Notes

Notes

 

Chapters

Chapters

192 1. The train took Vincent

Vincent's means of travel are nowhere specified in the record. Paul Gauguin recalled that Vincent told him that the painting of worn shoes that hung on the wall of his bedroom in the Yellow House depicted the shoes that he, Vincent, "put on one nice morning to embark on a journey by foot from Holland to Belgium. ... on his way to see those in the mines whom he called his brothers." (Gauguin, "Still Lifes," in Stein, ed., p. 121.) But this strikes us as a poetic, garbled, and unlikely report of Vincent's actual journey from Brussels to Dour in late November or early December 1878. It is difficult to be sure which painting Gauguin was referring to. It is likely to be A Pair of Shoes (F 461 JH 1569, August 1888, oil on canvas, 17.3 by 20.9 in., 44 by 53 cm., The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York) or A Pair of Leather Clogs (F 607 JH 1364, March, 1888, oil on canvas, 12.8 by 16 in., 32.5 by 40.5 cm., The Van Gogh Museum, Amsterdam), or one like them painted in 1888. It presumably could not date from earlier than the first half of 1886, when A Pair of Shoes (F 331 JH 1235, First-half of 1886, oil on paper on cardboard, 13 by 16 in., 33 by 41 cm., The Van Gogh Museum, Amsterdam) was painted. Either way, it was painted at least five years after the event; for Vincent did not travel "from Holland to Belgium," but only from Brussels to Dour, a trip of about forty-five miles, hardly enough to wear out a pair of shoes. We have been guided by the recollection of the local preacher, Rev. David Bonté, who gave his recollections to the scholar Piérard about thirty-five years later. Rev. Bontérecalled very clearly that Vincent arrived in the area well-dressed and clean, which argues against a grueling winter walk, and in favor of a short and inexpensive train ride (Piérard, The Tragic Life of Vincent van Gogh, p. 45).

2. across a flat horizon Secrétan-Rollier, Van Gogh chez les gueules noires, p. 31: The Borinage sits on a broad alluvial plain that runs from the banks of the Yser, not far from Dunkirk, to the German border. The plain rises only a few hundred feet in more than one hundred and fifty miles. 3. "The whole region" Secrétan-Rollier, Van Gogh chez les gueules noires, p. 34. 4. a few small gardens Coquiot, p. 58. 5. any kind had retreated Coquiot, p. 58: "The countryside is grey and arid; the soil is bare. There are few areas of land under cultivation." 6. "it stirred one's heart" Secrétan-Rollier, Van Gogh chez les gueules noires, p. 34. 7. the gray soil Coquiot, p. 58. 8. turned into tarlike mud Coquiot, pp. 57-58. 9. it sucked the shoes Zola, p. 94. 10. water ran black Coquiot, pp. 65-66: "At the bottom of the valley there is a stream, whose muddy waters blacken the bases of the trunks of a few meagre willows." 11. clear, gray vapor Secrétan-Rollier, Van Gogh chez les gueules noires, pp. 17-18. 12. between ground and sky Coquiot, pp. 57-58: "The dirty sky weighs down heavily." Contrarily, Coquiot also writes, "There are no factories in the Borinage; therefore there is less smoke and it is lighter." This is apparently meant as a comparison to Charleroi, where pollution from factories was abominable by 1923, when this account was written. Secrétan-Rollier also gives an account that describes "air [that] is smudged the color of soot" (Secrétan-Rollier, Van Gogh chez les gueules noires, p. 34). 193 13. le pays noir; Piérard, Visage de la Wallonie, p. 42. 14. sunken roads BVG 127, 12/26/1878.

Context:
JLB 149, 12/26/1878: "There are sunken roads here, overgrown with thorn-bushes and with old, twisted trees with their gnarled roots, which look exactly like that road in the etching by Dürer, The knight and Death."

15. "The people are quite black" BVG 127, 12/26/1878.

Context:
JLB 149, 12/26/1878: "These people are completely black when they come out of the dark mines into the daylight again, they look just like chimney-sweeps."

16. Children worked Secrétan-Rollier, Van Gogh chez les gueules noires, p. 50: "From the age of 10 they have to contribute to the household expenses. ... One set of employee records has been found for a child of eight years of age." 17. families needed the money Zola, p. 42: "As a rule the miners objected to the plan to exclude women from underground work, being much more concerned about jobs for their daughters than about hygiene and morality." 18. tumbledown cottages Coquiot, p. 59. 19. and smoked Coquiot, pp. 61, 62. 20. "artificial negresses" Coquiot, p. 59. 21. "with the faces" Coquiot, p. 59. This observation is echoed by Vincent: "The workers there are usually people, emaciated and pale owing to fever, who look exhausted and haggard, weather-beaten and prematurely old" (JLB 151, 4/1/1879-4/16/1879). 22. the daily dénoircissement Secrétan-Rollier, Van Gogh chez les gueules noires, p. 50. 23. "like blue-veined marble" Zola, p. 121. 24. life expectancy averaged forty-five years Secrétan-Rollier, Van Gogh chez les gueules noires, p. 72: "Pollution and silicosis reduce[d] a miner's life expectancy to 40 or 50 years." 25. "nobody had yet" Zola, p. 93. 26. "as though they" Secrétan-Rollier, Van Gogh chez les gueules noires, p. 42. 27. "vast, dismal human herd" Secrétan-Rollier, Van Gogh chez les gueules noires, p. 34. 28. toward the ominous beacons Zola, pp. 135-136. 194 29. fantastical metal scaffolding Secrétan-Rollier, Van Gogh chez les gueules noires, pp. 17, 18. 30. great turning wheel Secrétan-Rollier, Van Gogh chez les gueules noires, p. 72. 31. incessant ringing of bells Secrétan-Rollier, Van Gogh chez les gueules noires, pp. 17-18. 32. moat of cinder Zola, pp. 78-79. 33. stinking gas Secrétan-Rollier, Van Gogh chez les gueules noires, p. 72. 34. "like some evil beast" Zola, p. 28. 35. Zola The book Germinal was published in 1885. 36. "well-dressed" Piérard, "Among the Miners of the Borinage," pp. 45, 46: Rev. Bonté's unexpected picture of Vincent, as recorded by Piérard, was confirmed by a letter from Jean Denis, the son of Jean-Baptiste Denis, Vincent's landlord in Petit-Wasmes, who was fifteen at the time of Vincent's arrival. According to Denis, "Van Gogh arrived handsomely clothed; we could not take our eyes off him" (Piérard, The Tragic Life of Vincent van Gogh, p. 49). 37. "display[ing] all" Piérard, "Among the Miners of the Borinage," pp. 45-46. 38. "Monsieur Vincent"

Piérard, The Tragic Life of Vincent van Gogh, p. 53: Piérard quotes an early church archive in which Vincent is referred to as "M[onsieur] Vincent." The archive is strikingly similar to the minutes of the Congregational Church at Turnham Green near Isleworth, in which Vincent is referred to by his fellow teachers as "Mr. Vincent." Hence, Vincent had clearly settled on this pre-emptive name change by this time.

39. small congregation Piérard, The Tragic Life of Vincent van Gogh, p. 53: The "church" in Petit Wasmes had broken off from the church in Wasmes (down the hill) about a year and a half earlier. Piérard quotes an undated entry from the archives of the Evangelical Church in Wasmes which records a visit from Rev. Pierre Péron of Dour, representing the Synodal Committee for Evangelization, probably in early 1877. "Seeing the number [of members], and the good work they are capable of doing, it has been arranged ... to render an account of our condition to the Synod Committee so as to know if they can come to our aid. After receiving the recommendation M. Péron came to Wasmes and it was agreed that they should officiate in turn in a room that M. Péron and members of the Consistory had inspected" (ibid.). The room referred to was probably the Salon de Bébé. According to Secrétan-Rollier, the congregation was officially recognized by the state in the summer of 1878 (Secrétan-Rollier, Van Gogh chez les gueules noires, p. 53). 40. state-paid preacher Secrétan-Rollier, Van Gogh chez les gueules noires, p. 53: After the state recognition of the new church in the summer of 1878 (on the basis of a petition "signed by 100 heads of household"), "Petit-Wasmes then had the right to a minister funded by the State." 41. six-month trial Secrétan-Rollier, Van Gogh chez les gueules noires, p. 53. We have been unable to ascertain the basis of Tralbaut's claim that Vincent was given this temporary appointment as the result of some arrangement with Dorus van Gogh (Tralbaut, Vincent van Gogh, p. 59). Given Dorus's pleading and exasperated letter to Rev. Péron when Vincent first arrived (December 5), it seems unlikely that such a deal was struck; although certainly the committee would never have appointed Vincent without his father's support. 42. "lay preacher" Secrétan-Rollier, Van Gogh chez les gueules noires, p. 53. 43. a small salary Secrétan-Rollier, Van Gogh chez les gueules noires, p. 53: "Fifty Belgian francs per month." Secrétan-Rollier discerns this figure from a letter from Anna to Theo (b2456 V/1982, ''Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 1/19/1879). 44. a brief stay The issue of Vincent's first few weeks in the Borinage is one of those small knots of confused facts that interrupt a smooth understanding of Vincent's progress. Vincent apparently first presented himself to Rev. Péron in Dour, southwest of the towns (Pâturages, Petit Wasmes, Cuemes) in which he eventually settled. Péron then referred him to Rev. Bonté, the pastor in Warquignies (closer to Wasmes) who wrote a reminiscence of Vincent's arrival for Piérard. Either Péron or Bonté referred Vincent to a colporteur in Pâturages named Théodore van der Haeghen (spelled "van der Haagen" in Secrétan-Rollier, Van Gogh chez les gueules noires, p. 26). Hulsker suggests, without support other than the similar name, that the Pâturages Van der Haeghen "must have been the father of Willem Vander Haeghen, one of [Vincent's] five fellow pupils [at the evangelical school in Brussels]" (Hulsker, Vincent and Theo, p. 76). However, according to Lutjeharms, Vincent's classmate of that name "was born in 1850 in Ghent, where he attended a city school until his ninth year." In his extensive biography, Lutjeharms nowhere mentions any connection (either before or after he shared a classroom with Vincent between Willem Vander Haeghen and Théodore van der Haeghen of the Borinage -- a geographically and culturally distinct region from Flemish Ghent (Lutjeharms, p. 23).

In an era when mobility was still unusual, no one willingly moved to an area like the Borinage (except missionaries). Thus, it seems unlikely that Hulsker is correct, although there is always the possibility of a more distant family connection. Also, the length of Vincent's stay with Van der Haeghen is often mistaken in the literature. As Hulsker points out (Hulsker, Vincent and Theo, p. 76), a letter from Vincent's mother is dispositive on this question: "a letter from Vincent arrived and one from Verhaegen [sic], a colporteur to whom Dad used to write. It is where Vincent lived the first eight days and the person who got him the excellent boarding house at Denis." (b2463 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 2/27/1879.)

From this, it is clear that when Dorus wrote Theo in mid-December, "[Vincent] has found a good boardinghouse with a Protestant farmers family in Pâturages," he was referring not to Van der Haeghen, but to Denis (b2448 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 12/15/1878). It is probably Dorus's mistaken reference to Pâturages that has caused subsequent scholars to assume that the reports in the same letter about Vincent's paying "30 francs per month" board and "instruct[ing] children in the evening" refer to his stay with Van der Haeghen. Examples of this include: Piérard, The Tragic Life of Vincent van Gogh, p. 38; and Tralbaut, p. 58. What is harder to explain is Vincent's instruction in a letter dated December 26, 1878, for Theo to address his letters. "If you write, please address your letter care of M. Vanderhaegen, Colporteur à Pâturages près de Mons (Borinage Haînaut)" (JLB 149, 12/26/1878). We can only assume that he was not yet quite settled in the Denis house, into which he must have moved about ten days earlier.

45. colporteur in nearby Pâturages Pâturages, Wasmes, and Petit-Wasmes all shared the same ravine, carved by a stream through the flat countryside, so close as to be virtually contiguous (as they certainly are today). Pâturages sits at the top of one bank of the ravine, Wasmes at the bottom, and Petit Wasmes diagonally on the opposite bank. All are within a one-mile radius. 46. installed him b2457 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 1/20/1879: Vincent was still required to pay ₣30 (Belgian) per month to Denis for his board. Vincent's parents considered this a bargain. "[It is] so little," Dorus wrote Theo, "because he instructs the [Denis] children in the evening" (b2448 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 12/15/1878). As discussed in Ch. 12, n. 89, Vincent apparently moved to the Denis house about a month before the appointment in Petit Wasmes was confirmed. However, we are assuming that, because Van der Haeghen referred Vincent to Denis, both belonged to Vincent's new congregation and that the effort to find him a suitable boarding house was concomitant with, if not precisely coincident with, the effort to secure him a position (b2463 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 2/27/1879). 47. their most prosperous Piérard, "Among the Miners of the Borinage," pp. 45-46: In his reminiscence, Rev. Bonté notes that Denis's house was "relatively pretty; it conspicuously stood out among the others in the neighborhood, where one saw only the miners' small cottages." Secrétan-Rollier adds that Denis's farm "had been inherited by Jean-Baptiste Denis from a rich French farmer. It included a significant amount of the land around the rue de Petit-Wasmes with some land suitable for cultivation and a few little houses." (Secrétan-Rollier, Van Gogh chez les gueules noires, p. 57.) 48. Jean-Baptiste Denis, a farmer BVG 553b, 10/2/1888. In much of the literature, Denis is identified as a baker (see, e.g., Hulsker, p. 76; Tralbaut, p. 59). In fact, there is no indication that Denis was anything other than a landowner and landlord, who probably did not work his own farmland. The original French word Vincent uses to describe Denis is "cultivateur," which translates to "farmer" or "grower," not "baker" (JLB 693, 10/2/1888). Secrétan-Rollier illuminates the probable source of the mistake: "Léopold, [Denis's] youngest son, will become a baker and then a farmer in his turn. He will take his father's farm back on again and live in [his father's] house. ... Léopold's brother Jean became the principal baker in Petit-Wasmes. It is he who writes the letter to Louis Piérard." (Secrétan-Rollier, Van Gogh chez les gueules noires, p. 57.) It is the bakery of one of the sons, no doubt, that Coquiot, describes as being advertised by a painted sack of flour outside the house (Coquiot, p. 76-77). Rev. Bonté, in his letter to Piérard, is quick to inoculate Vincent from any bourgeois contamination from the obviously well-off Denis family: "The family with whom Vincent van Gogh boarded had simple habits and lived like workers" (Piérard, in Stein, ed., p. 46). This is probably pure projection. Again, Secrétan-Rollier offers an antidote of fact: Denis inherited his farm and property "from a rich French farmer. It included a significant amount of the land ... and a few little houses" (Secrétan-Rollier, Van Gogh chez les gueules noires, p. 57).

Context:
JLB 693, 10/2/1888: "If you ever go to Petit-Wasmes, would you find out if Jean Baptiste Denis (farmer) and Joseph Quinez [Quintet] (miner) are still living there, and tell them on my behalf that I've never forgotten the Borinage, and that I'll always have a wish to see it again?"

49. "rather fine house" Secrétan-Rollier, Van Gogh chez les gueules noires, p. 57: The description of Denis's house varies from translation to translation of Rev. Bonte's recollection. We have chosen this over the translation by Stein "beautiful house," because we think it better conveys the Spartan solidity of the house (Piérard, in Stein, ed., p 46). It was large by the standards of the surrounding cottages, and, from what little can be gleaned from its current dilapidated state, well-appointed inside (JLB 123, 7/27/1877). Its primary distinction was the amount of land on which it sat, even though, like the more modest houses around it, it bellied up almost to the curb on the street side. 50. Bible stories using maps b2448 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 12/15/1878. 51. devotional "classes" BVG 127, 12/26/1878. Vincent seems to be at a loss for what to call these evening sessions. The wording also suggests that, at least at first, Vincent did not actually conduct these classes.

Context:
BVG 127, 12/26/1878: "I have already spoken several times here, both in a fairly large room especially designed for religious meetings and also at the meetings they usually hold in the evenings in the workmen's cottages, and which may best be called Bible classes."
JLB 149, 12/26/1878: "I've already spoken here at various times, both in a fairly large room, specially furnished for religious meetings, and in the gatherings that are customarily held in the workers' houses in the evenings, which one can best call Bible-reading."

52. "since there are" BVG 127, 12/26/1878.

BVG 127, 12/26/1878: "I have already had occasion to visit some of the sick, since there are so many of them here."
JLB 149, 12/26/1878: "I've already had the opportunity to visit a few sick people, for many people here are ill."

53. His initial letters home b2457 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 1/20/1879: "He seems to work there with success and ambition and his letters are really interesting. … It is really remarkable what he writes about it." 54. "It's the kind" b2456 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 1/19/1879: "His job is to read from the Bible, teach children and visit the sick, so fortunately it's the kind of work he likes to do ... He is so content there and writes that he gets a lot of satisfaction out of his work." There was more to Anna's enthusiasm than just happiness that Vincent had found work he liked: "He'll be paid 50 francs a month. He has a 6 month contract to begin with, but it's a start ... It's such a pleasant thought that he now has a steady working environment that might lead to even better things." 55. his wary father b2457 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 1/20/1879: "May he continue to be successful. We are so glad for him. Otherwise it would have been so discouraging, and now he is so happy." 56. "He seems to work" b2457 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 1/20/1879. (See Ch. 12, n. 55.) 57. an old dance hall BVG 127, 12/26/1878. Vincent refers only to "a fairly large room, specially furnished for religious meetings" (JLB 149, 12/26/1878). According to Secrétan-Rollier, that was what the Salon de Bébé was called: "the Consistory hired an old dance hall called the "Salon de Bébé" by way of a place of worship." After years of similar religious uses, the hall acquired the name "l'timpe" (the temple) (Secrétan-Rollier, Van Gogh chez les gueules noires, p. 62). For unspecified reasons, Hulsker describes the Salon as "a room in Denis' [sic] house" (Hulsker, Vincent and Theo, p. 77).

Context:
JLB 149, 12/26/1878: "I've already spoken here at various times, both in a fairly large room, specially furnished for religious meetings, and in the gatherings that are customarily held in the workers' houses in the evenings, which one can best call Bible-reading."

58. seated almost a hundred Secrétan-Rollier, Van Gogh chez les gueules noires, p. 62. 59. had already been adapted Coquiot, p. 67. Church archives quoted in Secrétan-Rollier indicate that the dance hall was approved for use by the Evangelical Committee months before Vincent arrived (Secrétan-Rollier, Van Gogh chez les gueules noires, p. 62). We can find no support for Coquiot's colorful notion that Denis identified the Salon as "a temporary venue where his lodger Vincent could preach his sermons" (Coquiot, p. 67). Vincent himself refers to the Salon as "a fairly large room, specially furnished for religious meetings," suggesting that it had already been adapted for that use (JLB 149, 12/26/1878). 60. evangelical missions Coquiot, p. 61: "The intense flames of religious mysticism, hope and stubborn faith burn brightly amongst these people imbued with the simple life, with no interest in excessive pleasure. ... there are evangelical temples at every turn." Piérard attributes the high number of evangelical sects represented in the Borinage to the "true mysticism" of the Borins: "From the Catholic and Protestant religions odd sects have sprung such as the Godiberts at Pâturages, and Spiritualism has a large number of followers. Who has not heard of the hypnotic sway exercised by the naïve teaching of Antoine, the healer, at Jemeppe-sur-Meuse, or of the Père Dor at Roux, over simple workmen who are influenced in the manner of certain moujiks made familiar to us in Russian novels?" (Piérard, The Tragic Life of Vincent van Gogh, p. 42.) Piérard reports another sect that established itself in the area, the "Darbists", which the Borin patois transformed into "des arbistes," (i.e., tree-huggers) (ibid., p. 43). 61. In his attic room Wilkie, pp. 75-76: Jean Richez, a nephew of Denis's son, Jean, is quoted saying: "When [great] Aunt Esther [Denis's wife] asked Monsieur Van Gogh why he insisted on sacrificing his room upstairs in favour of that hovel outside, he replied: 'Esther, one should do like the good God. From time to time one should go and live among His own …'" (Emphasis added.) Secrétan-Rollier appears to confirm this when he writes: "Quivering with emotion, we reach the top of the stairs which lead to the little room where we imagine 'pastor Vincent' in contemplation. He is preparing the thoughts he is going to offer his listeners at the Salon du Bébé." (Secrétan-Rollier, Van Gogh chez les gueules noires, p. 71; emphasis added.) 195 62. "We should think" BVG 127, 12/26/1878.

Context:
BVG 127, 12/26/1878: "That we should think of him as a workman, with lines of sorrow and suffering and fatigue on his countenance, without pomp or glory but with an immortal soul and needing the food that does not perish, namely God's word, because man liveth not by bread alone, but by all the words that flow from God's mouth."
JLB 149, 12/26/1878: "How we should imagine him as a worker with signs of sorrow and suffering and fatigue on his face, without form or glory but with an immortal soul that has need of the meat which endureth unto everlasting life, namely the Word of God, for man cannot live by bread alone, but by every word that proceedeth out of the mouth of God."

63. "workman and laborer" BVG 127, 12/26/1878.

Context:
BVG 127, 12/26/1878: "How Jesus Christ is the Master who can strengthen and comfort and enlighten one like the Macedonian, a workman and labourer whose life is hard. Because He Himself is the great Man of Sorrows who knows our ills, Who was called the son of a carpenter, though He was the Son of God and the great Healer of sick souls."
JLB 149, 12/26/1878: "How Jesus Christ is the Master who can strengthen, comfort and enlighten a man like the Macedonian, a workman and labourer who has a hard life. Because He himself is the great Man of Sorrows, who knows our diseases, who himself is called the carpenter's son, even though He was the Son of God and the great physician of sick souls."

64. men and women dressed BVG 325, 9/16/1883.

Context:
JLB 387, 9/16/1883: "The last muster -- you must have seen it too -- what virility! I'd very much like to see the Jules Breton, A miner's daughter -- there's still a coal-mine in Courrières; when I went there on a rainy day the labourers were just going back through the mud, like a caravan of chimney-sweeps, one with an old capote on, I remember; the women, though (at least those that I saw) didn't wear men's clothes like they do in the Borinage, where the 'pit rags' are the same for all."

65. "pit rags" BVG 325, 9/16/1883.

Context:
BVG 325, 9/16/1883: "When I went there on a rainy day, the miners were just going home through the mud, like a caravan of chimney sweeps; I remember one with an old capote, but the women, at least the ones I saw, did not wear men's clothes the way they do in the Borinage, where the 'loques de fosse' [the 'pit rags'] are the same for everybody. JLB 387, 9/16/1883: "… when I went there on a rainy day the labourers were just going back through the mud, like a caravan of chimney-sweeps, one with an old capote on, I remember; the women, though (at least those that I saw) didn't wear men's clothes like they do in the Borinage, where the 'pit rags' are the same for all."

