLB 557, 2/2/1886: "The year of drawing is the critical point; after that we are free to do other things, both portrait and landscape. I think we must put that first."

471. "without interruption" BVG 457, 2/19/1886-2/20/1886.

Context:
BVG 457, 2/19/1886-2/20/1886: "And I should not insist so much if I did not think it necessary to continue drawing from the casts without interruption, especially with regard to June."
JLB 565, 2/22/1886: "And I wouldn't insist on it like this if I didn't think it was necessary, with a view to June, specifically, for me to go on drawing plaster casts at once."

472. he told Vincent no

When Theo rejects Vincent's "plan" for coming to Paris "as soon as possible" (see Ch. 26, n. 473), Vincent responds furiously: "your letter disappoints me since you don't accede to my request, because I still continue to believe so strongly that the reasons which I gave you in my last letter for preferring to come even sooner were justified. But since I don't want to argue about that, after all, I just wanted to ask you to reconsider it again." (JLB 565, 2/22/1886.) To underscore just how angry he is, he tells Theo: "I tore up a letter that I wrote to you first" (ibid.). Theo clearly hesitated to give Vincent the bad news. He delayed through several plaintive, impatient letters in which Vincent pleaded emergency conditions: "It's at the moment when my money has entirely gone -- entirely ... For I have absolutely nothing left. Nothing left even at the baker's." (JLB 564, 2/18/1886; emphasis original.) He warns Theo that every day he has to wait for an answer, his health deteriorates: "from the time I send this letter off until I receive your reply, which I hope will cross this, I have nothing and it's fasting time again" (ibid.). At the same time, Vincent reads his brother's silence as signaling a "no": "I do realize that you don't agree with me about coming straight to Paris, otherwise you would already have answered me" (ibid.).

It is typical of Theo that when his refusal finally comes, it comes accompanied by a payment of 50 francs, as if he can buy Vincent's patience with extra money (JLB 565, 2/22/1886). Vincent, also typically, uses the money to buy a ticket to Paris. It is only because he has already made the decision to join his brother, with or without permission, that Vincent takes Theo's "no" with such apparent calmness: "your letter disappoints me since you don't accede to my request, because I still continue to believe so strongly that the reasons which I gave you in my last letter for preferring to come even sooner were justified. But since I don't want to argue about that, after all, I just wanted to ask you to reconsider it again." (ibid.) His final letter from Antwerp, which must have come as he made final preparations for his departure, is a study in disingenuousness, as Vincent writes of an impending trip to Brabant: "I'm writing to you once again, because in any event my time here is almost up and I have to go back [to Brabant] one of these days. The time when one can work outdoors could be upon us with the slightest change in the weather and so, if I have to and if you're absolutely set on it, at least my being in Brabant wouldn't be entirely fruitless. Yet be that as it may, I still continue to urge you rather to go ahead with the Cormon plan and what, for my part, I would so much like to precede it -- a further period continuing to draw plaster casts." (JLB 566, 2/24/1886.)

473. But Vincent could not wait BVG 455, 2/15/1886-2/17/1886. Vincent proposed a "plan" for "coming to Paris should go ahead as soon as possible" (JLB 563, 2/16/1886 or 2/17/1886). There was something in the plan about a trip to Brabant, but it may have been just a brief detour on the way to Paris or a trip there after having settled in Paris. Which one is not clear, although it was probably the latter ("It's precisely because I think, after all, that I've derived benefit from coming to Antwerp that I believe we should go straight on" [JLB 565, 2/22/1886]). What is clear is that Vincent's plan would have put him in Paris immediately: "I only know that all these things definitely make me see than I can do nothing other than act as I've told you. That's to say, not postpone going to Paris." (JLB 564, 2/18/1886.)

Context:
JLB 563, 2/16/1886 or 2/17/1886: "If you agree that the plan of coming to Paris should go ahead as soon as possible -- in other words after I've been in Brabant for a short while -- then I'll send you from here the studies and drawings I have here."