66. "the pre-dawn darkness" Zola, p. 39: According to Zola in Germinal, work began at four in the morning. 67. every night, fourteen hours Secrétan-Rollier, Van Gogh chez les gueules noires, p. 71. 68. "just the same" Secrétan-Rollier, Van Gogh chez les gueules noires, p. 71: "[Vincent's] window looks out over the street the miners go along each day on their way to the 'Marcasse' pit, just nearby. Indeed there they are filing past beneath the praying pastor's window, dressed in their 'pit rags;' their clogs clattering on the paving slabs. And here too, are their wives and children. This evening they will pass by again, after 12, 13 or 14 hours of fatigue. They will pass by slowly, starving, but with no expectation of being able to eat their fill. Just the same as yesterday, and just the same as tomorrow. As it has been for hundreds of years. Like true slaves." 69. "It is a gloomy" BVG 129, 4/1/1879.

Context:
BVG 129, April 1879: " It is a gloomy spot, and at first everything looks dreary and desolate."
JLB 151, 4/1/1879-4/16/1879: " It's a somber place, and at first sight everything around it has something dismal and deathly about it."

70. oldest, grimmest, and most dangerous BVG 129, 4/1/1879.

Context:
JLB 151, 4/1/1879-4/16/1879: "I went on a very interesting excursion not long ago; the fact is, I spent 6 hours in a mine. In one of the oldest and most dangerous mines in the area no less, called Marcasse."

71. "poor miners' huts" BVG 129, 4/1/1879.

Context:
BVG 129, April 1879: "Around the mine are poor miners' huts, a few dead trees black from smoke, thorn hedges, dunghills, ash dumps, heaps of useless coal, etc."
JLB 151, 4/1/1879-4/16/1879: "All around the mine are poor miners' dwellings with a couple of dead trees, completely black from the smoke, and thorn-hedges, dung-heaps and rubbish dumps, mountains of unusable coal &c."

72. the tarpaulin-covered Zola, p. 21. 73. the distance, slag horses Zola, p. 20. 74. "a good skin-full" Zola, p. 41. 75. the big copper engine Zola, pp. 71, 72: From Zola's description of the pit-head: "Now it was merely bare and dirty, with a grey light filtering through the dusty windows. The only bright thing about it was the shining copper-work of the engine, up at the other end; the greasy steel cables flying through the air like inked ribbons, the winding-pulleys high upon their huge scaffolding, the cages and tubs, all this mass of metal, darkened the shed with the hard, grey tones of old iron. Wheels ceaselessly rumbled over the sheet-iron flooring, whilst from the quantities of coal being moved about, there arose a fine dust which blackened ground, walls and even the joists of the headgear." 76. across the iron floor Zola, pp. 137-138. (See Ch. 12, n. 75.) 77. whining of inky cables Zola, pp. 71-72. (See Ch. 12, n. 75.) 78. like the skeletal steeple Zola, pp. 38-39: "As his eyes got used to the gloom, he looked at the cables flying through the air, more than thirty metres of steel ribbon, leaping up into the headgear to pass over the pulleys and drop sheer down the shaft to the cages. The pulleys were supported by an iron framework like the skeleton of some lofty church tower. This prodigiously heavy wire, capable of lifting up to twelve hundred kilogrammes at ten metres per second, was ceaselessly moving to and fro with the swift, smooth, silent flight of a bird." 79. "swallowing men" Zola, p. 44: "The cages slid up and down stealthily like beasts of the night, and went on swallowing men as though the pit were a mouth gulping them down." 80. cage plunged 635 meters b2457 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 1/20/1879: Vincent obviously bragged about this depth to his parents. "It is really remarkable what he writes about it. He also went down into a mine 635 meters deep." (JLB 151, 4/1/1879-4/16/1879.) In a letter to Theo, Vincent reported that the mine "has five levels, but the three upper ones have been exhausted and abandoned," but it is not clear whether he went down to the fourth or fifth level. When he visited a mine again several months later, he reported to Theo that "we went down 700 meters," but it is not clear if the mine of the second visit (Marcasse) was the same as the mine of the first visit (ibid.). 81. "like a stone" Zola, p. 39. 82. Miners stood barefoot Zola, p. 39. 83. lamps in hand Zola, p. 39. 84. the shaft "flew past" Zola, p. 46. 85. air turned intensely cold Zola, p. 45. 86. then a deluge Zola, p. 45. 87. flew past three abandoned levels BVG 129, 4/1/1879. On this second visit, in April, it is not clear if Vincent stopped at the fourth or fifth level.

Context:
JLB 151, 4/1/1879-4/16/1879: "This mine has 5 levels, 3 of which, the uppermost ones, are exhausted and abandoned, one no longer works in them because there's no more coal."

88. "up in Hell" Zola, pp. 48-49. 196 89. star in the sky Secrétan-Rollier, Van Gogh chez les gueules noires, p. 38. 90. "hall" BVG 129, 4/1/1879: Vincent gives both maintenages and gredins as the name for the cells where miners worked. Accrophage is the name he gives to the hall at the bottom of the shaft. 91. only inches thick Secrétan-Rollier, Van Gogh chez les gueules noires, p. 33: "The Borinage coal deposits could be mined productively to a depth of around 2300 metres and consisted of more than 100 seams, varying in thickness between half a metre and a metre." 92. "big chimneys" BVG 129, 4/1/1879.

Context:
BVG 129, April 1879: "The tunnels themselves are like the big chimneys of the Brabant farms."
JLB 151, 4/1/1879-4/16/1879: "The passageways themselves are like the large chimneys of the Brabant farmsteads."

93. "suffocating heat" Zola, pp. 47-48. 94. "like the rumbling" Zola, pp. 46-47. 95. well-fed horses BVG 129, 4/1/1879: Vincent commented on the horses in his report to Theo.

Context:
JLB 151, 4/1/1879-4/16/1879: "There's also a stable there, 700 metres below ground, with around 7 old horses that transport larger amounts, bringing them to the so-called accrochage, that being the place where they're hauled up."

96. "good smell" Zola, p. 67. 97. horses couldn't go, pit-boys BVG 129, 4/1/1879: Vincent reports the child labor aspects of the mine without a hint of indignation. The subject of Vincent's apparent lack of empathy or outrage (in an era when both were common) is taken up later in the chapter.

Context:
JLB 151, 4/1/1879-4/16/1879: "Some of the miners work in the maintenages, others load the loosened coal into small wagons that are transported along rails resembling a tramway. It's mostly children who do this, both boys and girls."

98. boys shouting foul language Zola, p. 54. 99. "snorting and steaming like" Zola, pp. 54-55. 100. "seemed to go" Zola, pp. 48-49. 101. "des caches"; BVG 129, 4/1/1879.

Context:
BVG 129, April 1879: "The maintenages or gredins (cells where the miners work) which are situated farthest from the exit are called des caches (hiding places, places where men search)."
JLB 151, 4/1/1879-4/16/1879: "The maintenages or gradins (cells where the miners work) that are farthest removed from the exit are called 'des caches' (hidden places, places where one searches)."

102. "hiding places" BVG 129, 4/1/1879.

Context:
BVG 129, April 1879: "The maintenages or gredins (cells where the miners work) which are situated farthest from the exit are called des caches (hiding places, places where men search)."
JLB 151, 4/1/1879-4/16/1879: "The maintenages or graadins (cells where the miners work) that are farthest removed from the exit are called 'des caches' (hidden places, places where one searches)."

103. "an underground prison" BVG 129, 4/1/1879.

Context:
BVG 129, April 1879: "The arrangement is more or less like the cells in a beehive, or like a dark, gloomy passage in an underground prison, or like a row of small weaving looms, or rather more like a row of baking ovens such as the peasants have, or like the partitions in a crypt."
JLB 151, 4/1/1879-4/16/1879: "The arrangement is more or less like the cells in a beehive, or like a dark, sombre passageway in an underground prison, or like a series of small looms, or actually they look like a row of ovens such as one sees among the peasants, or like the separate tombs in a vault."

104. "partitions in a crypt" BVG 129, 4/1/1879.

Context:
BVG 129, April 1879: "The arrangement is more or less like the cells in a beehive, … or like the partitions in a crypt."
JLB 151, 4/1/1879-4/16/1879: "The arrangement is more or less like the cells in a beehive, … or like the separate tombs in a vault."

105. "In each of those cells" BVG 129, 4/1/1879.

Context:
JLB 151, 4/1/1879-4/16/1879: "In each of the cells is a worker in a coarse linen suit, dingy and soiled as a chimney-sweep, chipping away at the coal by the dim light of a small lamp."

106. He would descend BVG 129, 4/1/1879: Vincent visited the Marcasse mine in late March. Since he does not identify the mine he visited in January, this may have been his second visit to the same mine. He says he was guided on his tour by "a man who has already worked there for thirty-three years" (JLB 151, 4/1/1879-4/16/1879). This is probably the "Joseph Quintet (miner)" whom Vincent asks his friend Eugène Boch to inquire after in advance of the latter's trip to the Borinage in late 1888 (JLB 693, 10/2/1888). Quintet (Quinez) is probably also "someone who supervised the workers for years" whom Vincent identifies in June 1879 as the father of the soon-to-be fiancée of one of the Denis boys with whom Vincent lived (JLB 152, 6/19/1879). Vincent says this person "comes here to the [Denis] house, though but seldom, and I made his acquaintance" (ibid.). This passage suggests that Quintet may also be the "elderly man who had worked in the mines for many years" whose house Vincent visited in late February (JLB 150, 3/4/1879-3/31/1879). Vincent describes Quintet: "of humble origins but worked his way up. Now he has a chest complaint, quite serious, and can no longer stand the terribly exhausting work down in the mine. It's very important to hear him talk about the subject." (JLB 152, 6/19/1879.)

Context:
JLB 151, 4/1/1879-4/16/1879: "I went on a very interesting excursion not long ago; the fact is, I spent 6 hours in a mine. In one of the oldest and most dangerous mines in the area no less, called Marcasse. This mine has a bad name because many die in it, whether going down or coming up, or by suffocation or gas exploding, or because of water in the ground, or because of old passageways caving in and so on."

107. "We are beginning" b2460 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 2/12/1879. 108. "happy disposition" BVG 126, 11/15/1878.

Context:
BVG 126, 11/15/1878: "… but the Belgium miner has a happy disposition, he is used to that kind of life, and when he descends the shaft, carrying on his hat a little lamp that is destined to guide him in the darkness, he trusts himself to God, Who sees his labour and Who protects him, his wife and his children."
JLB 148, 11/13/1878-11/15/1878 or 11/16/1878: "… but the Belgian foreman has a cheerful character, he's used to this way of life, and when he goes down the pit, his hat topped with a little lamp whose job is to guide him in the darkness, he entrusts himself to his God Who sees his labours and Who protects him, his wife and his children."

109. reality of a reticent BVG 532, 9/4/1888. A decade later, Vincent summarized the miners of his experience in the Borinage with a single word: "the timidity of those miners" (JLB 674, 9/4/1888; emphasis added).

Context:
JLB 674, 9/4/1888: "He's very much of his country, because in his speech and in his manners I recognized very clearly the accent of his country, the timidity of those miners, whom I still think about so often."

197 110. "simple and good-natured" BVG 127, 12/26/1878.

Context:
BVG 127, 12/26/1878: "The people here have something unique and attractive about them thanks to their simplicity and good nature, not unlike the Brabant people in Zundert and Etten."
JLB 149, 12/26/1878: "The people here have something special and appealing because of their simplicity and kind-heartedness, just like the Brabanters in Zundert and Etten."

111. "ignorant and untaught" BVG 129, 4/1/1879.

Context:
BVG 129, April 1879: "People here are very ignorant and untaught -- most of them cannot read -- but at the same time they are intelligent and quick at their difficult work; brave and frank, they are short but square-shouldered, with melancholy deep-set eyes."
JLB 151, 4/1/1879-4/16/1879: "The people here are very uneducated and ignorant, and most of them can't read, yet they're shrewd and nimble in their difficult work, courageous, of rather small build but square-shouldered, with sombre, deep-set eyes."

112. "nervous" BVG 129, 4/1/1879.

Context:
BVG 129, April 1879: "They have a nervous temperament -- I do not mean weak, but very sensitive."
JLB 151, 4/1/1879-4/16/1879: "Very nervous dispositions, I mean not weak but sensitive."

113. "sensitive" BVG 129, 4/1/1879.

Context:
BVG 129, April 1879: "They have a nervous temperament -- I do not mean weak, but very sensitive."
JLB 151, 4/1/1879-4/16/1879: "Very nervous dispositions, I mean not weak but sensitive."

114. "mistrustful" BVG 129, 4/1/1879. Vincent couches this criticism in a positive that is designed to exculpate him.

Context:
BVG 129, April 1879: "They have an innate, deep-rooted hatred and a strong mistrust of anyone who is domineering."
JLB 151, 4/1/1879-4/16/1879: "Have a festering and deep-rooted hatred and an innate distrust of anyone who tries to boss them around."

115. "which comes out" BVG 127, 12/26/1878.

Context:
BVG 127, 12/26/1878: "The miner's talk is not very easy to make out, but they understand ordinary French well, provided it is spoken quickly and fluently enough, for then it automatically sounds like their patois, which comes out with amazing speed."
JLB 149, 12/26/1878: "The mine-workers' language is not all that easy to understand, but they understand normal French well if one can speak it rapidly and fluently, then it naturally resembles their dialect, which is spoken amazingly fast."

116. French as fast as possible BVG 127, 12/26/1878.

Context:
JLB 149, 12/26/1878: "The mine-workers' language is not all that easy to understand, but they understand normal French well if one can speak it rapidly and fluently, then it naturally resembles their dialect, which is spoken amazingly fast."

117. one angry altercation BVG 129, 4/1/1879. We read Vincent's insistent complaint about the "sensitivity" of the local people to suggest that he had inadvertently precipitated either hot or hurt feelings: "Very nervous dispositions, I mean not weak but sensitive" (JLB 151, 4/1/1879-4/16/1879).

Context:
JLB 151, 4/1/1879-4/16/1879: "The people here are very uneducated and ignorant, and most of them can't read, yet they're shrewd and nimble in their difficult work, courageous, of rather small build but square-shouldered, with sombre, deep-set eyes. They're skilled at many things and work amazingly hard. Very nervous dispositions, I mean not weak but sensitive. Have a festering and deep-rooted hatred and an innate distrust of anyone who tries to boss them around. With charcoal-burners one must have a charcoal-burner's nature and character, and no pretensions, pridefulness or imperiousness, otherwise one can't get on with them and could never win their trust."

118. congregation could not read BVG 129, 4/1/1879.

Context:
JLB 151, 4/1/1879-4/16/1879: "The people here are very uneducated and ignorant, and most of them can't read, yet they're shrewd and nimble in their difficult work, courageous, of rather small build but square-shouldered, with sombre, deep-set eyes."

119. "a man of culture" BVG 132, 8/1/1879-8/15/1879.

Context:
BVG 132, 8/1/1879-8/15/1879: "Like everyone else, I need friendly or affectionate relationships or intimate companionship, and am not made of stone or iron like a pump or a lamppost, and like any man of culture or decency I cannot do without these things and not feel a void, a lack of something -- and I tell you all this to let you know how much good your visit has done me."
JLB 154, 8/11/1879-8/14/1879: "Like everyone else, I have need of relationships of friendship or affection or trusting companionship, and am not like a street pump or lamp-post, whether of stone or iron, so that I can't do without them without perceiving an emptiness and feeling their lack, like any other generally civilized and highly respectable man -- and I tell you these things to let you know what a salutary effect your visit had on me."

120. "companionship" BVG 132, 8/1/1879-8/15/1879. Not until June of that year (1879) did Vincent report meeting someone whom he found intellectually stimulating: "The other day I made the acquaintance of somebody who has been a foreman over the miners for many years. He has the heart of a laborer -- faithful and honest and brave -- but he is far superior to most of them in intellectual development" (JLB 152, 6/19/1879). This is probably the "Joseph Quintet, miner" that he mentions years later (JLB 693, 10/2/1888). However, it should be noted that this person was a foreman, not a miner -- notwithstanding the appositive Vincent uses (which says more about Vincent's tendency to distill his past into a series of sentimentalized print images). The foreman position was not considered a "labourer" by the laborers, but more often a representative (lackey) of the mine owners and the business end of the oppressive mining system. Furthermore, Quintet's daughter was engaged to one of the Denis boys with whom Vincent lived (JLB 152, 6/19/1879). The landowner Denis would never have allowed his son to marry the daughter of a miner. Clearly, both Denis and Quintet belonged to the elite of their small community. Vincent implicitly acknowledges this when he maintains that Quintet "always remained the workmen's friend (in contrast to many others who worked their way up, not because of true distinction but because of money, driven by motives less noble and many times more base)" (ibid.). However, his description of Quintet's behavior in a mine strike leaves his ultimate loyalties more ambiguous: "More than once during a strike he has been the only person with any influence on the miners. They would listen to nobody, they would follow nobody's advice but his; and he alone was obeyed in the critical moment."

Context:
BVG 132, August 1879: "Like everyone else, I need friendly or affectionate relationships or intimate companionship, and am not made of stone or iron like a pump or a lamppost, and like any man of culture or decency I cannot do without these things and not feel a void, a lack of something -- and I tell you all this to let you know how much good your visit has done me."
JLB 154, 8/11/1879-8/14/1879: "Like everyone else, I have need of relationships of friendship or affection or trusting companionship, and am not like a street pump or lamp-post, whether of stone or iron, so that I can't do without them without perceiving an emptiness and feeling their lack, like any other generally civilized and highly respectable man -- and I tell you these things to let you know what a salutary effect your visit had on me."

121. "uncivilized" BVG 132, 8/1/1879-8/15/1879.

Context:
BVG 132, 8/1/1879-8/15/1879: "How desirable and attractive have become the difficult days, full of care, here in this poor country, in these uncivilized surroundings, compared to that."
JLB 154, 8/11/1879-8/14/1879: "How desirable and appealing the rather difficult and troubled days here in this poor country, in these primitive surroundings, seem to me compared with then."

122. he gave in French Coquiot, p. 68. 123. started "haphazardly" Coquiot, p. 68. 124. and soon fell off Coquiot, p. 68. 125. "a miner's character" BVG 129, 4/1/1879.

Context:
BVG 129, 4/1/1879: "With miners one must have a miner's character and temperament, and no pretentious pride or mastery, or one will never get along with them or gain their confidence."
JLB 151, 4/1/1879-4/16/1879: "With charcoal-burners one must have a charcoal-burner's nature and character, and no pretensions, pridefulness or imperiousness, otherwise one can't get on with them and could never win their trust."

126. "picturesqueness" BVG 128, 3/1/1879.

Context:
BVG 128, March 1879: "I think that Father has been impressed with the Borinage and that he will not easily forget it; no one who visits this curious, remarkable and picturesque region can."
JLB 150, 3/4/1879-3/31/1879: "I believe that Pa received an impression of the Borinage that he won't easily forget, as it would be with anyone who visited this singular, remarkable and picturesque region of the country."

127. "charm" BVG 128, 3/1/1879. As Vincent became more mentally unstable, the delusion began to slip. In August, he wrote, "How desirable and appealing the rather difficult and troubled days here in this poor country, in these primitive surroundings, seem to me compared with then" (JLB 154, 8/11/1879-8/14/1879; emphasis added).

Context:
BVG 128, 3/1/1879: "The country and the inhabitants charm me more every day. One has a homelike feeling here, like on the heath, or in the dunes; the people have something simple and good."
JLB 154, 8/11/1879-8/14/1879: "The country and the people here appeal to me more each day, one has here a familiar feeling as though on the heath or in the dunes, there's something simple and kind-hearted about the people."

128. lovely BVG 129, 4/1/1879.

Context:
BVG 129, 4/1/1879: "It is lovely here in spring, too; there are spots where one could almost fancy oneself in the dunes, because of the hills."
JLB 151, 4/1/1879-4/16/1879: "Here it's also attractive in the country in the spring; here and there are places where one could imagine oneself in the dunes, because of the hills."

129. "One has a homelike" BVG 128, 3/1/1879.

Context:
BVG 128, 3/1/1879: " One has a homelike feeling here, like on the heath, or in the dunes; the people have something simple and good."
JLB 150, 3/4/1879-3/31/1879: "… one has here a familiar feeling as though on the heath or in the dunes, there's something simple and kind-hearted about the people."

130. "a very interesting" BVG 129, 4/1/1879.

Context:
BVG 129, April 1879: "Not long ago I made a very interesting expedition, spending six hours in a mine."
JLB 151, 4/1/1879-4/16/1879: "I went on a very interesting excursion not long ago; the fact is, I spent 6 hours in a mine."

131. the habitat of bugs BVG 130, 6/1/1879: Vincent makes two specific references to bugs. In referring to a view of the village and beyond, he observes "small black figures moving about during the day as though in an ants' nest" (JLB 152, 6/19/1879). In his description of the mine, he likens the miners' cells to "the cells in a beehive" (JLB 151, 4/1/1879-4/16/1879). The text, however, makes the distinct point that the report of the trip to the mine is devoid of empathy for the suffering or hardship of the miners' work; it is purely, coolly descriptive -- at the opposite end of the reportorial spectrum from Zola's Germinal, which, although closely observed, is suffused with indignation. 132. maintenages BVG 129, 4/1/1879: Vincent gives both maintenages and gredins as the name for the cells where miners worked. Accrophage is the name he gives to the hall at the bottom of the shaft "from which [the tubs] are pulled up to the surface." Tailles à droit and tailles à plat are two positions from which miners worked: standing and lying flat, respectively.

Context:
JLB 151, 4/1/1879-4/16/1879: "The maintenages or gradins (cells where the miners work) that are farthest removed from the exit are called 'des caches' (hidden places, places where one searches)."

133. not a word of outrage Indeed, just the opposite. Vincent's descriptions of the miners' work are marked almost exclusively by an engineer's cool fascination with the mechanics of the process. He explains, for example, how the heavy carts of coal are "transported along rails resembling a tramway," but never mentions that the children pulling these carts were often as young as twelve (JLB 151, 4/1/1879-4/16/1879). He compared the coffin-like chambers where the miners spent their long hours of inhuman labor to "a row of ovens such as one sees among the peasants" and the tunnels themselves to "large chimneys of the Brabant farmstead." 134. "bad reputation" BVG 129, 4/1/1879.

Context:
BVG 129, April 1879: "It has a bad reputation because many perish in it, either going down or coming up, or through poisoned air, firedamp explosion, water seepage, cave-ins, etc."
JLB 151, 4/1/1879-4/16/1879: " This mine has a bad name because many die in it, whether going down or coming up, or by suffocation or gas exploding, or because of water in the ground, or because of old passageways caving in and so on."

135. "because many perish" BVG 129, 4/1/1879.

Context:
BVG 129, April 1879: "It has a bad reputation because many perish in it, either going down or coming up, or through poisoned air, firedamp explosion, water seepage, cave-ins, etc."
JLB 151, 4/1/1879-4/16/1879: " This mine has a bad name because many die in it, whether going down or coming up, or by suffocation or gas exploding, or because of water in the ground, or because of old passageways caving in and so on."

136. "dead" BVG 129, 4/1/1879.

Context:
BVG 129, April 1879: "The villages here look desolate and dead and forsaken; life goes on underground instead of above."
JLB 151, 4/1/1879-4/16/1879: "The villages here have something forsaken and still and extinct about them, because life goes on underground instead of above."

137. "[just] as mariners" BVG 129, 4/1/1879.

Context:
BVG 129, April 1879: " As the mariners ashore are homesick for the sea, notwithstanding all the dangers and hardships which threaten them, so the miner would rather be under the ground than above it."
JLB 151, 4/1/1879-4/16/1879: " Just as sailors on land are homesick for the sea, despite all the dangers and difficulties that threaten them, so the mine-worker would rather be below ground than above."

138. from the desolate landscape BVG 127, 12/26/1878. The drawing was Chaudfontaine, and Vincent mentions it again three months later in attempting to describe "the singular effect of the black coal-pits and the many black chimneys in the snow" (JLB 150, 3/4/1879-3/31/1879). Given Vincent's considerable descriptive powers, it is probably significant that he never allowed himself to attempt an original description of the blighted landscape of the Borinage.

Context:
BVG 127, 12/26/1878): "You know that large drawing by Bosboom, "Chaudfontaine" -- it gives a good impression of the countryside in these parts, except that here everything is coal while to the north of Hainaut there are stone quarries and in Chaudfontaine they have iron." (JLB 149, 12/26/1878): "You know that large drawing by Bosboom, Chaudfontaine, it conveys the character of the land here well, only here everything is coal, in the north of Hainaut stone-quarries, and Chaudfontaine more iron ore."

139. a favorite print BVG 128, 3/1/1879. Vincent names the Israëls print: "shipwreck," which JLB have identified as The Shipwrecked Man (also known as The Drowned Fisherman) (JLB 150, 3/4/1879-3/31/1879; n. 6).

Context
JLB 150, 3/4/1879-3/31/1879: "When the cart with a white horse (l'blanc ch'val) brings an injured man home from the mine, one sees things that remind one of Israëls's shipwreck, and over and over again there is something that moves one."

140. "a fantastic" BVG 130, 6/1/1879.

Context:
BVG 130, April 1879: "Generally there is a kind of haze hanging over it all, or a fantastic chiaroscuro effect formed by the shadows of the clouds, reminding one of pictures by Rembrandt or Michel or Ruysdael."
JLB 152, 6/19/1879: "Usually a sort of fog hangs over it, or else there's the fanciful effect of light and shade owing to the shadows of clouds that remind one of paintings by Rembrandt or Michel or Ruisdael."

141. "wonderful picture" BVG 129, 4/1/1879.

Context:
JLB 151, 4/1/1879-4/16/1879: "The workers there are usually people, emaciated and pale owing to fever, who look exhausted and haggard, weather-beaten and prematurely old, the women generally sallow and withered."

142. "[that] would be something" BVG 129, 4/1/1879.

Context:
BVG 129, 4/1/1879: "A picture of the maintenages would be something new and unheard of -- or rather, never before seen."
JLB 151, 4/1/1879-4/16/1879: "If anyone were to try and make a painting of the maintenages, that would be something new and something unheard-of or rather never-before-seen."

143. Rather than recognize BVG 129, 4/1/1879.

Context:
JLB 151, 4/1/1879-4/16/1879: "So there are again many sickly and bedridden people, lying emaciated on their beds, weak and miserable."

144. he returned BVG 133, 7/1/1880.

Context:
JLB 155, 6/22/1880-6/24/1880: "If now you can forgive a man for going more deeply into paintings, admit also that the love of books is as holy as that of Rembrandt, and I even think that the two complement each other."

145. "There is still" BVG 130, 6/1/1879.

Context:
BVG 130, April 1879: " There is still so much slavery in the world, and in this remarkably wonderful book that important question is treated with so much wisdom, so much love, and such zeal and interest in the true welfare of the poor oppressed that one comes back to it again and again, always finding something new."
JLB 152, 6/19/1879: "Am currently reading Uncle Tom's cabin a lot -- there's still so much slavery in the world -- and in that astonishingly beautiful book this extremely momentous matter is treated with such wisdom, with a love and a zeal and interest in the genuine welfare of the poor and oppressed, that one can't help coming back to it again and again and finding more in it each time."

146. a disapproving word BVG 238, 10/10/1882: Although he occasionally allows himself sympathy for the miners' suffering, Vincent never utters a word of indignation or protest against the system of labor that caused that suffering. (See Ch. 12, n. 158.) Almost four years later, he reported for the first time that he had been present at a mine strike while in the Borinage. The memory was elicited, of course, by an image: Une Grève de Charbonniers [Miners' Strike], a wood engraving by Alfred Philippe Roll. 198 147. "a masterpiece" BVG 131, 8/5/1879: Vincent apparently read the book in English, although he quoted the title to Theo in French (Les Temps Difficiles) and recommended a cheap French edition (Hachette, Bibliothèque des meilleurs romans étrangers [Library of the Best Foreign Novels]).

Context:
BVG 131, 8/5/1879: "It is a masterpiece, the author in this work has painted a moving and sympathetic portrait of a working man called Stephen Blackpool."
JLB 153, 8/5/1879: "It's masterly, one of the characters is a worker, Stephen Blackpool, who's well portrayed and extremely likeable."

148. "moving and sympathetic" BVG 131, 8/5/1879: Vincent mentions the character, Stephen Blackpool, by name. Blackpool operates a power loom in the mill owned by Josiah Bounderby in the fictional industrial city of Coketown. The fact that Blackpool refuses to join a union may be relevant to Vincent's views on the nascent trade union movement. (In fact, Dickens goes out of his way not to be seen as supporting radical worker behavior, despite the book's mis-en-scène.) Hard Times is, at some level, a book about the triumph of soft virtues ("faith, hope, and charity") over hard facts (the realm of both capitalism and political activism) -- a reality-defying conceit perfectly suited to Vincent's delusional mindset at the time.

Context:
BVG 131, 8/5/1879: "It is a masterpiece, the author in this work has painted a moving and sympathetic portrait of a working man called Stephen Blackpool."
JLB 153, 8/5/1879: "It's masterly, one of the characters is a worker, Stephen Blackpool, who's well portrayed and extremely likeable."

149. "A picture by" BVG 130, 6/1/1879. Vincent makes this comment in the context of a discussion of Uncle Tom's Cabin, so he is not using "nature" in the sense of landscape, but in a more embracing sense. Immediately following the line quoted in the text, he writes: "… in Uncle Tom's cabin in particular, things have been put in a new light by the artist, ... It's so subtly felt, it's so well worked out, it's so masterly. It was written with so much love, so much seriousness and so faithful to the truth and with knowledge of the subject. It's so humble and simple but at the same time so truly sublime, so noble and so distinguished." (JLB 152, 6/19/1879.)

Context:
JLB 152, 6/19/1879: "A painting by Mauve or Maris or Israëls speaks more and more clearly than nature itself."

150. a region boiling Secrétan-Rollier, Van Gogh chez les gueules noires, p. 52: "To sum up, van Gogh arrives in the heart of a population crushed by poverty, wretchedness and humiliation and ready to revolt." 151. Borinage had spearheaded Piérard, The Tragic Life of Vincent van Gogh, p. 42: "The Borin district was then, and is still to-day, one of the most socialistic places in the whole country." This is confirmed by Eugenia Herbert, who notes that "Belgium was, next to England, the most highly industrialized nation in Europe," and conditions "were worse in Belgium than elsewhere because of the surplus labor force and the exigencies of foreign competition" (Herbert, pp. 9-10). As a result, Belgium had experienced "a steady history of class conflict, especially in the coal mines and metallurgical enterprises" (ibid., p. 9). 152. admit of victimhood b2473 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 5/11/1879: An indication of Vincent's disconnection from the trade union movement comes in a letter to his father after the mine disaster at nearby Frameries in April 1879. Reporting the substance of Vincent's letter to Theo, Dorus writes: "We had the impression he was feeling a bit down-hearted, maybe it was only a temporary feeling. A lot was given to the mineworkers who were working in that bloody mine, but in that neighborhood they are so poor and at times unfortunate." (Emphasis added.) This suggests that Vincent believed that the mine companies had been generous to the injured workers, not that they were the victims of exploitation (which was the position of trade unionists all over Belgium following the Frameries accident, which killed one-hundred and twenty-one miners) (Dejollier, p. 120). This is certainly contrary to the legends of Vincent's pro-labor activism, which have been retailed since the earliest biographies. (See Ch. 12, n. 158.) 153. "God wills that" BVG 127, 12/26/1878.

Context:
BVG 127, 12/26/1878: "And God wills that in imitation of Christ, man should live and walk humbly on earth, not reaching for the sky, but bowing to humble things, learning from the Gospel to be meek and humble of heart."
JLB 149, 12/26/1878: " ... and God wants man to live and walk humbly upon the earth, in imitation of Christ, minding not high things, but condescending to men of low estate, learning from the gospel to be meek and lowly in heart."

154. expecting the miners BVG 126, 11/15/1878.

Context:
JLB 148, 11/13/1878-11/15/1878 or 11/16/1878: "There are already a number of small Protestant congregations in the Borinage, and certainly schools as well, may God point me to a place [the Borinage] where I can be active as an evangelist in the way we spoke about, by preaching the gospel to the poor, thus to those who have need of it and for whom it is suited to perfection."

155. "walked in darkness" Isaiah 9:2. 156. Kempian message Kempis, p. 3: "Whoever follows Me will not walk in darkness." 157. the ash-cart horse BVG 126, 11/15/1878.

Context:
JLB 148, 11/13/1878-11/15/1878 or 11/16/1878: "The poor horse -- the old faithful servant, stands patient and submissive, but courageous nonetheless and as resolute, as it were, as the old guard who said 'the guard dies but does not surrender' -- waits for its final hour. I couldn't help thinking of that print this evening when I saw those dust-cart horses."

158. Through strikes BVG 392, 1/20/1885: While in the Borinage, Vincent mentions labor activity only once in his letters, an indication of how disconnected he was from his surroundings. And that mention does not state definitively that he was present, nor does it show unequivocal support of the miners' cause. Referring to a mine foreman he has befriended, he writes, "On more than one occasion during a strike, he was the only person who could exert any influence on the workers. They would hear no one, they would listen to no one but him, and at the critical moment no one was obeyed but him alone" (JLB 152, 6/19/1879). This suggests that Vincent, like so many others, feared the disruption to the old order that the trade union movement represented. In Vincent's case, this fundamentally conservative view would have been paradoxically reinforced by his Kempian belief in withdrawal from the world. We do not credit at all Piérard's report that Vincent stepped in as impromptu leader of the strike that followed the mine explosion at Frameries in April 1879 ("The revolting miners would now listen to no one except 'Le Pasteur Vincent' in whom they felt entire confidence" [Piérard, The Tragic Life of Vincent van Gogh, p. 55]). Not only does this bear a suspicious resemblance to Vincent's description of the mine foreman Quintet's behavior in JLB 152, 6/19/1879, but it flies in the face of the numerous reports that the townspeople, although appreciative of Vincent's efforts on behalf of the sick and injured, considered him, at best, eccentric; at worst, mad.

For the same reasons, we do not credit Tralbaut's vaguely-attributed account of Vincent's indignant confrontation with the mine overseers (which appears to be just an imaginative filling-out of the earlier account with a heavy gloss of pro-labor proselytizing): "When [Vincent] saw how we worked like slaves in the mines, for twelve hours a day, and for a daily wage that ranged from 2.51 to 3.44 Belgian francs, he was furious and exclaimed: How can they treat God's creatures like this? And he went to the bosses of the mines, who, incidentally, out of every 100 francs of net receipts paid 60.9 francs in wages and 39.1 francs to the shareholders; he wanted to get a juster share for us, but they only insulted him. They said: 'We'll have you shut up in the madhouse, M. Vincent, if you don't leave us in peace.' A miner's strike broke out shortly afterwards; we wanted to set fire to the mine, but M. Vincent persuaded us against violence. He told us not to be unworthy men, for brutality destroys everything that is good in man." (Tralbaut, pp. 62, 64; emphasis in original.)

Context:
JLB 479, 1/23/1885: "It's a different mood from that of the miners I lived with in a year of strikes and many accidents."

159. work stoppages b2469 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 4/23/1879: The work-stoppage that Dorus mentions followed a fire-damp explosion at a mine near Vincent. 160. "rebellious speeches" BVG 392, 1/20/1885.

Context:
BVG 392, 1/20/1885: "That was even worse, yet it is often pathetic here too; the people are quiet, and literally nowhere have I heard anything resembling rebellious speeches."
JLB 479, 1/23/1885: "That was even worse -- but all the same, it's often heart-rending here too -- the people are quiet, and literally nowhere have I heard anything resembling inflammatory arguments."

161. which he attended BVG 238, 10/10/1882: Not until years later did Vincent mention that he witnessed labor unrest in the Borinage. Three years later, he described a wood engraving of a strike in a coal mine (Une Grève de Charbonniers [Miners' Strike] by Alfred Philippe Roll): "This shows the yard of a coal-mine, in front of which there's a large group of men, women and children who have evidently stormed the building. They stand or sit around an overturned cart, and are held back by mounted police. One chap throws a stone, but a woman tries to grab his arm." (JLB 272, 10/15/1882.) Then he commented: "I myself was present at such a scene in all its vivid reality. What I find so good in his painting is that as a whole it depicts such a situation so truly."

Context:
JLB 272, 10/15/1882: "As for the one by Roll, I myself was present at such a scene in all its vivid reality. What I find so good in his painting is that as a whole it depicts such a situation so truly, even though one finds few of the details."

162. "Child of God" Secrétan-Rollier, "Looking through Vincent's Book of Psalms," pp. 21-25. 163. community seething with grievances Secrétan-Rollier, Van Gogh chez les gueules noires, p. 52: "To sum up, van Gogh arrives in the heart of a population crushed by poverty, wretchedness and humiliation and ready to revolt." 164. fallen by a third Piérard, The Tragic Life of Vincent van Gogh, p. 44: According to Piérard's review of "the official documents," the wages had been fr 3.44 in 1875 and only fr 2.52 in 1878. However, Secrétan-Rollier reports even lower wages for adult women: "1 fr. 90; those at the surface 1 fr. 40" (Secrétan-Rollier, Van Gogh chez les gueules noires, p. 49). Presumably the wages for children were lower still. (All figures are representative of daily wages for a fourteen-hour day.) Miners also had to pay the machinist to lower them into the pit (ibid.). 165. died by the hundreds Piérard, The Tragic Life of Vincent van Gogh, p. 44: "A little later at La Boule, at Quaregnon, there were many hundreds killed." 166. "poor creatures" Mendes da Costa, in Stein, ed., pp. 43-44: It is instructive to review Mendes da Costa's report of Vincent's mission statement in Amsterdam in light of the "delusion" that proved so disastrous in the Borinage: "Mendes, do you really think such horrors [as Latin and Greek] are necessary for someone who wants what I want: to give poor creatures a peacefulness in their existence on earth?" 167. "There have been" BVG 129, 4/1/1879.

Context
BVG 129, April 1879: "Since that time there have been many cases of typhoid and malignant fever, of what they call la sotte fièvre, which gives them bad dreams like nightmares and makes them delirious."
JLB 151, 4/1/1879-4/16/1879: "But since then there have been quite a few cases of typhus and virulent fever, including what is known as 'foolish fever', which causes one to have bad dreams such as nightmares and delirium."

199 168. suffering with selfless abandon b2459 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 1/29/1879: In the context of writing about Vincent's treating the sick and injured, Dorus observes: "He commits himself completely to his job and is faithful in helping and providing solace for those people." In less than a month, Vincent's "complete" commitment will become a cause for concern to his parents, who are familiar with the problems their son's exaggerated enthusiasms can create. 169. He visited households Secrétan-Rollier, Van Gogh chez les gueules noires, p. 66: "First there is the typhoid epidemic. Vincent finds himself leaning over the little beds of the children he usually gathers together in the Salon du Bébé. Their feverish faces and anxious eyes move him to tears. He can do nothing to offer them relief or hasten their recovery." 170. offered to do chores Tralbaut, Vincent van Gogh, p. 60. 171. sat vigil for days Secrétan-Rollier, Van Gogh chez les gueules noires, p. 62: "He falls to his knees with fatigue or joy after he learns that the invalid he has visited and watched over for so long is getting better." Piérard, also quotes Rev. Bonté: "He preferred to go to the most unfortunate, the injured and the sick, and stayed a long time with them; he was prepared to make any sacrifice to ease their suffering" (Piérard, The Tragic Life of Vincent van Gogh, p. 46; all emphasis added). 172. rushed to help care b2459 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 1/29/1879: Although Vincent's ministrations to this particular patient later became the subject of myth (some of it probably due to Vincent's own manufacture) (see Ch. 12, n. 173), when he first reported the incident to his parents in January, he apparently characterized his role more modestly: "He kept watch and helped with bandages," Dorus reported to Theo. 173. "burnt from" b2459 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 1/29/1879: "He had a very sick person, injured in a mine explosion, burnt from head to toe. He kept watch and helped with bandages." This man, whose injuries Vincent reported to his parents in January, was probably the same man whose recovery Vincent mentioned several months later to Theo: "Did I tell you at the time about the miner who was badly burned by a gas explosion? Thank God he has now recovered and goes out and about and is beginning to take long walks as practice, his hands are still weak and it will be some time before he's able to use them for his work, yet he has been saved" (JLB 151, 4/1/1879-4/16/1879).

This is probably also the same man whom Vincent described to Gauguin a decade later. Gauguin related the story: "One of [the injured], frightfully mutilated and scorched on the face, was taken in by Vincent. In the meantime the company doctor classified this man a hopeless case, to be salvaged only by a miracle ... But Vincent believed in miracles ... [He] watched over the bed of the moribund victim. He effectively prevented any contaminating air from reaching the wounds and he paid for the needed medicaments. ... [He] succeeded in reviving a Christian from the dead." (Gauguin, "Gauguin on Vincent (1888)," pp. 42-43.) This is also probably the same man who entered the record in various exaggerated accounts (e.g., Tralbaut, p. 60), of which Vincent's story to Gauguin should probably be seen as a prime example, although it is impossible to know if Vincent or Gauguin, or both, were responsible for the dramatic details. (Either Vincent or, more likely, Gauguin told the same story to Bernard, who reported it in a letter in 1889 [Bernard, n.p.].)

The romantic myth-making around Vincent's ministry to the sick and injured in the Borinage began early. Piérard already attributes to Vincent near miraculous powers (Piérard, The Tragic Life of Vincent van Gogh, p. 52). "Women would come to the holy man at the time of drawing lots for conscription and ask him to point out a passage in the Scriptures that would act as a talisman to make their sons draw the right numbers and save them from the barracks" (ibid.). By the 1990s, the great nephew of Vincent's landlord Denis reported to Wilkie that the miners referred to Vincent as "the Christ of the Coalmine" (Wilkie, p. 77).

174. He ripped linen bandages Piérard, The Tragic Life of Vincent van Gogh, p. 50. 175. wax and olive oil Piérard, The Tragic Life of Vincent van Gogh, p. 50. 176. sometimes paid for himself Gauguin, in Welsh-Ovcharov, ed., pp. 42-43: This part of Gauguin's version of Vincent's story sounds more plausible to us than most of it. Vincent's paying for bandages out of his own salary may, in fact, have been the source of the later versions of the story which have Vincent tearing up all his underwear to make bandages (Piérard, The Tragic Life of Vincent van Gogh, p. 50). Given that Vincent earned only ₣50, less than the miners' average ₣80, spending money on his "patients" was tantamount to giving them the shirt off his back (b2456 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 1/19/1879). 177. "day and night" Piérard, The Tragic Life of Vincent van Gogh, p. 50. 178. sickbeds praying and evangelizing Piérard, The Tragic Life of Vincent van Gogh, p. 52: In addition to the stories about Vincent's extraordinary healing powers in the Borinage, stories grew-up elaborating his prowess at conversion. Piérard's account of Vincent's successful conversion of an injured miner who was also "a notorious drunkard, unbeliever and blasphemer" (who called Vincent "a rosary chewer," apparently mistaking him for a priest) has seen many iterations. 179. "fell to his knees" Secrétan-Rollier, Van Gogh chez les gueules noires, p. 62. 180. when patients recovered BVG 129, 4/1/1879.

Context:
BVG 129, April 1879: " Thank God, he has recovered and is going out again, and is beginning to walk some distance just for exercise; his hands are still weak and it will be some time before he can use them for his work, but he is out of danger."
JLB 151, 4/1/1879-4/16/1879: " Thank God he has now recovered and goes out and about and is beginning to take long walks as practice, his hands are still weak and it will be some time before he's able to use them for his work, yet he has been saved."