474. he boarded the night train Hulsker, Vincent and Theo: A Dual Biography, p. 225. 475. He left his rent BVG 455, 2/15/1886-2/17/1886: Vincent admits to Theo that one reason for leaving Antwerp before March 1 was to avoid paying his rent. Alternatively, Vincent may have left some paintings with his landlord as "security" -- although he considered this little more than a ruse, not a good-faith gesture, as he revealed in 1888 when he advised Theo that Gauguin should deal with his indebtedness by coming to Arles: "But it seems to me that he [Gauguin] should ditch the debt and leave some paintings as security if he's going to come here, and if the people don't agree to that, leave the debt in the lurch without any paintings as security. Wasn't I forced to do the same thing in order to come to Paris? And although I suffered the loss of many things then, it can't be done otherwise in cases like that, and it's better to go forward anyway than to go on being depressed." (JLB 623, 6/12/1888.)

Context:
JLB 563, 2/16/1886 or 2/17/1886: "If it were in any way possible, I'd like to have the second half of that work on my teeth done this month. I'd like to pack up my studies and send them to you, and leave on the last day of this month or even a few days earlier."

476. his paint bills

Vincent was chronically delinquent on his color bills. One of the reasons he cites for not returning to Nuenen at Theo's request is that he would "also be obliged to pay for some paint" (JLB 556, 1/29/1886). In Nuenen, he was forever avoiding (not always successfully) his creditors from The Hague. In Antwerp, his paint supplier was also his landlord, and he admits to leaving town with his rent unpaid. (See Ch. 26, n. 475.)

477. and his dentist unpaid

BVG 455, 2/15/1886-2/17/1886: Vincent did apparently pay a 50-franc advance on dental work that would cost a total of 100 francs: 60 francs for the upper jaw and 40 for the lower. (See Ch. 26, n. 213.) As of mid-February, he had not yet had the lower-jaw work done, but he still owed 10 francs on the upper-jaw work (JLB 563, 2/16/1886 or 2/17/1886). Theo took the hint and, by return mail, sent him an additional 50 francs (JLB 565, 2/22/1886). But Vincent apparently did not use the money on his teeth as Theo intended; instead, he bought a train ticket to Paris and paid to ship some of his paintings. Even then, he reported having "some money left, that goes without saying," after he arrived in Paris (JLB 567, 2/28/1886). This, and Vincent's record of avoiding debt with his feet, suggest that the dentist was never paid.

Context:
JLB 563, 2/16/1886 or 2/17/1886: "I'd also so very much like to get the work on my teeth finished. What should I do? Altogether I've got one franc fifty left -- and as for food, I've still got five francs credit until the end of the month."

492 478. He told his brother nothing Although he clearly telegraphed his defiant intentions in a letter from mid-February: "I'm really looking forward to hearing from you. For the time when I have to decide has come. We only have about 10 days until the end of the month, and I do need to know what's what. But anyway, for my part I've decided -- only it would be pleasant for me if you could see it the same way as I do." (JLB 563, 2/16/1886 or 2/17/1886.) Vincent's breathless impatience in his letter, and his exhortation to "decisive" and "courageous" action certainly should have alerted his brother: "I write to you rather curtly, perhaps, but it may not be put off. ... So let's not delay or get involved in long-winded discussions. We have to put our backs into it; well then, we'll do that. If we ever want to do anything good, depend upon it that it will increasingly come down to decisiveness and to quite swift action and that, while despite all the effort one might put in, no one can know with certainty the results of his enterprises in advance, some courage and promptness of action can do no harm." (ibid.; emphasis added.) 479. a hand-delivered note Hulsker assumes that the note was delivered by means of a commissionnaire: "one of the errand boys who were easy to find anywhere in Paris at that time and who more or less fulfilled the role of a telephone" (Hulsker, Vincent and Theo: A Dual Biography, p. 225). Van Heugten's version is less charmingly imagined, but probably amounts to the same thing -- "He evidently had the note taken to Theo from a boarding house or hotel, or may have handed it in at Theo's art gallery on his way to his temporary lodgings" (Van Heughten, p. 16) -- except that Hulsker believes Vincent would have avoided any direct contact with the Goupil gallery "probably [because he] did not want to be confronted with either of his former employers, Mr. Boussod or Mr. Valadon, nor with members of the staff" (Hulsker, Vincent and Theo: A Dual Biography, p. 225). 480. "Don't be angry with me" BVG 459, 3/1/1886.

Context:
JLB 567, 2/28/1886: "Don't be cross with me that I've come all of a sudden. I've thought about it so much and I think we'll save time this way. Will be at the Louvre from midday, or earlier if you like."