181. no butter Aafjes, n.p. 182. gruel of rice Piérard, The Tragic Life of Vincent van Gogh, p. 50. 183. He neglected his clothes Piérard, "Among the Miners of the Borinage," p. 46: The recollections of Vincent in the Borinage are filled with stories about him giving away all his clothes and wearing either "an old soldier's jacket," or just sackcloth. This extreme behavior is discussed later in the chapter and, we believe, did not begin until later in Vincent's stay. In mid-April, almost two months after visiting Vincent in Petit Wasmes and addressing the complaints about him at that time (including neglect of his appearance), Dorus wrote Theo: "[Vincent's] last [letter] luckily was good again ... He also wrote that he does not get remarks about his clothing anymore" (b2468 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 4/18/1879). This indicates to us that, as of this date, Vincent still had presentable clothes and was still making an attempt to satisfy the requirements of his father and his evangelical superiors regarding his appearance. A July letter from Dorus provides additional support for dating the more exaggerated examples of Vincent's self-abuse to a later time during his stay. "We are quite disturbed about Vincent again. It seems he is stubborn about remarks made to him, and I fear things will go amiss. That has not happened yet." (b2485 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 7/2/1879; emphasis added.) 184. "too luxurious" Piérard, "Among the Miners of the Borinage," p. 46: Vincent did not comment on why he left the Denis house the first time (in February). Subsequent legends supplied the rationale that he did not want to live better than the miners. According to Secrétan-Rollier, "[He] found his lodgings too luxurious; it was an offence to his Christian humility, he could not bear to have accommodation that was so very different from that of the miners" (Secrétan-Rollier, Van Gogh chez les gueules noires, p. 67). Vincent may have used, and even believed, this rationale; but the fact that he did exactly the same thing in Amsterdam and Brussels, without any claim of solidarity with the workers, suggests that the real reasons went far deeper. 185. thatch-roofed hut Piérard, "Among the Miners of the Borinage," p. 46. According to another version of Denis's story, Vincent secured "the strongest wood" from a miner and "made a hut at the end of our garden and began living there, sleeping on a plan" (Gérin, n.p.). We think it is more likely that the hut was pre-existing, which is also the more common version. We have assumed Vincent secured the wood for his sleeping plank. The nature of this hut is also somewhat unclear. The sources agree that it had no furniture, but Secrétan-Rollier, citing Rev. Bonté, suggests that it may have had a fireplace ("He had no furniture and it was said that he slept at the corner of the hearth"), and therefore was not unheated (Secrétan-Rollier, Van Gogh chez les gueules noires, p. 67). Vincent refers to the hut as "a small house," which suggests more than just a shed (JLB 150, 3/4/1879-3/31/1879). The fact that Vincent's father, after visiting in February, allowed Vincent to continue to use the structure as "a workplace or study" also suggests that it was more than just a shed and was, in fact, designed for habitation (ibid.). 186. nearby b2460 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 2/12/1879: Denis's son recalled that the hut was "at the end of our garden" (quoted in Gérin, n.p.). Secrétan-Rollier describes its location as "over by the wood" (Secrétan-Rollier, Van Gogh chez les gueules noires, p. 67). It was apparently close enough to the Denis house for Vincent to continue to have regular contact with the Denis family. That his father later agreed to allow Vincent to use it as a "workplace or study," after returning to live in the Denis house, also suggests proximity (JLB 150, 3/4/1879-3/31/1879). Although Vincent consulted his parents about the move to the hut (they advised against it), he did not inform them when he began sleeping there -- just as he had not informed them that he was sleeping in a shed outside his uncle's house in Amsterdam, or that he was sleeping on the floor at his boarding house in Brussels. "[Vincent] also mentions a plan to live alone in a laborer's house he would rent," Dorus informed Theo. "We advised him against it." Anna (who distrusted Belgians, French, and Catholics, of which the Borins were all three) expressed concern that nobody could "watch his things" in the hut quite irrespective of whether he slept there or not (b2463 V/1982, ''Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 2/27/1879). 187. "the hardest wood" Gérin, n.p.: One of the sons of Vincent's landlord Denis later gave an interviewer this account: "One day [Vincent] told my father, 'What is the strongest wood? I want it.' We didn't know why he wanted it, but when a miner gave him the wood from the mine very hard, he made a hut at the end of our garden and began living there, sleeping on a plank." 188. plank for sleeping In a footnote, Hulsker tries to mitigate the self-punishing aspect of Vincent's sleep habits: "It seems more likely that [Vincent] slept on a straw mattress, as is stated further on in Piérard's article" (Hulsker, Vincent and Theo, pp. 78-79). This effort seems to us misguided, as Vincent's clear intention -- in Amsterdam, Brussels, and the Borinage -- was to make his sleep as uncomfortable as possible; whether on straw or wood or floor. Surely it is no coincidence that both Vincent and others (including Mrs. Denis) observed that he did not sleep well during this period. 189. hung his prints BVG 128, 3/1/1879.

Context:
JLB 150, 3/4/1879-3/31/1879: "Have rented a small house where I'd really like to live entirely on my own, but which now serves only as a workplace or study, because Pa thinks it better that I board with Denis, and I do too. I have prints on the wall there and all sorts of things."

190. reading Aafjes, n.p.: "He was always studying; in one evening he read a book of a hundred pages." 191. smoking Piérard, The Tragic Life of Vincent van Gogh, p. 48. 192. underlining his psalmbook Secrétan-Rollier, "Looking through Vincent's Book of Psalms," p. 21: Secrétan-Rollier reports that this was a very small volume (3.75 by 5 in.) of 634 pages, including 177 religious songs and seventy religious psalms in rhyme put to music. The book was heavily used. Vincent underlined it extensively and annotated it in the margins (ibid., p. 23). Secrétan-Rollier refers to it, with justified melodrama, as Vincent's "most intimate confidant" (ibid., p. 69). 193. He lost weight Piérard, The Tragic Life of Vincent van Gogh, p. 51. 194. Denis's wife feared Piérard, The Tragic Life of Vincent van Gogh, p. 51. 195. his weakened condition Piérard, The Tragic Life of Vincent van Gogh, p. 51: Piérard reports that when Dorus visited in late February, he found his son "looking appallingly weak and emaciated." 196. the typhoid epidemic Piérard, The Tragic Life of Vincent van Gogh, p. 55. 197. congregation considered the shack unbefitting b2463 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 2/27/1879. 198. "folie religieuse" Coquiot, pp. 69-70. Secrétan-Rollier adds: "There are soon complaints from the members of his Consistory who find that the conduct of their minister does not conform to the image they had had in mind" (Secrétan-Rollier, Van Gogh chez les gueules noires, p. 66). 199. Vincent defended Secrétan-Rollier, Van Gogh chez les gueules noires, p. 66: "He flies in the face of the warnings he receives, no matter where they come from." Dorus later confirms this: "There is so much good in him, but he does not want to cooperate" (b2487 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 7/19/1879). 200. "the Lord had" Secrétan-Rollier, Van Gogh chez les gueules noires, p. 67. 201. accusers took that as blasphemy Coquiot, pp. 69-70: "Applying the teachings of Christ in such a way! What a heresy! ... concluded the members of the Committee." 202. refusal to heed advice b2463 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 2/27/1879: Vincent's parents received a letter from Théodore van der Haeghen in Pâturages, a colporteur and member of Vincent's congregation to whom Dorus had written when Vincent first arrived. As Anna reports the letter to Theo, Van der Haeghen wrote that "if [Vincent] would not listen to advice they had decided that he would lose his position." 203. summon an inspector b2463 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 2/27/1879. 204. threat to dismiss him b2463 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 2/27/1879: The testimony on this point is unassailable -- a contemporaneous letter exists from Théodore van der Haeghen, with whom Vincent had briefly stayed when he first arrived in the area. Van der Haeghen wrote Vincent's parents on the eve of the inspector's visit. Anna summarized his letter to Theo: "a very kind letter saying that Vincent had left Denis's excellent boarding house against all the advice that he and other interested people had given him and lived in a shack without a bed or change. But if he would not listen to advice they had decided that he would lose his position." (Emphasis added.) 205. fueled his parents' anxieties b2460 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 2/12/1879: Both parents worried about the danger posed by Vincent's tendencies to extremism and isolation. For that reason, they, too, had advised against his plan to move into the hut. "It could only lead again to eccentricities," they predicted ominously. 206. "being so absorbed" b2460 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 2/12/1879. 207. "it must be so dirty there" b2460 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 2/12/1879. 208. "the miserable life" Piérard, The Tragic Life of Vincent van Gogh, p. 51. 209. "confirming our worry" b2463 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 2/27/1879. 210. "it's none of their business" b2463 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 2/27/1879. 200 211. "Jesus also acted" b2463 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 2/27/1879. 212. Dorus knew better b2463 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 2/27/1879: Originally, in response to Vincent's early problems in the Borinage, his parents intended only to send a package of "a few things," probably clothing and bedding. But almost immediately "it seemed better if Dad would deliver it himself," Anna wrote Theo. As soon as the new crisis arose, Dorus had written Rev. Pieterszen a letter and apparently waited to receive a response before leaving for the Borinage. But when a letter did not arrive, "we could not wait any longer," Anna wrote. The same day Dorus left, letters arrived both from Vincent and from a member of his congregation, Théodore van der Haeghen, with whom Dorus had also been corresponding over Vincent's situation. Van der Haeghen apparently suggested paternal intervention, by letter if not in person: "he wrote to ask whether fatherly advice might dissuade [Vincent] from his wrong track," Anna reported. 213. Dodging winter storms b2463 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 2/27/1879. 214. 26-Feb b2463 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 2/27/1879: In a letter dated February 27 (Thursday), Anna refers to Dorus having left on "Wednesday" for Mons, the train stop for the Borinage. She could only have been referring to the previous day (if he had gone the previous week [February 19], he would have returned by the date of Anna's letter). Also, Anna writes as if he has just left ("And now I have to tell you that Dad has gone to see Vincent"). Dorus had come and gone by Vincent's next letter to Theo written sometime in March (JLB 150, 3/4/1879-3/31/1879). 215. Reverend Rochedieu Lutjeharms, p. 19. Rev. Rochedieu. Presumably because Anna wrote "Rochelieu" in her letter of February 27, 1879, Bonger adopted that spelling; and most subsequent writings have followed Bonger. Tralbaut appears to be the first to use the correct spelling of the name (which is French for "rock of God") and JLB concur Tralbaut's spelling. 216. heard the grievances b2463 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 2/27/1879: "as a result of an inspector's visit, I expect it was Rev. Rochelieu [sic] from Brussels, there was a meeting about him with gentlemen from the district and the church council from Wasmes." We believe that there were at least two (and probably more) meetings about Vincent. This is clearly the implication of Anna's letter in July, shortly after her visit with Vincent in Mons (b2484 V/1982, ''Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 7/2/1879, which Hulsker quotes in Vincent and Theo, p. 80).

The first of these meetings, in February, probably included only selected "gentlemen from the district" (our translation) and some local preachers, in addition to the inspector, Rochedieu. This impromptu meeting, called at the request of leaders in the congregation, must have resulted in some kind of preliminary report to the Committee and a warning to Vincent. Because it was not a part of the regular review process, and because of the sensitivity of the situation, it was probably conducted quietly. The briefness of Vincent's tenure (a little over one month) would also have argued for a quiet, private inquiry. Additional meetings resulted in additional rebukes and warnings (Hulsker, Vincent and Theo, p. 80). The last of these meetings preceded the final decision to sever Vincent's relationship with the Committee in July, a decision that was ratified in the Evangelical Committee's annual report for 1879–80 (Piérard, The Tragic Life of Vincent van Gogh, p. 47). This last meeting took place in June, and, as a regular part of the review at the end of the six-month probationary period, might have included more of the congregation (''Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 7/2/1879, quoted in Hulsker, Vincent and Theo, p. 80). This last meeting may have given rise to the legends describing a raucous, accusatory session that resembled, at least in spirit, a "stoning" (Piérard, The Tragic Life of Vincent van Gogh, p. 50). It seems highly doubtful to us that the Committee would have wanted to publicly air its problems (especially its mistake in hiring Vincent) by inviting "the people of the neighborhood" to attend any of these meetings (Hulsker, Vincent and Theo, p. 78-79).

217. "a regrettable excess" Coquiot, p. 69. 218. "vigorous lecture" Coquiot, pp. 69-70. 219. "lying on a" Piérard, The Tragic Life of Vincent van Gogh, p. 51: Piérard makes a weak link to this scene and Vincent's much later painting The Potato Eaters (F 78 JH 734, April, 1885, oil on canvas, 28.3 by 36.6 in., 72 by 93 cm., The Kröller-Müller Museum: Otterlo, The Netherlands): "Several poverty-stricken and dolorous miners were huddled round Vincent in the wan light of a lamp hanging from the ceiling. Great fantastic shadows danced on the green distempered walls." 220. Vincent "suffered" Piérard, The Tragic Life of Vincent van Gogh, p. 51. 221. through the gray snow BVG 128, 3/1/1879.

Context:
JLB 150, 3/4/1879-3/31/1879: "Together we visited the 3 ministers of the Borinage and walked through the snow and visited a miner's family and saw coal being hauled up from a mine called Les trois Diefs (the three heaps of earth) and Pa attended two Bible readings, so we did a great deal in those couple of days."

222. three local clergymen BVG 128, 3/1/1879: Vincent does not name the clergymen, but they probably included Pierre Péron (the preacher in Dour with whom Dorus had corresponded), and David Bonté (the chief local preacher, whose church was located in Warquignies). The third may have been Théodore van der Haeghen, the colporteur in Pâturages with whom Vincent stayed when he first arrived and with whom Dorus corresponded (b2463 V/1982, ''Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 2/27/1879). Note that this "tour" is similar to one that Dorus led Vincent on the previous February in Amsterdam, for similar purposes of penance.

Context:
JLB 150, 3/4/1879-3/31/1879: "Together we visited the 3 ministers of the Borinage and walked through the snow and visited a miner's family and saw coal being hauled up from a mine called Les trois Diefs (the three heaps of earth) and Pa attended two Bible readings, so we did a great deal in those couple of days."

223. "plans for improvement" BVG 132, 8/1/1879-8/15/1879. Five months later, after Vincent had a similar conversation with Theo, Vincent wrote: "As I think back on your visit with thankfulness, our talks naturally come to mind. I've heard such talks before, many, in fact, and often" (JLB 154, 8/11/1879-8/14/1879). This is clearly a reference to the earlier conversation with his father in February, and probably similar conversations previous to that.

Context:
BVG 132, August 1879: " Plans for improvement and change and generating energy -- and yet, do not be offended, I am a little frightened by them, not least because I have sometimes acted upon them only to have my hopes dashed."
JLB 154, 8/11/1879-8/14/1879: " Plans for improvement and change and raising the spirits -- and yet, don't let it anger you, I'm a little afraid of them -- also because I sometimes acted upon them and ended up rather disappointed."

224. look after his appearance b2468 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 4/18/1879: Dorus commented six weeks later that "[Vincent] does not get remarks about his clothing anymore," suggesting that this was one topic of discussion during his visit in February. 225. obey his church superiors b2485 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 7/2/1879: Dorus's later bristling when Vincent fails to change this behavior suggests that it was a subject of correction in February. "About Vincent we are not a little worried again. It seems he remains inflexible when one makes remarks to him and I fear things will go wrong there. It has not gone that far yet, but it seems he does not further his interests by his inflexibility." (b2485 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 7/2/1879.) When Vincent ultimately defies both his superiors and his father's instruction, Dorus's resulting anger will live in Vincent's memory for years afterward (JLB 189, 11/23/1881). 226. "as a workshop" BVG 128, 3/1/1879. In what was a clear effort at concealment from Theo, Vincent wrote: "Pa thinks it better that I board with Denis, and I do too"(JLB 150, 3/4/1879-3/31/1879).

Context:
BVG 128, March 1879: "I have rented a small house that I would like to make my home, but now it serves only as a workshop or study; Father, and I too, think it preferable that I lodge with Denis."
JLB 150, 3/4/1879-3/31/1879: "Have rented a small house where I'd really like to live entirely on my own, but which now serves only as a workplace or study, because Pa thinks it better that I board with Denis, and I do too."

227. "He is too obstinate" b2463 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 2/27/1879: "I fear that it won't last," Anna wrote Theo. "Even if they settle things now, again it will not work out. [Vincent] is too obstinate and stubborn and won't take any advice." 228. "He will not" BVG 128, 3/1/1879. Given Vincent's in extremis condition and the drama of his father's brief visit, Vincent's description of the visit to Theo (which follows in full) is a supreme act of either delusion or deception, or both: "I'm very glad that Pa was here. Together we visited the 3 ministers of the Borinage and walked through the snow and visited a miner's family and saw coal being hauled up from a mine called Les trois Diefs (the three heaps of earth) and Pa attended two Bible readings, so we did a great deal in those couple of days. ... Spring is beginning, for one hears larks here, and in the woods the branches and buds are beginning to sprout, especially the alders, but when Pa was here everything was covered with snow, so that Pa saw the singular effect of the black coal-pits and the many black chimneys in the snow." (JLB 150, 3/4/1879-3/31/1879.) This is a prime example of why it is unwise to take Vincent's letters to Theo as accurate or complete reports of the events in his life.

Context:
BVG 128, 3/1/1879: "Father also attended two Bible classes, so we did a great deal in those few days. I think that Father has been impressed with the Borinage and that he will not easily forget it; no one who visits this curious, remarkable and picturesque region can."
JLB 150, 3/4/1879-3/31/1879: "I believe that Pa received an impression of the Borinage that he won't easily forget, as it would be with anyone who visited this singular, remarkable and picturesque region of the country."

229. wrote the next day b2463 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 2/27/1879: Dorus left the Borinage on February 28, after staying two days -- one day longer than he intended. "Dad had hoped to return home this evening [February 27] but it is uncertain now. Now that Dad will have a lot to discuss I don't expect him before tomorrow." 230. Vincent was seen spitting Piérard, The Tragic Life of Vincent van Gogh, p. 50. In her translation of Denis's account in the Complete Letters, Bonger interprets this act in a way that purges it of the essential element of contempt: "One day when [Vincent] came to our house he started vomiting on the basement floor" (Van Gogh-Bonger, in Van Gogh, Vincent, p. 225). 231. "Perhaps" b2463 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 2/27/1879. 232. "firedamp" Secrétan-Rollier, Van Gogh chez les gueules noires, p. 44. 233. the barrel of a gun "Moorfield Colliery Explosion," n.p. 201 234. a thousand miles an hour "Moorfield Colliery Explosion," n.p. 235. "like the report" "Moorfield Colliery Explosion," n.p. 236. The hoist man Secrétan-Rollier, Van Gogh chez les gueules noires, p. 44. 237. bubble of unignited gas Secrétan-Rollier, Van Gogh chez les gueules noires, p. 44. 238. Young girls Secrétan-Rollier, Van Gogh chez les gueules noires, p. 45. 239. exploded again and again Secrétan-Rollier, Van Gogh chez les gueules noires, p. 44: According to the author, the explosions went on "without pause for four hours." 240. hurling hundreds of tons Secrétan-Rollier, Van Gogh chez les gueules noires, p. 44: "That morning at the 'Agrappe' [Frameries] the explosion was terrible. It threw up 420 tonnes of coal and represented a volume of 100 000 cubic metres [3.5 million cubic feet] of firedamp." 241. rock into the air Secrétan-Rollier, Van Gogh chez les gueules noires, p. 115: "[A] firedamp explosion in Frameries causing rocks weighing between 18 and 20 kg [50 pounds] to be projected up to 60 metres [200 feet] away." 242. the updraft had stripped Secrétan-Rollier, Van Gogh chez les gueules noires, p. 45. 243. "column of fire" Secrétan-Rollier, Van Gogh chez les gueules noires, p. 44: "une immense colonne de flammes." Secrétan-Rollier maintains that the flames were visible "up to 10 kilometres [6.2 miles] away." However, this appears to be unnecessary hyperbole. 244. for miles, and huge clouds Secrétan-Rollier, Van Gogh chez les gueules noires, p. 44. 245. Women and children Secrétan-Rollier, Van Gogh chez les gueules noires, p. 44. 246. hear the terrifying sound Secrétan-Rollier, Van Gogh chez les gueules noires, p. 44. 247. watched with "gasping hope" Secrétan-Rollier, Van Gogh chez les gueules noires, p. 42. 248. with black, puffed faces Piérard, The Tragic Life of Vincent van Gogh, p. 55. 249. infirmary or to the chapel Secrétan-Rollier, Van Gogh chez les gueules noires, p. 42. 250. One hundred and twenty-one miners Secrétan-Rollier, Van Gogh chez les gueules noires, p. 45. 251. close the gates Secrétan-Rollier, Van Gogh chez les gueules noires, p. 44. 252. did not participate b2470 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", April 1879: Vincent told his parents that he "witnessed" the accident. This suggests that he, along with most of the mining families around him, came to the mine on the day of the accident. There is another cryptic hint in a letter almost ten years later to a friend who was traveling in the Borinage on a sketching expedition. Vincent contemplates going back to the area "to do places" (i.e., drawings of scenes) "in the Borinage, Marcasse or St-Antoine at Petit-Wasmes. And then the Cour de l'Agrappe, at your place in Frameries." (JLB 693, 10/2/1888; emphasis added.) This could be a reference to the mine courtyard where the drama played out in 1879. 253. it took five days Secrétan-Rollier, Van Gogh chez les gueules noires, p. 45. 254. almost a hundred miners Secrétan-Rollier, Van Gogh chez les gueules noires, p. 45. 255. suffocate a man in minutes Secrétan-Rollier, Van Gogh chez les gueules noires, p. 43. 256. Trapped miners sang Secrétan-Rollier, Van Gogh chez les gueules noires, p. 72: Secrétan-Rollier points out that this was true of the Protestant miners. Our inference is that Catholic miners prayed. Secrétan-Rollier goes on to connect a particular underlining in Vincent's psalm book to the disaster at Frameries:              No, going to meet one's God is not dying;
             For us, whom he redeemed, death
             Changes to glory…
             They are not lost, they have gone ahead of us.
257. "falling into" Secrétan-Rollier, Van Gogh chez les gueules noires, p. 43. 258. the funeral processions Secrétan-Rollier, Van Gogh chez les gueules noires, p. 42. 259. all of Belgium Piérard, The Tragic Life of Vincent van Gogh, p. 55: "The explosion from fire-damp at l'Agrappe à Frameries, plunged the country into mourning." 260. the worst mine accident Dejollier, p. 120: The previous serious mine accident occurred in 1870. The next one in 1881. 261. government to demand improvements Dejollier, p. 120. 202 262. "It is awful" b2469 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 4/23/1879: In her Memoir, Bonger mistakenly attributes this quote to Vincent's mother, introducing it with the strangely diminishing phrase, "In her naïve religious faith his mother wrote ..." (Van Gogh-Bonger, in Van Gogh, Vincent, p. xxix). 263. "I hope it will not" b2469 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 4/23/1879. 264. "frenzy of self-sacrifice" Coquiot, p. 69: According to Coquiot's 1923 survey of accounts of Vincent's time in the Borinage: "He wanted to sacrifice himself even further, to the very limits of devotion. He gave away everything he owned: his clothes, his money ... And, despite this frenzy of self-sacrifice, he continued to write long letters in which he spoke of Christ ... and drew up plans for sermons." In 1925, Piérard recorded a similar testimony from another local person: "I treasure the impression that Vincent Van Gogh was imbued with a fine ideal: forgetfulness of self and devotion to all living creatures. He accepted this dominating ideal with all his heart." (Piérard, The Tragic Life of Vincent van Gogh, p. 47.) 265. almost all his clothes Piérard, "Among the Miners of the Borinage," p. 46: In its report after Vincent's dismissal, the Evangelical Commission acknowledged "the devotion and the spirit of sacrifice" Vincent had shown to the sick and injured by "casting off, for their benefit, his clothing and linen." Presumably, this included the package of clothing and bed linens that his father had just brought from Etten (b2463 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 2/27/1879). 266. the little money Piérard, "Among the Miners of the Borinage," p. 46. 267. even the silver watch "En Borinage, là où vécut Van Gogh," p. 11. 268. tore up his underclothes Piérard, The Tragic Life of Vincent van Gogh, p. 50. 269. he returned the money b2464 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus en Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 3/10/1879: "He returned the money for Denis to take care of him, how can people then take care of his things well, we just will hope." 270. medieval vision of piety Piérard, "Among the Miners of the Borinage," p. 46: Although Rev. Bonté does not specifically mention Kempis, that is clearly the import of his comment: "[Vincent] felt himself called upon to imitate the early Christians." 271. He went barefoot Gérin, n.p. 272. donned the sackcloth garments Piérard, The Tragic Life of Vincent van Gogh, p. 51: This story has suffered many permutations over the years since it was first published by Piérard. There is also some confusion even within Piérard's account. He quotes both Jean Denis, who recalled that Vincent "made shirts out of packing sacks," and Rev. Bonté, who recalled that Vincent wore "an old soldier's jacket." Piérard also reports that the miners wore "old jackets made of sacking." It is our belief that all of these probably refer to the same article of clothing. 273. "sinful luxury" Piérard, The Tragic Life of Vincent van Gogh, p. 47. 274. spent more and more time Piérard, "Among the Miners of the Borinage," pp. 46-47. 275. "prepared to make" Piérard, "Among the Miners of the Borinage," pp. 46-47. 276. "any sacrifice" Piérard, "Among the Miners of the Borinage," p. 47: Even as it terminated his position, the Evangelical Committee marveled at Vincent's sacrifices, referring to "the admirable qualities that he had shown in the care of the sick and the injured, to the devotion and the spirit of sacrifice, of which he had furnished ample proof in consecrating to them sleepless nights and by casting off, for their benefit, his clothing and linen." 277. briefly entertained a hope b2471 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus, Willemina en Cor van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 4/30/1879: After receiving a detailed report from Vincent following the mine accident, Dorus wrote to Theo: "[Vincent] now lives for his current job and seems to be content. May he become happy and obtain a steady job." By two weeks later, however, the hope had already begun to dissipate. "We received a letter from him this week. We had the impression he was feeling a bit down-hearted, maybe it was only a temporary feeling." (b2473 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 5/11/1879.) 278. make himself "useful" b2470 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", April 1879. 279. kept them suspensefully informed b2471 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus, Willemina en Cor van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 4/30/1879: "Didn't you like the last letter [Vincent] wrote to you? ... Lately, he has witnessed a lot of sadness, and what will become of the unfortunates who found themselves deep underground as if they were buried? We are already looking forward to his next letter." Although Dorus apparently forwarded at least one letter to Theo from Vincent on the subject of the mine disaster, that letter has not survived, nor has Vincent's letter to his parents, which Dorus intended to copy and send to Theo. Vincent's father heard news of the disaster both from Vincent's letters and from reading accounts in the newspaper (ibid.). 280. accelerated the downward spiral BVG 130, 6/1/1879.

Context:
JLB 175, 10/12/1881-10/15/1881: "[I] am swamped with all kinds of work here, so that the days pass by, but often one doesn't even have time to think or do things that would otherwise appeal to one."

281. the Evangelical Committee Tralbaut, Vincent van Gogh, p. 61: According to the author, the twenty-third report of the Synodal Evangelization Committee for 1879-1880 was signed by three people: the president, the Reverend Émile Rochedieu of Brussels; the vice-president, the Reverend G. J. Blom of Ghent; and the secretary, the Reverend L. Andry of La Bouverie. 282. terminate Vincent's ministry Piérard, "Among the Miners of the Borinage," p. 47: "When the trial period of some few months had expired, we were obliged to abandon the idea of keeping him on any longer." 283. reason for his dismissal Piérard, "Among the Miners of the Borinage," p. 47: Technically, the Committee did not dismiss Vincent, it simply declined to continue retaining him after the expiration of his "trial period" in mid-July. The effect was the same as being terminated. 284. "A talent for speaking" Piérard, "Among the Miners of the Borinage," p. 47. 285. probably Vincent himself For Vincent, the decision threatened to explode a delusion that was already beginning to unravel. The previous winter, he had imagined "work[ing] quietly for about three years" in the Borinage "learning and observing" (JLB 148, 11/13/1878-11/15/1878 or 11/16/1878). Now, only eight months later, no Protestant church in Belgium would take him, not even one as marginal as the Bébé. "It is impossible," Dorus snapped (b2488 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 8/7/1879). 286. "He does not yield" b2487 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 7/19/1879. In her Memoir, Bonger mistakenly attributes this quote to Vincent's mother (Van Gogh-Bonger, in Van Gogh, Vincent, p. xxix). 287. gave him three months b2487 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 7/19/1879: "You must know that Vincent's situation in Wasmes is not getting any better. He has been given 3 months to find something else." This appears to suggest that Vincent could have continued in his position in Wasmes, or at least that the Committee was prepared to continue to pay him for the next three months. Vincent's replacement, "M[onsieur] Hutton," officially took over the position on October 1 although it appears that he began work before that ("Report of the Union of Protestant Churches of Belgium, Wasmes Chapter (1879-1880), quoted in Piérard, in Stein, ed., p. 47). 288. insulted him and openly mocked Piérard, The Tragic Life of Vincent van Gogh, p. 50: "The persecutions [Vincent] suffered grew, too. And still the reproaches and insults and stoning by the members of the Consistory, though he always remained in the deepest abasement!" 289. beloved catechism class rebelled Gérin, n.p. 290. "fou" Gérin, n.p. 291. clearly overwhelmed him Vincent knew what his parents thought of his misguided mission in this foreign land. When he first set out in January, his mother had dismissed his new ambitions as mere desperation. "He must feel that he isn't capable of doing anything else," she concluded (b2454 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 1/8/1879). In June, when Anna stopped in nearby Mons on her return from Paris (where she had gone to nurse Uncle Cent [JLB 152, 6/19/1879]), her opinion had not changed. "Poor boy," she wrote after her brief visit, "what a difficult, unrewarding, empty young life. And what is he going to do next?" (Hulsker, quoting b2484 V/1982, ''Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 7/2/1879, Vincent and Theo, p. 80.) 292. "We invite him" b2488 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 8/7/1879. 203 293. last-ditch effort to salvage Hulsker, Vincent and Theo, p. 82: The author, following Bonger, takes a distinctly different view of the reason for Vincent's trip to see Pieterszen in August 1879, that Vincent probably visited Pieterszen not to ask about his work as an evangelist but to ask him about his work as an artist. All of the circumstantial evidence, however, points in the opposite direction. Not only did Vincent return to the Borinage to live with another evangelical minister -- at Pieterszen's recommendation -- but at the end of the month, when he visited Etten, he was still trying to develop missionary possibilities. (Dorus reported at this time that he was writing "to others about [Vincent's] interest," suggesting the campaign to find him a position in a religious capacity continued unabated, even if not with Dorus's full enthusiasm [b2488 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 8/7/1879].)

When Theo visited Vincent a week after the trip to Brussels, Vincent apparently spent most of their lengthy discussions defensively justifying his religious "calling". The only mention of a career in art appears to have been Theo's somewhat flippant suggestion that Vincent find work in an engraving studio. We believe that Vincent's sketching at this point (of which Hulsker and others make so much, and which will be discussed in detail later in the chapter), was still more closely related to the pastime drawing that he had done since childhood as a way of sharing his experiences than to a focused artistic project that arose out of an artistic self-awareness. Thus we disagree strongly with Hulsker's proposal that "it was in this period -- and not in the summer of 1880 as has mostly been assumed -- that the thought of completely turning to art as a profession must have ripened in Vincent's mind" (ibid.). In fact, almost all of the pieces of Vincent's artistic ambitions were already in place before he arrived in the Borinage (See Chapter 11), but he was not yet ready to let go of his religious ambitions, and could not do so without suffering the wrenching psychological adjustments of the coming winter.

294. On August 1 b2488 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 8/7/1879: On August 7, a Thursday, Dorus wrote that Vincent had left Wasmes for St. Maria-Horebeke "last Friday," i.e., August 1. 295. long, wandering, self-punishing Even by Vincent's standards, it was a trip fraught with misdirection and unnecessary hardship. He set out initially to find Rev. Pieterszen in St. Maria-Horebeke, a small Protestant enclave about thirty miles due north of Wasmes. Since Vincent had known him in Brussels, Pieterszen, who was sixty-two and not well, had moved from Mechelen to St. Maria-Horebeke, which was in East Flanders, the province of his birth (Pieterszen died on April 16, 1880, only a year after arriving in St. Maria-Horebeke [Lutjeharms, p. 79].) But Vincent did not take a direct route to St. Maria-Horebeke, but instead went via Tournai, adding an extra thirty miles to his journey at exactly the same time in August when he was complaining: "There have been a lot of storms here lately" (JLB 153, 8/5/1879). He probably took the train as far as Tournai and walked the rest of the way. He writes that his journey was "partly on foot" (ibid.). (In his report of a letter from Vincent describing the trip, Dorus uses the term "mostly walking" [b2488 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 8/7/1879].) But when Vincent arrived in St. Maria-Horebeke, he found that Pieterszen had gone to visit friends in Brussels (ibid.). This indicates that Vincent undertook his arduous journey without notifying Pieterszen in advance, suggesting that it was desperation that propelled him out of the Borinage only days after his dismissal from the Bébé. Otherwise, he would have known that the Pieterszen was (or would be) away. The same desperation drove him immediately on to Brussels (see Ch. 12, n. 298). As regards Vincent's starting point, Hulsker argues that Vincent had moved out of Wasmes and was living in Cuesmes before the trip to Brussels (Hulsker, Vincent and Theo, p. 81). He doesn't say so, but we assume he bases this statement on a single word in Dorus's letter of August 7 (which was mailed sometime after August 10): "[Vincent] then went to Brussels and met [Pieterszen] on Monday morning. After talking with him, [Vincent] is now back in Cuesmes where he found a place to stay." (ibid.; emphasis added.) This is ambiguous at best and probably refers only to a previous mention of Cuesmes in the same paragraph at the beginning of the letter in which Dorus announces, "We have another letter from Vincent. He left Wasmes and now is in Cuesmes, near Mons," then proceeds to tell the story of how the move came about. Bonger agrees with our view: "He left Wasmes and traveled on foot to Brussels to ask the Rev. Mr. Pietersen [sic]" (Van Gogh-Bonger, in Van Gogh, Vincent, p. xxix). 296. sleeping in the open b2488 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 8/7/1879: According to Dorus, Vincent left Wasmes on Friday, arrived in St. Maria-Horebeke on Saturday afternoon, and then arrived in Brussels on Sunday evening. 297. arrived with feet bleeding Piérard, The Tragic Life of Vincent van Gogh, p. 55. 298. the house in Brussels Hulsker, Vincent and Theo: A Dual Biography, pp. 81-82: Hulsker does an admirable job of sorting out the facts of an episode that has been a magnet for baseless elaboration since it was first reported. Piérard appears to be the first to mistakenly assert that Vincent visited Pieterszen at home in Brussels (Piérard, The Tragic Life of Vincent van Gogh, p. 55). Pieterszen himself appears to have introduced into the record the error that Vincent visited him at home in Malines (Mechelen) at this time (perhaps confusing Vincent's visits to Mechelen in 1878 when he was an evangelical student in Brussels) (Secrétan-Rollier, Van Gogh chez les gueules noires, n.p.). Lutjeharms clarified that it was the home of the Belgian architect Otto Geerling to which Vincent repaired when he arrived in Brussels (Lutjeharms, p. 80). He had stayed there once before when he and his father first came to Brussels to "interview" at the Evangelical School in July 1878, and therefore knew the way (b0985 V/1962, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 7/22/1878). Also in the summer of 1878, Geerling had visited the Van Goghs in Etten (b0990 V/1962, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 8/15/1878). (See Chap. 11, n. 674.) The girl who answered the door when Vincent arrived has been identified, by Bonger and others, as Pieterszen's daughter; but Hulsker, citing Lutjeharms, suggests that she was Geerling's daughter Joanna, and that it was she "who first told the story" (Hulsker, Vincent and Theo, p. 82). Joanna eventually married Pieter Jozef Chrispeels, one of Vincent's classmates at the Evangelical School (Lutjeharms, p. 20). 299. where Pieterszen was staying b2488 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 8/7/1879: Pieterszen reported to Dorus that Vincent arrived Sunday evening "very hot and tired," suggesting that Pieterszen was present when Vincent arrived at Geerling's from his long trip. Pieterszen then "arranged a good lodging for [Vincent] and invited him for breakfast the next morning." This suggests that Pieterszen was staying at the Geerlings, although Vincent did not. Pieterszen's statement that Vincent "made the impression on all who saw him that he is someone who gets in his own way," probably refers to Geerling's shared opinion of Vincent's unpleasant and ultimately self-destructive inflexibility. We can find no evidence for Bonger's statement that Pieterszen had moved from Malines to Brussels, if it implies that Pieterszen had a permanent residence in the capital (Van Gogh-Bonger, in Van Gogh, Vincent, p. xxix). 300. "he looked so neglected" "Brussel ziet Van Gogh," n.p.: "After one of his wanderings he came to Brussels again on a Sunday evening. When he rang the doorbell of a Protestant family and the door was opened by the daughter, she did not recognize him, but shrieked, he looked so neglected and dangerous." (As to the identity of the girl who answered the door, see Ch. 12, n. 298.) Other accounts support her reaction. Dorus reported to Theo on the basis of Pieterszen's report to him: "Sunday evening Vincent arrived in Brussels very hot and tired ... He lost a lot of weight" (b2488 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 8/7/1879). According to Secrétan-Rollier, the archives of the Society for the History of Belgian Protestantism contain the following report: "After van Gogh's failure in the preaching post in Wasmes -- a failure at least in the eyes of the Synod -- Vincent arrived at Pieterszen's house in Malines dressed like a tramp" (Secrétan-Rollier, Van Gogh chez les gueules noires, p. 81). (It should be noted that the same account contains several verifiable errors of fact: for instance that this encounter took place at Pieterszen's house in Malines [Mechelen] instead of in Brussels at the house of Otto Geerling [see Ch. 12, n. 298]). Anna and Dorus, who had been impressed by Geerling when he visited them the previous summer, were clearly upset at the thought of their disheveled son presenting himself to the distinguished architect Geerling. "In Brussels he visited the families he had met before," Dorus wrote (b2488 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 8/7/1879). "How will he have presented himself? Oh we could imagine all kinds of things!" 301. "He was determined" b2488 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 8/7/1879. 302. "He is his own" b2488 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 8/7/1879: Pieterszen wrote Dorus a letter which arrived in Etten around August 10. Dorus did not send his letter to Theo originally dated August 7 until after he received Pieterszen's letter. Bonger proposes a more rose-colored translation of this passage: "Vincent impresses me [quoting Pieterszen] as somebody who stands in his own light" (Van Gogh-Bonger, in Van Gogh, Vincent, p. xxix). This seems boldly inconsistent with the hand-wringing tone of both Pieterszen's letter to Dorus and Dorus's letter to Theo. The literal translation is "he is someone who gets in his own way," but we believe the clear sense and spirit of the passage is closest to the familiar English expression "he is his own worst enemy." 303. letter of introduction Secrétan-Rollier, Van Gogh chez les gueules noires, p. 81. 304. "independent evangelist" b2488 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 8/7/1879. 305. serve as Frank's "assistant" Secrétan-Rollier, Van Gogh chez les gueules noires, p. 84. (Joseph Édouard Frank [Édouard Joseph Francq], the foreman in a coalmine and evangelist in Cuesmes.) 306. an ignominious end Vincent certainly saw it that way, too. He spent the rest of his stay in Brussels canvassing others connected to the Evangelical School, no doubt searching for something better. He was back in the Borinage no later than late the next day, both because letter JLB 153, 8/5/1879, from Cuesmes, is dated August 5, and because his father received a letter relating the events of the weekend by August 7 (b2488 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 8/7/1879). Dorus does not say that the purpose of Vincent's visiting was to find a better position than the one Pieterszen offered in Cuesmes, but why else would Vincent, would hated social calling, have subjected himself to this indignity? Dorus's characterization of Vincent's letter as "written in a rather upbeat way -- with some bitterness mixed in" also suggests that Vincent was still determined to find a better way to fulfill his religious ambitions in Belgium (ibid.). Also, Vincent met with Pieterszen for breakfast on the morning of August 4, and presumably at that meeting received the disappointing recommendation that he take the unpaid position with Frank in Cuesmes (b2488 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 8/7/1879). That left him the rest of the day to search (ultimately unsuccessfully) for a better alternative. 307. "Frank the Evangelist" BVG 132, 8/1/1879-8/15/1879. (See JLB 153, n. 5.)

Context:
BVG 132, August 1879: "Not permissible, aye, just as Frank the Evangelist thought it reprehensible of me to assert that the sermons of the Reverend Mr. [Jean Baptiste] John Andry are only a little more evangelical than those of a Roman Catholic priest."
JLB 154, 8/11/1879-8/14/1879: "Unacceptable, yes, just as, for example, Francq the Evangelist finds it unacceptable that I declared the sermons given by the Rev. Jean Andry to be only slightly more evangelical than the sermons of a priest."

308. "au Marais" b2488 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 8/7/1879: "His address is now chez M. Frank, Evangelist à Cuesmes (près de Mons) au Marais." Vincent gave the same address to Theo (JLB 153, 8/5/1879). Vincent may have initially had problems receiving mail at this address because soon after giving it to Theo and his father, he wrote: "If you write, soon perhaps, you will make me happy. Just in case, address your letter care of J. Bte Denis, rue du Petit-Wasmes à Wasmes (Hainaut)." (JLB 154, 8/11/1879-8/14/1879.) 309. "[I] am not made" BVG 132, 8/1/1879-8/15/1879.

Context:
BVG 132, August 1879: "Like everyone else, I need friendly or affectionate relationships or intimate companionship, and am not made of stone or iron like a pump or a lamppost, and like any man of culture or decency I cannot do without these things and not feel a void, a lack of something -- and I tell you all this to let you know how much good your visit has done me."
JLB 154, 8/11/1879-8/14/1879: "Like everyone else, I have need of relationships of friendship or affection or trusting companionship, and am not like a street pump or lamp-post, whether of stone or iron, so that I can't do without them without perceiving an emptiness and feeling their lack, like any other generally civilized and highly respectable man -- and I tell you these things to let you know what a salutary effect your visit had on me."

310. prisoner in solitary confinement BVG 132, 8/1/1879-8/15/1879.

Context:
JLB 154, 8/11/1879-8/14/1879: "A prisoner who's kept in isolation, who's prevented from working &c., would in the long run, especially if this were to last too long, suffer the consequences just as surely as one who went hungry for too long."

311. "compagnons de voyage" BVG 132, 8/1/1879-8/15/1879.

Context:
BVG 132, August 1879: "When one lives with others and is bound by feelings of affection, then one realizes that one has a reason for living, then one may not be utterly worthless and expendable, but is perhaps good for something, since we need one another and are journeying together as compagnons de voyage."
JLB 154, 8/11/1879-8/14/1879: "When one lives with others and is bound by a feeling of affection one is aware that one has a reason for being, that one might not be entirely worthless and superfluous but perhaps good for one thing or another, considering that we need one another and are making the same journey as travelling [sic] companions."

312. "reason for living" BVG 132, 8/1/1879-8/15/1879. It should be noted that Vincent couches all of these plaintive tributes to his relationship with Theo in the indeterminate third-person, as he often did when unburdening his heart in such a confessional way (see quotes above). Vincent appears to have used this sort of generalizing, however transparent, to insulate himself from the vulnerability of true honesty.

Context:
BVG 132, August 1879: "When one lives with others and is bound by feelings of affection, then one realizes that one has a reason for living, ..."
JLB 154, 8/11/1879-8/14/1879: "When one lives with others and is bound by a feeling of affection one is aware that one has a reason for being, ..."

313. Only their brotherhood BVG 132, 8/1/1879-8/15/1879.

Context:
JLB 154, 8/11/1879-8/14/1879: "When one lives with others and is bound by a feeling of affection one is aware that one has a reason for being, that one might not be entirely worthless and superfluous but perhaps good for one thing or another, considering that we need one another and are making the same journey as travelling companions."

314. "perhaps good" BVG 132, 8/1/1879-8/15/1879.

Context:
BVG 132, August 1879: "When one lives with others and is bound by feelings of affection, then one realizes that one has a reason for living, then one may not be utterly worthless and expendable, but is perhaps good for something, ..."
JLB 154, 8/11/1879-8/14/1879: "When one lives with others and is bound by a feeling of affection one is aware that one has a reason for being, that one might not be entirely worthless and superfluous but perhaps good for one thing or another, ..."

315. "utterly worthless" BVG 132, 8/1/1879-8/15/1879. (See Ch. 12, n. 311.) Context: BVG 132, August 1879: "When one lives with others and is bound by feelings of affection, then one realizes that one has a reason for living, then one may not be utterly worthless and expendable, ..." JLB 154, 8/11/1879-8/14/1879: "When one lives with others and is bound by a feeling of affection one is aware that one has a reason for being, that one might not be entirely worthless and superfluous ... " 316. bridge the growing gap Stolwijk, "'Our Crown and Our Honour and Our Joy' Theo van Gogh's Early Years," pp. 53, 54: "It had also become obvious to him that they were slowly growing apart." 317. faded to an erratic formality BVG 132, 8/1/1879-8/15/1879. Vincent acknowledges both of these descriptors in his comment after Theo's visit: "It was quite a long time ago that we saw each other or wrote to each other as we used to" (emphasis added). In fact, there are only three surviving letters (JLB 150, 3/4/1879-3/31/1879, JLB 151, 4/1/1879-4/16/1879, and JLB 152, 6/19/1879) in the seven-month period from the beginning of 1879 until the first letter from Cuesmes in August (JLB 153, 8/5/1879). 318. except for the repeated calls BVG 128, 3/1/1879: Vincent first issued an explicit invitation on March 1, immediately after Dorus left the Borinage and as soon as he heard that Theo had been to Etten. The invitation was reiterated in June when Vincent first heard that Theo was planning a trip to Paris, which meant his train would pass through the Borinage.

Context:
JLB 152, 6/19/1879: "Wouldn't you consider spending a day here, or longer if possible? I'd so much like you to know this country, because there's so very much that's unique to be noticed by those who look at things closely."

204 319. black country as a "peculiar" BVG 130, 6/1/1879.

Context:
BVG 130, April 1879: "I wanted you to consider spending a day, or more if possible, here. I should so much like to have you know this country, too, because it has so many peculiarities for one who knows how to look at things attentively."
JLB 152, 6/19/1879: "I'd so much like you to know this country, because there's so very much that's unique to be noticed by those who look at things closely."

320. "picturesque" BVG 131, 8/5/1879. (See Ch. 12, n. 322.) Context: BVG 128, March 1879: "… no one who visits this curious, remarkable and picturesque region can [forget it]." JLB 150, 3/4/1879-3/31/1879: "… anyone who visited this singular, remarkable and picturesque region of the country [couldn't forget it]." 321. land filled with sentiment BVG 129, 4/1/1879.

Context:
JLB 151, 4/1/1879-4/16/1879: "A couple of nights ago a foal was born in the stable here, a nice small creature that was quick to stand firmly on its feet. The workers keep a lot of goats here, and there are young ones in the houses everywhere, just like the rabbits commonly to be found in the workers' houses."

322. and character BVG 129, 4/1/1879.

Context:
JLB 151, 4/1/1879-4/16/1879: "In some, water leaks in everywhere and the light of the miner's lamp creates a peculiar effect and reflects as in a cave full of stalactites."

323. heard his parents' worried b2463 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 2/27/1879: When Dorus rushed to the Borinage in February to rescue Vincent, Anna wrote Theo: "You have no idea, dear Theo, how much this hurts us." Only twenty-two, Theo felt the full weight of his parents' abused expectations. In the same letter, Anna wrote: "Now that the eldest child has shaken the crown ... we live in the double hope that the second child will set the crown upright again" (b2463 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 2/27/1879). Theo had come of age on his father's astonishing confidences, as much as on his business successes, and now freely offered his advice and consolation on the quandary of his older brother. When crises arose, he traveled repeatedly to Etten to help his parents through them (JLB 148, 11/13/1878-11/15/1878 or 11/16/1878). (He came immediately after Dorus returned from the Borinage at the end of February. This "surprise" visit was probably in direct response to the truly alarming letter from his mother, written while Dorus was still in Belgium [b2463 V/1982, ''Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 2/27/1879]. Theo also came to Etten in late March while "travelling for the firm," probably his regular spring sales trip for Goupil [JLB 151, 4/1/1879-4/16/1879].) Theo had watched his father wrestle with the thankless, treacherous duty of shepherding a self-destructive child. "In principle I don't oppose and don't disapprove of what [Vincent] does," Dorus explained, "I think it is best to let him do things his way" (b2488 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 8/7/1879). But around the same time, in a different, darker mood, he wrote: "Thinking of him always hurts us. And we think of him so often." (b2494 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 7/5/1880.) 324. "[Vincent] has made" b2454 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 1/8/1879: This comment was echoed back to Theo in a letter from his mother. If it does not represent Theo's exact words, it clearly represents a sentiment that was already well known to his parents at the time. "Have you written the poor guy [Vincent] already? If not, please do so. I know you'll be thinking: 'Mom, you shouldn't tell me to do that, for he has made his own choice.'" The context makes it clear that the thrust of Theo's comment was that Vincent made his own bed and deserved no sympathy for having to lie in it. 325. second week of August Theo probably came to Mons sometime between August 8 and August 14. Vincent's letter of August 5, inviting Theo, would not have arrived in The Hague until August 7 (JLB 153, 8/5/1879). Also, Dorus wrote a letter to Theo in The Hague on August 7, suggesting that Theo was expected to still be in The Hague as of August 8 (b2488 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 8/7/1879). Vincent arrived in Etten on August 15 (b2492 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Theodorus en Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 8/19/1879). The likeliest dates are between August 10 (a Sunday) and August 13. It is not clear how long he stayed, but there is no indication that he spent the night. 326. tell Vincent the hard truths Theo had no other apparent reason to make the trip. Vincent learned that Theo was planning to go to Paris "for 6 weeks" (JLB 152, 6/19/1879). This move was, in fact, the result of long negotiations between Theo, Tersteeg, and Uncle Cent (Stolwijk, p. 53). Vincent appears to have been misinformed about the nature of the transfer, which was for a permanent position, not a temporary one. Although originally scheduled for July, the move was ultimately delayed until October, a change that Vincent never mentions and may have been unknown to him until Theo's visit (ibid.). The proximity of Theo's transfer to Paris and his trip to the Borinage has resulted in the two sometimes being conflated: in some sources, Theo is described as stopping to see Vincent on his way to Paris. While there is no conclusive evidence that Theo did not take a brief trip to Paris in August, it seems highly unlikely given that Theo wrote his parents in mid-August from The Hague (b2492 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Theodorus en Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 8/19/1879). According to The Hague city records, Theo left permanently for Paris on October 6, 1879 (Stolwijk, pp. 53-54). 327. On a long walk BVG 133, 7/1/1880.

Context:
JLB 155, 6/22/1880-6/24/1880: "Why am I telling you all this? -- not to grumble, not to apologize for things in which I may be more or less wrong, but quite simply to tell you this: on your last visit, last summer, ... we walked together near the disused mine they call La Sorcière, you reminded me that there was a time when we also walked together near the old canal and mill of Rijswijk, and then, you said, we were in agreement on many things, but, you added -- you've really changed since then, you're not the same any more."

328. "going down-hill" BVG 133, 7/1/1880: All of the quotations from the conversation between Vincent and Theo are gleaned from Vincent's belated rebuttals. He puts some, but not all, in quotation marks. We have provided all the relevant passages in the notes.

Context:
BVG 133, July 1880: "You will say, ever since such and such a time you have been going downhill, you have been feeble, you have done nothing."
JLB 155, 6/22/1880-6/24/1880: "Now you say, from such and such a time you've been going downhill, you've faded away, you've done nothing."

329. "improve his life" BVG 132, 8/1/1879-8/15/1879. We have slightly altered the translation.

Context:
BVG 132, August 1879: "To improve my life -- don't you think I'm eager to, or shouldn't I need to?"
JLB 154, 8/11/1879-8/14/1879: " Improvement in my life -- should I not desire it or should I not be in need of improvement?"

330. off their father's money Stolwijk, "'Our Crown and Our Honour and Our Joy' Theo van Gogh's Early Years," pp. 53, 54: In a note joined with Stolwijk's translation of JLB 154, 8/11/1879-8/14/1879, the author offers: "[Theo] made it painfully clear to Vincent that he must one day take care of himself and cease living off a 'private income'" (ibid., n. 73). 331. bookkeeping work BVG 132, 8/1/1879-8/15/1879.

Context:
JLB 154, 8/11/1879-8/14/1879: "If, on the other hand, you think that I thought I would do well to take your advice literally and become a lithographer of invoice headings and visiting cards, or a bookkeeper or a carpenter's apprentice ... "

332. apprentice himself to a carpenter BVG 132, 8/1/1879-8/15/1879.

Context:
JLB 154, 8/11/1879-8/14/1879: "If, on the other hand, you think that I thought I would do well to take your advice literally and become a lithographer of invoice headings and visiting cards, or a bookkeeper or a carpenter's apprentice ... "

333. could be a barber BVG 132, 8/1/1879-8/15/1879: Vincent does not specify that these suggestions, barber and librarian, came from Theo, but they are mentioned in Vincent's summary of the conversation and the implication is that they were mentioned.

Context:
JLB 154, 8/11/1879-8/14/1879: "That would really be a sufficient answer (supposing it were possible for us to assume the guise of a baker or hair-cutter or librarian with lightning speed) and yet actually a foolish response, rather like the way the man acted who, when accused of heartlessness because he was sitting on a donkey, immediately dismounted and continued on his way with the donkey on his shoulders."

334. or a librarian BVG 132, 8/1/1879-8/15/1879: Vincent does not specify that these suggestions, barber and librarian, came from Theo, but they are mentioned in Vincent's summary of the conversation and the implication is that they were mentioned.

Context:
JLB 154, 8/11/1879-8/14/1879: "That would really be a sufficient answer (supposing it were possible for us to assume the guise of a baker or hair-cutter or librarian with lightning speed) and yet actually a foolish response, ... "

335. make a good baker BVG 132, 8/1/1879-8/15/1879: Whether Anna meant this seriously or as a general disparagement of her elder brother is not clear. Vincent clearly took it the latter way. When he repeated her suggestion to Theo, he referred to Anna sarcastically as "my very dear sister Anna" (JLB 154, 8/11/1879-8/14/1879).

Context:
JLB 154, 8/11/1879-8/14/1879: "If, on the other hand, you think that I thought I would do well to take your advice literally and become a lithographer of invoice headings and visiting cards, or a bookkeeper or a carpenter's apprentice -- likewise that of my very dear sister Anna to devote myself to the baker's trade or many other things of that kind (quite remarkably diverse and mutually exclusive) -- which it was suggested I pursue, you would also be mistaken."

336. "become an engraver" BVG 132, 8/1/1879-8/15/1879.

Context:
BVG 132, August 1879: "If, on the other hand, you believe that I would do well to follow your advice literally to become an engraver of invoice headings and visiting cards, ... you would be making another mistake."
JLB 154, 8/11/1879-8/14/1879: "If, on the other hand, you think that I thought I would do well to take your advice literally and become a lithographer of invoice headings and visiting cards, ... you would also be mistaken."

337. days of idle wandering BVG 132, 8/1/1879-8/15/1879.

Context:
JLB 154, 8/11/1879-8/14/1879: "But, you say, I'm not giving you this advice for you to follow to the letter, but because I thought you had a taste for idling and because I was of the opinion that you should put an end to it."

338. "feeble" BVG 133, 7/1/1880. (See Ch. 12, n. 328.) Context: BVG 133, July 1880: "You will say, ever since such and such a time you have been going downhill, you have been feeble, you have done nothing. Is that entirely true?" JLB 155, 6/22/1880-6/24/1880: "Now you say, from such and such a time you've been going downhill, you've faded away, you've done nothing. Is that entirely true?" 339. "do-nothing" BVG 133, 7/1/1880. (See Ch. 12, n. 338.) 340. sacrifice as "impossible" BVG 133, 7/1/1880. This is Vincent's characterization of Theo's opinion. This characterization comes almost a year later, in only the second letter after the brothers' meeting in August 1879. We believe Theo's low opinion of Vincent's religious ambitions must have rankled throughout the difficult winter of 1879–80, during which the brothers were not corresponding.  Context: BVG 133, July 1880: "But, you will say, what a dreadful person you are, with your impossible religious notions and idiotic scruples." JLB 155, 6/22/1880-6/24/1880: "But, you will say, what a dreadful person you are, with your impossible religious notions and idiotic scruples." 341. "seeing things straight" BVG 132, 8/1/1879-8/15/1879.

Context:
BVG 132, August 1879: " … you could be right about my not seeing things straight."
JLB 154, 8/11/1879-8/14/1879: " … you could be right in thinking that I don't see things straight."

342. "You have changed" BVG 133, 7/1/1880.

Context:
BVG 133, July 1880: "During your final visit last summer [August 1879] ... you reminded me of another walk we once took at another time near the old canal and the mill at Rijswijk, and, you said, we used to agree about many things, but, you added, 'You have changed since then, you are no longer the same.'"
JLB 155, 6/22/1880-6/24/1880: "On your last visit, last summer [August 1879], ... you reminded me that there was a time when we also walked together near the old canal and mill of Rijswijk, and then, you said, we were in agreement on many things, but, you added -- you've really changed since then, you're not the same any more."

343. "so much discord" Stolwijk, "'Our Crown and Our Honour and Our Joy' Theo van Gogh's Early Years," pp. 53, 54: Stolwijk's translation of JLB 154, 8/11/1879-8/14/1879 provides: "Vincent found Theo's claim that he was the cause of 'so much discord, misery and sorrow amongst us and in our house' unbearable." 344. combined patronizing sophistry BVG 132, 8/1/1879-8/15/1879: Vincent attempts a grand conceit that compares Theo's advice to a doctor's prescription. Its confusion and elaborateness are indications of its inaptness. "Does someone who has consumption or typhus do wrong by maintaining that a stronger remedy than barley water might be useful or even necessary, or, finding that barley water in itself can do no harm, nevertheless doubts its efficacy and potency in his particular case? The doctor who prescribed barley water mustn't say, this patient is a stubborn person who is set upon his own ruin because he doesn't want to take medicine -- no, because the man is not unwilling, but the so-called medicine was unsuitable, because it was indeed 'it' but still not yet 'it' at all." (JLB 154, 8/11/1879-8/14/1879.) It is interesting that Vincent sidesteps the issue of whether the doctor, as a doctor, is more capable of determining the correct diagnosis than his stubborn patient. In short, Vincent's conceit assumes the conclusion. Later in the letter, Vincent tries to extend the conceit by suggesting that "Dr." Theo's advice compares to that of a "quack." Another example of an argument that amounts to nothing is Vincent's effort to put his case in terms that will be meaningful to Theo: that is, artistic terms. "Do you blame someone if he fails to be moved by a painting which is recorded in the catalogue as a Memling but which has nothing to do with Memling other than that it's a similar subject from the Gothic period but without artistic value?" (ibid.). His argument appears to be that Theo's analysis of Vincent's problem is like a misattribution of a painting: just because Theo says X is the problem, that doesn't make it X. This is both sophistic and patronizing. 345. indignant posturing Hulsker, Vincent and Theo: A Dual Biography, p. 83: The author notices the emotional disjointedness of Vincent's letter after the argument with Theo, but attributes it to a change in Vincent's attitude that takes place in the course of writing the letter: "the tone of which gradually changed from quiet reasoning to sarcasm and indignation." 346. and fraternal seduction BVG 132, 8/1/1879-8/15/1879: We do not mean to suggest that these expressions of fraternal love were insincere, only that Vincent used them instrumentally. It is one of the great tragedies of Vincent's life that in his constant struggles for survival and sanity, he was often forced to enlist genuine emotions in his efforts to persuade others or defend himself. This was acutely true in his relationship with Theo, which involved so much emotion, so much need, and so much manipulation. As a result, he could not fully enjoy such feelings, and came more and more to doubt his own sincerity.

Context:
JLB 154, 8/11/1879-8/14/1879: "When I saw you again and took a walk with you, I had the same feeling I used to have more than I do now, as though life were something good and precious that one should cherish, and I felt more cheerful and alive than I had been for a long time, because in spite of myself life has gradually become or has seemed much less precious to me, much more unimportant and indifferent."

347. "It may well be" BVG 132, 8/1/1879-8/15/1879. We have slightly altered the translation.

Context:
BVG 132, August 1879: "Yet it may well all have been my own fault and you could be right about my not seeing things straight."
JLB 154, 8/11/1879-8/14/1879: " It could, however, be my fault, and you could be right in thinking that I don't see things straight, which is why it may be that, despite my great reluctance and notwithstanding that it's a hard journey, I'm going to Etten for at least a few days."

348. As soon as BVG 132, 8/1/1879-8/15/1879. In his letter to Theo after the visit, Vincent appears only to entertain the idea of going to Etten; he does not seem to have determined to go yet: "it may be that, despite my great reluctance and notwithstanding that it's a hard journey, I'm going to Etten for at least a few days" (JLB 154, 8/11/1879-8/14/1879). But there wasn't much time for consideration. Theo almost certainly arrived on or after August 10 (see Ch. 12, n. 325). Vincent appeared in Etten on August 15 (b2492 V/1982, ''Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 8/19/1879), which suggests Stolwijk is mistaken when he says that Theo visited Vincent in the Borinage on August 15 (Stolwijk, pp. 53-54). JLB also agree that Theo visited Vincent on August 10 (JLB, "Chronology 1879"). 349. steadfastly resisting it BVG 132, 8/1/1879-8/15/1879: In addition to refusing Pieterszen's recommendation that he return to Etten, Vincent admits his reluctance to going home.

Context:
JLB 154, 8/11/1879-8/14/1879: "I really dread going there and am strongly inclined to stay here. ... [But], despite my great reluctance and notwithstanding that it's a hard journey, I'm going …"

350. the hunger for it BVG 132, 8/1/1879-8/15/1879: : Vincent describes this hugely important and fraught decision in a defensively off-hand way.

Context:
JLB 154, 8/11/1879-8/14/1879: "I wished that we not drift apart, this is also the case with regard to those at home."

351. "All of a sudden" b2492 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Theodorus en Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 8/19/1879. 352. "We heard" The Van Gogh children called their parents Pa and Mo. Since neither of the English equivalents, Dad and Mom, or Pa and Ma, are really adequate, we will use the Dutch terms where possible. 353. They gave him clothes b2492 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Theodorus en Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 8/19/1879: "Dad immediately gave him his new vest, we bought him a pair of boots and he is now wearing the summer jacket I made for Dad's birthday every day. We also gave him some of your old underwear, and I had already put some socks aside for him in advance." 205 354. "He looks skinny" b2492 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Theodorus en Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 8/19/1879. 355. "He's reading" b2492 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Theodorus en Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 8/19/1879. 356. "books by Dickens" At least one of the Dickens books Vincent was reading was probably Hard Times, which he wrote about to Theo earlier that month (JLB 153, 8/5/1879). We believe that the sudden resurgence of interest in Dickens was probably related to a rekindled relationship with Rev. Slade-Jones in Isleworth, whom Vincent wrote sometime in May and from whom he received a proposal for building churches in the Borinage (JLB 152, 6/19/1879). This suggests that one of the options that Vincent was actively considering in August 1879 was to return to England and continue his ministry there, the only one of his pastoral forays that had been even colorably successful. That this possibility held a strong power over his imagination at this time would seem to be confirmed by a reference in a letter from Dorus in March 1880 (the only family letter to survive the year-long blackout), that Vincent "speaks of going to London to see Rev. Jones" (b2496 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 3/11/1880). 357. walk to Prinsenhage b2492 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Theodorus en Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 8/19/1879. 358. "Maybe [Vincent] will open up then" b2492 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Theodorus en Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 8/19/1879. 359. led only to catastrophe Hulsker, "The Elusive Van Gogh, and What His Parents Really Thought of Him," p. 255: The author agrees with the inevitability of a "clash" between Vincent and his father sometime during this period, although Hulsker appears to believe that it happened on Vincent's next visit to Etten in the spring of 1880. Because there is no definitive proof that the confrontation happened in August 1879, the text employs a construction that is chronologically ambiguous. However, the circumstantial evidence is compelling that a fateful confrontation occurred at this time. Surely, it is significant that Bonger and/or Theo expurgated the family letters (and perhaps Vincent's letters) starting exactly at this time. If the resolution of Vincent's walk with his father had been anything other than disastrous, there would have been no need for such ruthless censorship. 360. "Tomorrow it will be" b2488 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 8/7/1879: The letter goes on at some length in the same despairing vein: "It could have been so different for him [Vincent]! Tomorrow it will be ten years ago that he left our home and I brought him to The Hague to work in the business Goupil. What a lot problems during that time! What pains we felt day and night about him. We are tired and almost disheartened -- though we keep holding on to the belief that he also is a child of God's providence." 361. "You know how" BVG 132, 8/1/1879-8/15/1879: It should be noted, in fairness to Dorus, that Vincent's grievance completely rewrites history. In fact, it was Vincent who insisted on following in his father's footsteps by preparing for university study, despite resistance from his parents and most of the clergy whom he consulted. It is true, however, that Vincent's misguided determination was partly the product of his parents' insistence that a respectable life as a clergyman could not be had without appropriate formal training.

Context:
BVG 132, August 1879: "You were there yourself, so you know how things were planned and discussed, argued and considered, talked over with wisdom, with the best intentions, and yet how miserable the result was, how ridiculous the whole undertaking, how utterly foolish. ... I fear a similar result if I follow wise advice given with the best intentions."
JLB 154, 8/11/1879-8/14/1879: " You were there yourself, and so you know how the pros and cons were weighed, considered and deliberated upon, reasoned with wisdom, how it was well meant -- and yet how pitiful the result, how daft the whole business, how grossly stupid. ... Something similar, I fear, will be the result of following wise counsel given with the best of intentions."

362. flash of "hot temper" BVG 161, 11/23/1881: Vincent compares his father's behavior at this time with his behavior two years later when Dorus (and Vincent's entire family) opposed his infatuation with his cousin, Kee Vos. In describing the climactic argument with his father to Theo, Vincent wrote: "Don't think, though, that the deplorable scene that took place recently was caused solely by anger. Sadly, when I made it clear that I wouldn't go on studying in Amsterdam and later, in the Borinage, when I refused to do what the ministers there wanted, even then Pa said something similar." (JLB 189, 11/23/1881; emphasis added.) A few months after the clash in 1881, Vincent revealed his father's exact curse: "God damn you" (JLB 191, 12/1/1881 and 12/3/1881). 363. "If ever I came" BVG 132, 8/1/1879-8/15/1879.

Context:
BVG 132, August 1879: " If ever I came to believe seriously that I was being a nuisance or a burden to you or those at home, of no use to anyone, and were obliged to look upon myself as an intruder or to feel superfluous so far as you are concerned, so that it would be better if I were not there at all, and if I should have to try all the time to keep out of other people's way -- were I really to think that, then I should be overwhelmed by a feeling of sadness and should have to wrestle with despair. ... Should that indeed be the case, then I might wish it were granted me not to have much longer to live."
JLB 154, 8/11/1879-8/14/1879: " If I must seriously feel that I'm annoying or burdensome to you or those at home, useful for neither one thing nor another, and were to go on being forced to feel like an intruder or a fifth wheel in your presence, so that it would be better I weren't there, and if I should have to continue trying to keep further and further out of other people's way -- if I think that indeed it would be so and cannot be otherwise, then I'm overcome by a feeling of sorrow and I must struggle against despair. ... If it were indeed so, then I'd truly wish that it be granted me not to have to go on living too long. "

364. ferocity that appalled Piérard, The Tragic Life of Vincent van Gogh, p. 49: Denis's son, Jean, wrote Piérard: "our friend [Vincent] fell into the deepest humiliations." 365. Rejecting the relative comfort Visit by the authors to the "Van Gogh" house in Cuesmes and a discussion with the docent there: Although hardly fine or elegant, the Decrucq house was large by the standards of the community -- about the same size as the Denis house. It stood alone on a fair-sized piece of property. All of this suggests that Decrucq was not, as many accounts have it, a miner (e.g. Wilkie, p. 78; Piérard, The Tragic Life of Vincent van Gogh, p. 58; and JLB 155, n. 31); but instead, as the Van Gogh house in Cuesmes currently reports, a "vendu de charbon," a coal salesman. This would also make more sense with Tralbaut's story that Vincent went into a mine with Charles Decrucq, his landlord in Cuesmes, and a foreman named Vernay (no dates) (Tralbaut, pp. 62, 64). A simple miner would never have been part of such a party. As for Tralbaut's story that Vincent nursed a sick Decrucq child through typhoid only to see him start work in the mines at age eight and die in a firedamp explosion, there may be some fragments of truth in it, but it sounds like a hash of other accounts with a heavy gloss of myth-making (ibid., p. 64). Coquiot also adds that Vincent sometimes stayed in the Decrucq's children's room, which adds to this theory that he at some point cared for the children (Coquiot, p. 72). 366. house in Cuesmes Tralbaut, p. 62: Frank the Evangelist occupied an extension of the house of Charles Decrucq at 8, rue du Pavillon in Cuesmes. The house still stands and is now a museum to Van Gogh, although the wing that Vincent and Frank shared has since been demolished. The nature of Vincent's relationship to this building is, like most aspects of his stay in the Borinage, murky. According to a later letter, Vincent was living in the Decrucq house by the time Theo visited in August 1879, at a time when Frank was presumably also living there (JLB 159, 10/15/1880). However, it is hard to reconcile the reports of Vincent's self-destructive behavior in the winter of 1879–80 with the concept of a regular domicile.

Vincent adds to the confusion by describing his rooming situation in conflicting ways. In the same later letter, he suggests that the room he was occupying in the fall of 1880 was the same room he occupied in August 1879 when Theo visited him -- presumably in the annex that he shared with Frank. Yet elsewhere, Vincent says he shared his room in the house with some of the Decrucq children, which suggests a second-floor bedroom in the main house (especially since Vincent says that the Decrucq children shared the other bed in the room, indicating that they must have been young) (JLB 158, 9/24/1880). Further confusing the picture is a letter from Dorus to Theo in August 1879 that suggests Vincent may have lived in at least two places in Cuesmes: "[Vincent] is now back in Cuesmes where he found a place to stay, and he hopes to find a small room for the future" (b2488 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 8/7/1879). Vincent does not directly place himself in the Decrucq house until July 1880, after the winter blackout, when he writes Theo: "if you'd like to write me one of these days, my address is care of C. Decrucq, rue du Pavillon 8, Cuesmes, near Mons" (JLB 155, 6/22/1880-6/24/1880). One possible explanation is that, after his initial stay (when Theo visited), Vincent rejected the comforts of the Decrucq house (as he did in Amsterdam, Brussels, and Petit Wasmes) in favor of humbler circumstances. Tralbaut quotes Decrucq's daughter to the effect that Vincent often slept in the barn, which would be consistent with this reading (Tralbaut, p. 64).

As for Vincent's conflicting characterizations of his room, we think it is highly doubtful that, during his winter of aimlessness, he shared a bedroom with Decrucq's children, given his strange habits and obvious mental instability. We also suspect that his story about why he had to leave the house ("if I could have had another room in the house I could have stayed, but the people of the house needed it") was either partially or entirely concocted to convince Theo of the necessity of leaving the Borinage (JLB 159, 10/15/1880). This would be consistent with the hypothesis that he began his stay in the adjacent wing of the house with Frank, moved into the upstairs bedroom with the children when he had recovered his bearings after the winter of 1879–80 (during which his residency was probably erratic), then moved out when he decided it was time to leave the area altogether. The option of moving back to his original room in the annex (where he began and where Theo visited him) may have been genuinely foreclosed by the family's plans to use it for "cooking and washing," but this seems unlikely (ibid.). The decision to leave the Borinage clearly arose from deeper, less pragmatic considerations.

206 367. he found a barn Tralbaut, Vincent van Gogh, p. 64. 368. "frostbitten potatoes" Tralbaut, Vincent van Gogh, p. 64. 369. paid or voluntary Secrétan-Rollier, Van Gogh chez les gueules noires, p. 82: "There are no church records which mention that Vincent had any role whatsoever, either paid or even voluntary, in Cuesmes." 370. reputation had followed Secrétan-Rollier, Van Gogh chez les gueules noires, p. 82: "For the Borinage is like one great village, where everything is passed on from one hamlet to the next. They know all about what happened in Petit-Wasmes in Cuesmes." 371. apparently sent small amounts Van Gogh-Bonger, in Van Gogh, Vincent, p. xxx: Bonger suggests that Theo, too, sent Vincent money during this period, but this seems unlikely given that Theo's finances when he arrived in Paris in October were especially tight. Bonger may be referring to the ₣50 that we know Theo sent Vincent in July of the following year (JLB 155, 6/22/1880-6/24/1880). 372. spent it on Bibles Piérard, "Among the Miners of the Borinage," p. 48. 373. The miners insulted and mocked Gérin, quoted in Piérard, The Tragic Life of Vincent van Gogh, p. 50: This author supports the point: "The humanity of our friend [Vincent] continued to grow day by day, and yet the persecutions he suffered grew, too. And still the reproaches and insults and stoning by the members of the Consistory, though he always remained in the deepest abasement!" 374. strange behavior as "outrageous" BVG 133, 7/1/1880.

Context:
BVG 133, July 1880: "Now anyone who becomes absorbed in all this is sometimes considered outrageous, "shocking," sinning more or less unwillingly against certain forms and customs and proprieties."
JLB 155, 6/22/1880-6/24/1880: "Now the man who is absorbed in all that is sometimes shocking, to others, and without wishing to, offends to a greater or lesser degree against certain forms and customs and social conventions." (In JLB 155, 6/22/1880-6/24/1880, "outrageous" [or an equivalent word] is eliminated from the sentence.)

375. "shocking" BVG 133, 7/1/1880. (See Ch. 12, n. 374.) 376. "Everyone considers" Gérin, n.p.: The villager was Jean Denis, the son of Vincent's landlord in Petit Wasmes, Jean-Baptiste Denis. Jean was fifteen at the time he knew Vincent. 377. "cast aside" BVG 136, 9/24/1880.

Context:
BVG 136, 9/24/1880: "I shall set to work again with my pencil, which I had cast aside in my deep dejection, and I shall draw again quot;
JLB 158, 9/24/1880: " I'll pick up my pencil that I put down in my great discouragement and I'll get back to drawing."

378. must have denied himself BVG 133, 7/1/1880: This comment, from the first letter after the long silence, suggests that Vincent either did not have his prints up where he was living (for which there is no direct testimony), or he did not derive the satisfaction from them that he had previously in Amsterdam and before.

Context:
JLB 155, 6/22/1880-6/24/1880: "When I was in different surroundings, in surroundings of paintings and works of art, you well know that I then took a violent passion for those surroundings that went as far as enthusiasm. And I don't repent it, and now, far from the country again, I often feel homesick for the country of paintings."

379. Dicken's dystopian Hard Times BVG 133, 7/1/1880.

Context:
JLB 155, 6/22/1880-6/24/1880: "So I studied the books I had to hand rather seriously, such as the Bible and Michelet's La révolution Française, and then last winter, Shakespeare and a little Victor Hugo and Dickens and Beecher Stowe, and then recently Aeschylus, and then several other less classic authors, several good minor masters."

380. Uncle Tom's Cabin BVG 133, 7/1/1880.  Context: JLB 155, 6/22/1880-6/24/1880: "So I studied the books I had to hand rather seriously, such as the Bible and Michelet's La révolution Française, and then last winter, Shakespeare and a little Victor Hugo and Dickens and Beecher Stowe, and then recently Aeschylus, and then several other less classic authors, several good minor masters." 381. had read Michelet's BVG 133, 7/1/1880: Michelet's account of the French Revolution is titled La révolution Française (1847-1853). Vincent's report of his reading, both the phrasing and the order, suggests that this book was read before the Shakespeare, the Hugo, or the Aeschylus. Vincent almost certainly had read Michelet's masterpiece previously and was re-reading it at this time.

Context:
JLB 155, 6/22/1880-6/24/1880: "So I studied the books I had to hand rather seriously, such as the Bible and Michelet's La révolution Française, and then last winter, Shakespeare and a little Victor Hugo and Dickens and Beecher Stowe, and then recently Aeschylus, and then several other less classic authors, several good minor masters."

382. "The Last Day" BVG 136, 9/24/1880. Le Dernier Jour d'un Condamné (JLB 119, 6/4/1877-6/5/1877). 383. "[W]e are all" Hugo, pp. 39-40. 384. vision in Aeschylus's Oresteia BVG 133, 7/1/1880: Vincent does not specify which of Aeschylus's plays he read, but the trilogy of the Oresteia (Agamemnon, The Libation Bearers, and The Eumenides) were by far the most widely celebrated and circulated of Aeschylus's seven surviving plays. It was also a favorite of Victor Hugo's, whose work Vincent was also reading at this time. In fact, it may have been through Hugo's introduction to his son's translation of Shakespeare that Vincent was introduced both to the Oresteia and to King Lear, both favorites of the senior Hugo.  Context: JLB 155, 6/22/1880-6/24/1880: "So I studied the books I had to hand rather seriously, such as the Bible and Michelet's La révolution Française, and then last winter, Shakespeare and a little Vincent Hugo and Dickens and Beecher Stowe, and then recently Aeschylus, and then several other less classic authors, several good minor masters." 385. nihilistic depths of Shakespeare's BVG 133, 7/1/1880: Emerging from the year-long hiatus in letters, Vincent tells Theo that he spent the previous winter reading, among other things, "Shakespeare." Later in the same letter, he makes a very specific comment about one of the characters in Lear: "And I think that Kent, a man in Shakespeare's King Lear, is just as noble and distinguished a character as any figure of Th. [Thomas] de Keyser" (JLB 155, 6/22/1880-6/24/1880). We take this as definitive that Lear was one of the plays he read that winter. A few years later, he wrote to Theo, complaining about the little money his uncle Cor had paid him for some drawings: "If people understood that nothing is nothing, and that days without a penny in one's pocket are very tough and difficult, then I don't think they'd begrudge me that little bit of money I get from you" (JLB 213, 3/24/1882; emphasis in original). We take this to be an echo, perhaps unconscious, of the famous line from Lear, "Nothing will come of nothing" (Act I, Scene i). In 1889, Vincent asks his sister Wil: "Have you ever read King Lear?", suggesting that it was still one of his favorite of Shakespeare's plays (JLB 789, 7/14/1889 or 7/15/1889). Another play that he clearly read in the winter of 1879–80 was Henry IV (JLB 155, 6/22/1880-6/24/1880).

Context:
JLB 155, 6/22/1880-6/24/1880: "So I studied the books I had to hand rather seriously, such as the Bible and Michelet's La révolution Française, and then last winter, Shakespeare and a little Victor Hugo and Dickens and Beecher Stowe, and then recently Aeschylus, and then several other less classic authors, several good minor masters."

386. "My God, how beautiful" BVG 133, 7/1/1880.

Context:
BVG 133, July 1880: "Let me stop there, but my God, how beautiful Shakespeare is, who else is as mysterious as he is; his language and method are like a brush trembling with excitement and ecstasy."
JLB 155, 6/22/1880-6/24/1880: " To put it no higher, my God, how beautiful that is. Shakespeare -- who is as mysterious as he? -- his language and his way of doing things are surely the equal of any brush trembling with fever and emotion."

387. substituted a happy ending "About King Lear": In fact, not only Victorian audiences found the play's ending unwatchably sad. At the time of its first major revival, in the 1680s, King Lear was subjected to obliterating alteration. An Irish dramatist and poet, Nahum Tate, completely rewrote the play in 1681, cutting the part of the Fool, and giving it a new ending in which Lear, Cordelia, and Buckingham all survived: Cordelia married Edgar and Lear himself lived in contented retirement. Despite various attempts to restore Shakespeare's original, Tate's happy ending remained the preferred version until well into the nineteenth century. During the latter half of the century, the play fell into general disfavor for its excesses of violence and its despairing vision, except for a few huge, lavish productions that sacrificed heartbreak to spectacle. 388. "more sinn'd against" King Lear, Act III, Scene i: Lear, of course, says this about himself, but it is far more true of his godson, Edgar. 389. "noble and distinguished" BVG 133, 7/1/1880: It is interesting that of all Lear's vivid characters, Vincent singles out Kent, a gentleman who never acts less than noble, proper, and Christian in the Hobbsian world of Lear's pagan England. It is possible that he does so in order to send Theo a message: Vincent has emerged from his dark negation in the Borinage and re-embraced the bourgeois values that his brother and father have long urged on him.

Context:
BVG 133, July 1880: "And I think that Kent, a character in Shakespeare's "King Lear," is as noble and distinguished a man as that figure by Th. de Keyser, though Kent and King Lear are reputed to have lived much earlier."
JLB 155, 6/22/1880-6/24/1880: "And I think that Kent, a man in Shakespeare's King Lear, is just as noble and distinguished a character as any figure of Th. de Keyser, although Kent and King Lear are supposed to have lived a long time earlier."

207 390. "poor naked wretch" King Lear, Act III, Scene iv. 391. Edgar runs in terror King Lear, Act III, Scene iv:

             Who gives any thing to poor Tom? whom the foul
           fiend hath led through fire and through flame, and
           through ford and whirlipool e'er bog and quagmire;
             that hath laid knives under his pillow, and halters
             in his pew; set ratsbane by his porridge; made film
           proud of heart, to ride on a bay trotting-horse over
           four-inched bridges, to course his own shadow for a traitor.

392. "drinks the green" King Lear, Act III, Scene iv. 393. with his face blackened Piérard, The Tragic Life of Vincent van Gogh, p. 48: Piérard was the first to report this recollection from Rev. Bonté: "It is said of Van Gogh that he blackened his face with his hands." This scholar, of course, interprets this as solidarity with the miners: "even when our evangelist was not covered with a layer of coal dust, his face was customarily dirtier than those of the miners." However Hulsker, in his unflagging effort to moderate Vincent's excesses in the retelling, insists that "it is doubtful that he blackened [his face] on purpose" (Hulsker, Vincent and Theo, pp. 77-78). He does not say why it is doubtful. To us, this behavior seems like a perfectly understandable extension of Vincent's profound self-abasement during this period. 394. barefoot Gérin, n.p.: The author quotes Jean Denis: "Even in winter he went everywhere in bare feet." 395. snow and thunderstorms Piérard, The Tragic Life of Vincent van Gogh, p. 50: The author quotes Jean Denis, the landlord's son, who was fifteen at the time. Secrétan-Rollier gives a fuller account from Denis: "One day I saw him go out into the countryside during a storm without putting anything on to protect himself from the rain. He stayed outside on purpose. He wanted to see the lightning, to be outside in the storm with the lightning. ... He told me, "He wanted to see God's great marvels and he was soaked to the skin. My dear mother cried out to him, 'Come here, monsieur Vincent. Don't stay out in the rain like that.' But he did not hear her." (Secrétan-Rollier, Van Gogh chez les gueules noires, pp. 77-78.) 396. "You are not" Aafjes, n.p. 397. called him simply "mad" BVG 142, 4/2/1881.

Context
BVG 142, 4/2/1881: "A peasant who sees me draw an old tree trunk, and sees me sitting there for an hour, thinks that I have gone mad and, of course, laughs at me."
JLB 164, 4/2/1881: "A peasant who sees me drawing an old tree-trunk and sees me sitting there in front of it for an hour thinks I'm mad, and naturally laughs at me."

398. "The Lord Jesus" Gérin, n.p. 399. defense that some took The question of Vincent's identification with Christ, both now and later, is a complicated and subtle one, as befits something so sensitive and bound up with Vincent's emotional, psychological, and psychiatric problems. Unquestionably, he used Christ, or his understanding of Christ-like behavior, to justify his extremes of self-abnegation at the time. There are numerous examples of this in the record from the Borinage. However, it appears most of the local people, at the time, considered this defense blasphemous and dismissed it as part and parcel of his "madness." There is no other way to interpret the actions of the clerical authorities and even Vincent's own congregation toward him. When Vincent's fame became widespread, however, not long after his death, the stories from the Borinage that first entered the record were Vincent's own -- told by Vincent to Gauguin and Bernard shortly before his death at a time when his Christ delusions were becoming more acute. Thus, in Gauguin's retelling the story of the injured miner that Vincent treated in January was inflated into a miraculous healing, complete with stigmata ("an aureole and carrying the jagged marks of the crown of thorns, red scars on the miner's muddy yellow forehead") (Gauguin, quoted in Welsh-Ovcharov, ed., pp. 42-43). In 1889, Bernard repeated the same story in a letter to the critic Aurier ("despised, rejected by the world, [Vincent] began his life as a saint") (b6918 V/1996, ''Bernard, Emile'' to ''Aurier, Gustave-Albert''). This "account" of Vincent's time in the Borinage was quickly assimilated into the posthumous legend where it was reinforced by the hagiographic tendencies of early biographers as well as the socialist sympathies of the Belgian chroniclers in particular. The unavailability of most of the relevant letters from the Borinage period only opened the door further to mythologizing. Thus, the early accounts in Piérard already reflected back this sympathetic but largely unsubstantiated view and it became the dominant theme of subsequent narratives of his Borinage years. (See Ch. 12, n. 173.) 400. He rubbed his hands Piérard, "Among the Miners of the Borinage," p. 48. 401. the sounds of weeping Tralbaut, p. 64: Tralbaut quotes the daughter of Vincent's landlord in Cuesmes, Decrucq. Wilkie recounts a similar story from a descendant of Denis who relates a story from Esther, Denis's wife: "Aunt Esther said she used to hear Monsieur Van Gogh crying all night in his hut outside" (Wilkie, p. 76). This may be an example of how stories of this sort re-infect sources. 402. "subjected himself" Aafjes, n.p.: This account, from the son of Vincent's landlord, Jean-Baptiste Denis, is translated variously, usually to suggest that Vincent gave away his clothes, not that he actually took them off. (Aafjes at least has the grace to perform his editorial tidying in plain sight, inserting parenthetically, "[Vincent gave them away.]") However, the original seems clearly to leave open the possibility that Vincent stripped to bareness. Whether he did this once or occasionally is not specified. Denis's description is chronologically compressed, whereas we believe that Vincent's mental and physical disintegration (including, possibly, disrobing) was a gradual process. 403. "answering with" King Lear, Act III, Scene iv. 404. "Thou art" King Lear, Act III, Scene iv. 405. with the word "Fragile" Piérard, The Tragic Life of Vincent van Gogh, p. 51. 406. "He did not laugh" Piérard, The Tragic Life of Vincent van Gogh, p. 51: The author quotes Jean-Baptiste Denis, son of Vincent's landlord in Petit Wasmes. This incident could have happened prior to the winter of 1879–80. 407. his psalmbook, he underlined Secrétan-Rollier, Van Gogh chez les gueules noires, p. 74. 408. My soul is in agony Secrétan-Rollier, Van Gogh chez les gueules noires, p. 74. 409. overcome by "melancholy" b2484 V/1982, ''Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 7/2/1879; quoted in Hulsker, Vincent and Theo: A Dual Biography, p. 80. 410. "My life has gradually" BVG 132, 8/1/1879-8/15/1879.

Context:
BVG 132, August 1879: "When I saw you again and walked with you, I had a feeling I used to have more often than I do now, namely that life is something good and precious which one should value, and I felt more cheerful and alive than I have been feeling for a long time, because in spite of myself my life has gradually become less precious, much less important and more a matter of indifference to me, or so it seemed."
JLB 154, 8/11/1879-8/14/1879: "When I saw you again and took a walk with you, I had the same feeling I used to have more than I do now, as though life were something good and precious that one should cherish, and I felt more cheerful and alive than I had been for a long time, because in spite of myself life has gradually become or has seemed much less precious to me, much more unimportant and indifferent."

411. beginning of March BVG 329, 9/28/1883: The dating of this trip is problematic. Seven months later, Vincent says only that it occurred "last winter"(JLB 158, 9/24/1880). Strangely, three years later, he is more specific: "I covered that road there on foot from Valenciennes, and back to Mons … three days and three nights at the beginning of March …" (JLB 391, 9/28/1883). A letter from Dorus to Theo (the only family letter to survive the black-out year) confirms that Vincent was in Etten as of March 11. The same letter reports (unusually) that the parents had last written Theo on February 26. Moreover, it states that "V[incen]t is still here," which seems to suggest that he had been there at least since the previous letter on February 26 (b2496 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 3/11/1880; emphasis added). Either 1) Vincent's trip to Courrières took place in early March and Dorus's letter is misleading; or 2) Vincent's trip took place in February and Vincent's later dating is mistaken. Vincent's specific dating comes three years after the event, too soon to be forgetful, but time enough for some exaggeration to have crept into the account in the form of exaggerating the cold weather by moving the date back somewhat (just as, in the later letter (JLB 391, 9/28/1883) he says he had "not quite two francs" in his pocket; whereas earlier he had said he had ₣10) (JLB 158, 9/24/1880). So the trip could have occurred in late February, although JLB have concluded, based on evidence in JLB 158 and 391, that Vincent traveled to Courrières in "Early March" (JLB, Chronology 1880). 412. the few francs BVG 136, 9/24/1880: Vincent's accounting for this trip changes. In his first account in September 1880, he says he had "ten francs." By three years later, the amount has fallen considerably: "I covered that road [to Courrières] ... with less than 2 francs in my pocket" (JLB 391, 9/28/1883). 208 413. he started to walk BVG 329, 9/28/1883.

Context:
JLB 391, 9/28/1883: "See for yourself on the map how far it is from Mons to Courrières, I covered that road there on foot from Valenciennes, and back to Mons with less than 2 francs in my pocket -- three days and three nights at the beginning of March, in rain and wind, without a roof over my head."

414. headed for Calais BVG 136, 9/24/1880. A short time after this trip, when Vincent was in Etten, his father reported: "Now [Vincent] speaks of going to London to see Rev. Jones" (b2496 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 3/11/1880). To us, this is solid evidence that the possibility of going to England was on his mind when he struck out toward the Channel, and that his overriding motivation was still religious, not artistic. In his recounting of the trip seven months later, Vincent appears to deny that he was headed for the Channel. "I made a trip on foot mainly in the Pas de Calais, not the Channel but the department. Or province" (JLB 158, 9/24/1880). The distinction's lack of geographical sense (the Pas-de-Calais "department" extends indistinguishably from Valenciennes on the southeast to Calais, on the Channel, in the northwest) may betray his attempt to conceal the original intent of the trip -- part of his elaborate effort in to recharacterize the trip as inspired by art (i.e., Breton's studio and the picturesque people and countryside) rather than by religion (i.e., England) (JLB 158, 9/24/1880). By recharacterizing the trip, Vincent also avoided the embarrassment of its abortion.

The literature uniformly assumes that the objective of Vincent's trip in March 1880, from the first, was to visit the studio of the painter-poet Jules Breton in Courrières. The trip is routinely referred to as "the trip to Courrières," which only assumes the conclusion. In fact, not even Vincent presented it as simply as that. On the subject of his motivation, he says only: "I made that trip hoping perhaps to find work there (any sort, if possible; I would have accepted anything)" (ibid.). His description of the trip seven months later, however, was clearly intended to give Theo the impression that the visit to Breton's studio was crucial to his undertaking the trip (which makes his last-minute reluctance to knock at Breton's door even more puzzling, not to say incredible). As discussed later in this chapter, we think this is another instance of Vincent recasting the past to meet his current emotional needs. That Vincent was exercising a heavy editorial-persuasive hand in his retelling is also indicated by his omission of any mention of the coalmines in Courrières -- an aspect of the trip that does not emerge until three years later when it becomes helpful to a different agenda of persuasion.

415. "little wooden churches" BVG 130, 6/1/1879: Nothing ever came of these ambitious dreams. Bailey suggests that Rev. Slade-Jones "had pressing tasks at home, particularly the construction of a new stone church at Turnham Green which was finally opened in 1881" (Bailey, pp. 113-114). Slade-Jones's death in March 1883 went unnoted by Vincent.

Context:
BVG 130, April 1879: "A few days ago I received a letter from the Reverend Mr. Jones of Isleworth in which he writes about building little wooden churches here in the Borinage. Is that practicable, is it desirable? He is ready to work for that end, that is, for the erection of the first of such little buildings. He even speaks of coming here in the autumn to talk it over; I certainly hope it happens."
JLB 152, 6/19/1879: "Received a letter a few days ago from the Rev. Jones of Isleworth in which he writes about the building of wooden churches here in the Borinage. Is it feasible? Is it desirable? He has a mind to work towards that goal, i.e. erecting the first of such buildings. Even talks about coming over here sometime in the autumn to discuss the matter."

416. freezing rain and wind BVG 329, 9/28/1883.  417. "wandered and wandered" BVG 329, 9/28/1883.

Context:
BVG 329, 9/27/1883: "I did not see any good at the time, nor do I now, in reaching such a point of destitution, in literally having no roof over my head, in having to wander and wander forever like a tramp, without finding either rest or food or covering anywhere -- besides, without any possibility of working."
JLB 391, 9/28/1883: "I take no pleasure in it, I saw no good in it then and see even less now in reaching a point of destitution such that one doesn't even have a roof over one's head and must tramp on and tramp on like a vagabond into infinity without finding either rest or food or shelter anywhere, moreover without the possibility of doing any work."

418. slept in abandoned wagons BVG 136, 9/24/1880.

Context:
JLB 158, 9/24/1880: "But when my ten francs were gone, I had to bivouac out in the open for the last 3 nights, once in an abandoned carriage, all white with frost in the morning, a rather poor shelter, once in a wood-pile and once, and it was a little better, in a haystack that had been broached, where I managed to make a slightly more comfortable nest, only a fine rain didn't exactly add to my well-being."

419. "I would have accepted" BVG 136, 9/24/1880.

Context:
BVG 136, 9/24/1880: "I had gone on this trip in the hope of perhaps finding some sort of work there, if possible -- I would have accepted anything."
JLB 158, 9/24/1880: "I made that trip hoping perhaps to find work there (any sort, if possible; I would have accepted anything)."

420. "I was abroad" BVG 191, 4/15/1882-4/30/1882.

Context:
BVG 191, April 1882: "... in those years when I was abroad without friends or help, suffering great misery (so that in London I often had to sleep in the open air, and did so three nights in succession in the Borinage) ..."
JLB 221, 4/26/1882: "... in those years, when I was abroad without friends or assistance, in great misery (so that I often had to sleep in the streets in London, and in the Borinage 3 nights in a row) ..."

421. until he reached Lens BVG 136, 9/24/1880: Lens was the center of this mining region -- just as Mons was the center of the Borinage.

Context:
JLB 158, 9/24/1880: "Even there, at Courrières [near Lens], there was a coal-mine or pit; I saw the day-shift coming up at dusk."

422. only forty miles BVG 136, 9/24/1880: This is as far as Vincent reports traveling before returning to the Borinage (or Etten).

Context:
JLB 158, 9/24/1880: "Even there, at Courrières [near Lens], there was a coal-mine or pit; I saw the day-shift coming up at dusk."

423. he stopped briefly BVG 136, 9/24/1880: Vincent never went in and did not see Breton.

Context:
JLB 158, 9/24/1880: "I saw Courrières and the outside of Mr. Jules Breton's studio."

424. loved Breton's poetry BVG 48, 12/10/1875.

Context:
JLB 61, 12/10/1875: "You'll like the book by Jules Breton. There's one poem of his that I found especially moving: 'Illusions'."

425. and paintings BVG 27, 5/31/1875.

Context:
JLB 34, 5/31/1875: "He has a beautiful painting at the Salon, 'The feast of St John', peasant girls dancing on a summer evening round the St John's bonfire, in the background the village with its church and the moon above it."

426. met the artist BVG 27, 5/31/1875: It is not clear from this if Vincent actually was introduced to the Bretons, attended on them at Goupil, or just saw them in public or at a gathering.

Context:
JLB 34, 5/31/1875: "I recently saw Jules Breton with his wife and two daughters."

427. in body and in spirit BVG 136, 9/24/1880.

Context:
JLB 158, 9/24/1880: "I returned [from Courrières] worn out, with bruised feet and in a rather melancholy state."

428. "That trip" BVG 136, 9/24/1880. We have slightly altered the translation.

Context:
BVG 136, 9/24/1880: "Although this trip nearly killed me and I came back spent with fatigue, with crippled feet and in more or less depressed state of mind, I do not regret it ... "
JLB 158, 9/24/1880: "Although this stage was almost unbearable to me, and I returned from it worn out, with bruised feet and in a rather melancholy state, I don't regret it ... "

429. week or two later (See Ch. 12, n. 411.) 430. "crippled feet" BVG 136, 9/24/1880.

Context:
BVG 136, 9/24/1880: "Although this trip nearly killed me and I came back spent with fatigue, with crippled feet and in more or less depressed state of mind, I do not regret it ... "
JLB 158, 9/24/1880: "Although this stage was almost unbearable to me, and I returned from it worn out, with bruised feet and in a rather melancholy state, I don't regret it ... "

431. the community, traveled Dorus's letters frequently propose coming to rescue Vincent from his successive crises in the Borinage; just as he probably did come to rescue him in Brussels. Other accounts from the period also are filled with memories of Dorus's (e.g. Piérard, The Tragic Life of Vincent van Gogh, p. 62), including at least one of Dorus taking Vincent away with him (Hulsker, Vincent and Theo, p. 79). If such a thing happened, it probably happened during the terrible winter of 1879–80, from which so few records survive. Because this is Vincent's only other recorded visit in Etten, because staying away from Etten had become the point of remaining in the Borinage, and because Vincent later expressed his displeasure at being in Etten -- all suggesting he did not come voluntarily -- we believe this is the most likely occasion for Dorus to have retrieved Vincent from his miserable state (BVG 133, 7/1/1880). It is a separable, arguable point whether this is the outcome that Vincent consciously or subconsciously intended. 432. After years of "despairing" b2496 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 3/11/1880. 433. "the cross" b2496 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 3/11/1880. 434. take matters into his own hands b2496 V/1982, "Gogh, Theodorus van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 3/11/1880: "V[incen]t is still here, but oh; nothing but worries. Now he speaks of going to London to see Rev. Jones. If he persists in this, I will enable him to do so, but it is despairing! Now and again I have such a hard time of it, but one should not run away from problems. That is your principle too, and you do well to stick to it. I often intend to do so." While Vincent recovered in the parsonage laying his delusional plans for what was probably a second attempt to reach England [see Ch. 12, n. 413], Dorus finally overcame his feelings of helplessness ("I will enable him to do so, but it is despairing!") and persuaded himself finally to act ("I often intend to do this"). His plan for Vincent to go to Gheel (Geel) -- "to illuminate Vincent's sad darkness" once and for all -- must have coalesced soon after this letter was written (ibid.). 435. commit his son BVG 158, 11/18/1881.

Context:
JLB 185, 11/18/1881: "It causes me much sorrow and grief but I refuse to accept that a father is right who curses his son and (think of last year) wants to send him to a madhouse (which I naturally opposed with all my might) and calls his son's love 'untimely and indelicate'!!!" (emphasis in original).

436. Since the fourteenth century Pierloot, pp. 139-140: The first shrine (to St. Dymphna, the seventh century daughter of a pagan Irish chief and his Christian wife murdered by her father]) for pilgrims seeking divine intervention for medical problems was established in Gheel in the eleventh century. It was not until the second half of the fourteenth century, however, that Gheel "became a place of pilgrimage specifically for mental patients." 437. boarded with local families Pierloot, pp. 140-142. 438. By 1879 Parry-Jones, p. 202: Even after the French Revolution closed the shrine and swept away the official promise of miracles, pilgrims continued to flood the rural community. 439. " the City of the Simple" Byrne, p. 11. Almost a thousand patients lived within the 110-square-mile, 27,000-acre "Commune" (Parry-Jones, p. 204). They were arranged in concentric rings or "cordons": the most tranquil in the town center; the most violent scattered in farms and cottages at the peripheries. Outside the town center, there were four cordons: "In the innermost cordon were those who required special care. Next came imbeciles, idiots, the maimed, the demented, and those of dirty habits. Then came the epileptics, who were placed in areas where there was no danger from brooks and pools. In the outermost cordon of remotely situated farms and cottages were the violent and the furious. Here, they would be safe and cause the least amount of annoyance to the rest of the community." (ibid.) (For a contemporary account of these cordons, see Byrne, pp. 91-93.) Because Gheel was a therapeutic, not a curative establishment, the mental patients often made their homes there more or less permanently. According to Parry-Jones: "[Henry] Stevens [a British medical official who toured Geel in 1856] reported that of the 905 patients who were under treatment in 1856, 29 were cured and 10 relieved. He added, 'This is a success hardly to be envied by our asylum superintendents.' ... When Webster revisited in 1866, he found more encouraging evidence, that is, about a quarter of the patients who were admitted in the preceding ten years were cured." (Parry-Jones, pp. 204-205.) This does not include patients who withdrew for other reasons. 440. One thousand "lunatics" Byrne, p. 102: As of 1869, the number of "lunatics" at Gheel was about eight hundred. The number appears to have stayed between eight hundred and one thousand for the rest of the century. 209 441. ten thousand sane Byrne, p. 95: The author breaks the figures down by household: there were 1913 houses in the entire Commune (population 11,000) and 618 in Gheel-proper (population 3,312). Of these, 235 households in town were nourriciers; 620 in the entire Commune. We have assumed that Byrne's total population figure includes the approximately one thousand resident patients. 442. homes of paid householders Parry-Jones, p. 204: The householders were called nourriciers and patients were generally assigned to them by twos and threes. 443. chores and even trades Byrne, p. 69: "There is hardly a trade that is not pursued in Gheel by persons recognised as insane. I saw the handiwork of cabinet-makers, joiners, shoemakers, tailors, sabot-makers, and many others. At a forge, several men working with apparent knowledge and deliberation at the trade of the blacksmith, were executing wheel-tires, horse-shoes, culinary vessels, etc." 444. "uncontradicted" Byrne, p. xiii. 445. visitors who paid Torrey and Miller, pp. 317-318. 446. decision a little easier For Anna, who believed in the benefits of en famille living even in choosing a boarding house, Gheel's "family-care" system (Parry-Jones, in Scull, ed., pp. 203-204), with its claim of "benevolence and affection" (Byrne, pp. 61-62) must have eased the pain of institutionalization -- an alternative her own family had never permitted for her sister Clara. The patient "feels himself surrounded by the most enduring ties," the promotional material promised, "who before was misunderstood ... the disgrace of those to whom he was allied by blood" (quoted in ibid). If Dorus visited Gheel, as he surely did, he saw "lunatics and epileptics" sowing and reaping in the fields (ibid., p. 70); working as "blacksmiths, shoemakers, carpenters, and tailors" (ibid., p. 69); reading in the cafés (ibid., p. 100); playing bollé, even practicing archery on the public green (ibid.). The insane of better families who played musical instruments gave concerts for each other, cultivated flowers, and staged dramas (ibid., p. 100). The artistically-inclined drew and painted (ibid). At least one patient was a painter of flowers, landscapes, and portraits whose "genius had not kept pace with his aspirations" (ibid., p.142). When his work proved disagreeable both to him and to his sitters, he became "quite unmanageable at home," (ibid.) and was committed by his family and friends.

The unique nature of the town would have been betrayed only if Dorus happened to meet a patient on the street claiming to be "some great personage" (ibid., p. 124) -- the most common "maniacal delusion" (ibid.) among citizens of the Commune; or if he noticed the halting gait of patients wearing the ceinture à bracelets mobiles, an apparatus that chained the arms to the waist "at a sufficient length to allow the use but not the abuse of the hands" (ibid., p. 103); or by the sight of the occasional "helpless, purposeless wandering imbecile … fettered like the hedge-side vagrant donkey" (quoted in Parry-Jones, p. 206). It is interesting to note that, according to Byrne (ibid., p. 102), the overwhelming majority of the patients at Gheel were Catholic -- about ninety-seven percent -- and the remainder were split between Jews and Protestants. This apparently did not present a bar to Dorus van Gogh.

447. unspeakable stigma Torrey and Miller, pp. 320-321: Torrey and Miller argue that, although the forces that would eventually undermine this stigma were in place by the last quarter of the nineteenth century (such as "optimism regarding the curability of insanity"), "it seems doubtful whether the stigma against insane asylums decreased much, if at all, between the early 1800s and the middle 1900s." According to these authors, this is why commitment continued to be the "final resource when all else had failed" well into the next century (quoting John Walton). 448. ability to stand unashamed Stokvis, p. 26: In this regard, Stokvis's observation about Dorus, based on his interviews, is relevant: "Vincent's ignoring of all forms and convention was unbearable to [his father], and compromised him, he felt, in the eyes of the people." 449. depended on absolute secrecy Perrot, ed., p 556. 450. To commit Vincent Only thirty years earlier, Dorus could have institutionalized his son with relative ease in either Belgium or Holland. But a wave of reform in mid-century had added both bureaucratic and medical hurdles to the grim process. 451. "certificate of insanity" Jansen, Luijten, and Fokke, p. 118. 452. Sometime after Jansen, Luijten, and Fokke, p. 118: Our dating is consistent with Jansen, Luijten, and Fokke, who write that the Johannes Nicolaas Ramaer incident was "most likely ... connected with the so-called 'Gheel affair' of 1880, at which time Vincent's father was planning to have his son committed to lunatic asylum in Gheel." We diverge from these scholars only in their conclusion that "Vincent's father viewed Ramaer's 'diagnosis' as grounds for having his son committed to a lunatic asylum" (ibid.). As discussed in the text, we believe the planning to commit Vincent preceded the trip to see Ramaer, and that the need for the certificate of insanity (required for commitment) was the reason for the trip. Anna's recollection suggests as much: "Pa so much wanted [Vincent] to go with him as a mental patient" (ibid., p. 116). Dorus did not need Ramaer to convince him of Vincent's insanity, only to certify it. As early as five years before, Dorus had reluctantly acknowledged the possibility of this outcome, surely the hardest step on the road that led to Ramaer: "I believe there must be some kind of illness, whether physical or mental" (b2341 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 6/9/1875).

Perhaps the best, if most circumstantial, evidence of a long drawn-out process is the huge gap in the family letters, starting in September of the previous year. There is a hint that discussions about Vincent's "competence" were family currency as early as that August (1879). Vincent may be referring obliquely to the issue of guardianship when he writes Theo: "All the same, it's better that we feel something for each other rather than behave like corpses towards one another, the more so because as long as one has no real right to be called a corpse by being legally dead, it smacks of hypocrisy or at least childishness to pose as such" (JLB 154, 8/11/1879-8/14/1879).

453. "alienist" Jansen, Luijten, and Fokke, p. 117. 454. inspector of lunatic asylums Jansen, Luijten, and Fokke, p. 117. Ramaer championed a new, more scientific approach to mental illness, arguing that psychological disorders often had physical causes (ibid., p. 118). 455. "ask for medicine" Jansen, Luijten, and Fokke, p. 116. 456. he refused to go Jansen, Luijten, and Fokke, pp. 116-117: According to Anna's letter from 1888, Dorus went to Ramaer without Vincent: "Pa went anyway to tell him -- and he said, from what I now hear something is missing or wrong in the little brain." By "little brain," Jansen believes Anna was referring to the cerebellum and that this indicates Ramaer viewed Vincent's symptoms as "purely physical, and not primarily as an emotional or psychological condition" (ibid., pp. 117-118). This and Vincent's other diagnoses will be discussed in detail in a later chapter. 457. "I resisted with all my might" BVG 158, 11/18/1881.

Context:
BVG 158, 11/18/1881: "Now while I am very distressed and sorry about it all, I simply cannot agree that a father who curses his son and (remember last year) proposes to send him to a lunatic asylum (which naturally I resisted with all my might) and who calls his son's love 'inappropriate and indelicate' (!!!), is in the right."
JLB 185, 11/18/1881: "It causes me much sorrow and grief but I refuse to accept that a father is right who curses his son and (think of last year) wants to send him to a madhouse (which I naturally opposed with all my might) and calls his son's love 'untimely and indelicate'!!!" (emphasis in original).

458. The only way Webster, p. 51: Under relevant Belgian law, there were five different ways a commitment could be initiated: by a "family council"; by demand of a local authority (for "pauper lunatics"); by the decision of a judge; on the order of a ministerial officer; or upon petition by "any person interested in the patient." All of these except the first required a certificate of insanity. 459. as Vincent probably knew Later, in The Hague, when Vincent's study of the guardianship law again becomes important, his familiarity with it is manifest: "If, for example, it says, 'A child owes its parents respect', as the law on paternal authority begins, it isn't good enough to fly into a temper and say, 'You don't have enough respect for your parents.' You must first think and see if there's indeed anything unlawful in the child's behaviour before resorting to the law." (JLB 234, 6/1/1882-6/2/1882; emphasis added.) 460. conseil de famille Webster, p. 51: An insane person could be admitted to an asylum "upon the written petition of the tutor [guardian] of an interdicted [guarded] party, accompanied by a resolution passed in the 'Conseil de Famille' for that purpose." Vincent was certainly aware of this legal requirement. Two years later, in The Hague, he writes Theo a bitter critique of family councils in guardianship proceedings that bespeaks personal experience: "But one thing is certain: one may not proceed behind someone's back, not even, I believe, make decisions about someone, even in a family council, unless the accused, or rather the person about whom the council is deliberating, is present. But what is a family council? In many cases no more than an intrigue, sometimes a sop to the family's vanity -- much ado about nothing" (JLB 234, 6/1/1882-6/2/1882). (See also Ch. 12, n. 462.) 461. his father would have been loathe BVG 133, 7/1/1880: There are several references in Vincent's letters to his father's desire to keep Vincent's mental problems -- and the effort to commit him to Gheel -- secret. This one is mocking. At some point, Dorus drew an elaborate and awkward analogy between Vincent's commitment and birds molting: both are "not to be done in public," he concluded. Despite his own frequent resort to similar lame metaphors, Vincent summarizes the argument caustically: "[Molting is] scarcely entertaining, it's not cheerful, so it's a matter of making oneself scarce. Well, so be it." (JLB 155, 6/22/1880-6/24/1880.) It may only be on account of Vincent's defiant attitude toward his father that posterity ever discovered the Gheel incident. His family would never have approved even his few, cryptic references to it in later letters. Given the overinclusive rigor with which the family letters appear to have been censored on the subject, it is surprising that even these few references managed to slip into the record. 462. "My father called" Merlhès, p. 196. Gauguin later reconfirmed this story in his own voice: "[Vincent's] teaching of the Bible in the mines was, I believe, profitable to the miners below, but disagreeable to the authorities on high, above ground. He was quickly recalled, dismissed, and a family council convened that judged him mad, and advised rest at a sanatorium." (Gauguin, "Still Lifes," p. 121; emphasis added.) Although Gauguin is not a reliable source on many topics, this seems likely to be an accurate rendering of what Vincent told him. In a letter two years after the events described in the chapter, Vincent wrote the bitter and very personal critique, quoted in the previous note, which strongly suggests not only that Dorus called a family council in 1880, but that Vincent was excluded from it. The latter inference is supported by a passage in another letter from 1882. When Theo mentions the possibility that their father might try to place Vincent in guardianship again (on account of his attempt to marry a prostitute), Vincent responds: "However, the manner in which this is discussed must be quite different from that used by Pa, for example, on the occasion of Geel. That would be scandalous." (JLB 227, 5/15/1882.) 463. To assert guardianship BVG 198, 5/14/1882.

Context:
JLB 227, 5/15/1882: "Of course it mustn't be some kind of wardship, I made my feelings about that clear enough at the time of the Geel affair."

464. Dorus sought BVG 201, 6/2/1882-6/3/1882.

Context
JLB 234, 6/1/1882-6/2/1882: "You must first think and see if there's indeed anything unlawful in the child's behaviour before resorting to the law."

465. "on physical grounds" BVG 206, 6/8/1882-6/9/1882.

Context:
BVG 206, 6/8/1882-6/9/1882: "I feel obliged to tell you again that in case they want to attempt something like putting me under guardianship on physical grounds, the precedent of the Gheel affair would make it awkward for the family suddenly to take a different stand, and base their action no longer on physical but on financial grounds."
JLB 237, 6/8/1882: "I must tell you again that the precedent of Geel, at which time they were minded to make me a ward of court on physical grounds, makes it difficult for the family suddenly to change their story now and look for financial rather than physical reasons" (emphasis in original).

466. called Vincent "deranged" BVG 216, 7/19/1882.

Context:
BVG 216, 7/19/1882: "That I was not able to think or that my mind was deranged."
JLB 247, 7/18/1882: "That I couldn't think or that I wasn't right in the head."

467. "dangerous" BVG 133, 7/1/1880. Dorus also apparently condemned his son's behavior as "shocking," declared him "incapable of anything at all," and shouted curses at him (JLB 155, 6/22/1880-6/24/1880). A year later, Vincent recalls these curses after a similar heated confrontation: "In any event, Pa, in his anger, muttered neither more nor less than a curse. But I already heard something similar last year, and thank God, far from being damned in reality, new life and new energy developed in me." (JLB 185, 11/18/1881.) As Vincent hints here, the specific curse his father uttered in 1881 was "God damn you" (JLB 191, 12/1/1881-12/3/1881).

Context:
BVG 133, 7/1/1880: "Should I consider myself a dangerous person, unfit for anything? I think not. Rather, every means should be tried to put these very passions to good effect."
JLB 155, 6/22/1880-6/24/1880: "… must one consider oneself a dangerous man, incapable of anything at all? I don't think so. But it's a matter of trying by every means to turn even these passions to good account."

468. "didn't want to know" b2495 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 7/5/1880. 469. keep him out of sight BVG 133, 7/1/1880.

Context:
JLB 155, 6/22/1880-6/24/1880: "As you may perhaps know, I'm back in the Borinage; my father spoke to me of staying in the vicinity of Etten instead; I said no, and I believe I acted thus for the best."

470. The Last Day of a Condemned Man Anna does not specify which Hugo book Vincent sent. Hulsker suggests it was "probably Les Misérables" (Hulsker, Vincent and Theo, pp. 85-86). We believe that The Last Days of a Condemned Man was on Vincent's mind because he had just read it and, in all likelihood, he owned a copy in the Borinage, which he could send. Sending it also sent a message of protest about his family's treatment of him -- a message that his parents clearly received. Anna's outraged complaint about the book perfectly suits Condemned Man, while it only loosely fits (and seems an overreaction to) Les Misérables, in which the "criminal" Jean Valjean is far more sympathetic than his "good" pursuer, Javert, even to a conventional reader like Anna. Given the tenor of her reaction, the book, whatever it was, was certainly not available to Vincent in the parsonage library, nor does Vincent mention it when summarizing his reading for the previous winter. He first reports reading Les Misérables three years later in The Hague, although it was clearly not his first reading. "I'm reading Les misérables by V. Hugo. A book of which I have old memories, but at the same time I felt a need to read it again …" (JLB 333, 3/29/1883 and 4/1/1883). This phrasing ("old memories") suggests a reading in the distant past (i.e., more than three years before). 471. struck exactly the blow BVG 133, 7/1/1880. Vincent's intent to inflict emotional distress is clear from the letter that accompanied the book, in which he lashed out not just at his father, but at small-minded preachers of every stripe, especially evangelists, calling them incapable "of human feeling" (JLB 155, 6/22/1880-6/24/1880). Their God was Falstaff's God, he said: "the inside of a church" (The reference is to Henry IV, Part One; Act III, Scene iii; ibid.; n. 12). After this, scripture all but disappeared from his letters. 472. "Hugo is on" b2495 V/1982, "Gogh-Carbentus, Anna C. van" to "Gogh, Theo van", 7/5/1880; emphasis added. 210 473. "an objectionable and shady sort" BVG 133, 7/1/1880: One could argue that Vincent is mocking his parents' criticisms of him in this passage, not endorsing them. We believe he is doing both.

Context:
BVG 133, July 1880: "To the family, I have, willy-nilly, become a more or less objectionable and shady sort of character, at any rate a bad lot."
JLB 155, 6/22/1880-6/24/1880: "Without wishing to, I've more or less become some sort of impossible and suspect character in the family, in any event, somebody who isn't trusted …"

474. "a ne'er-do-well" BVG 133, 7/1/1880.

Context:
BVG 133, July 1880: "A kind of ne'er-do-well of a person resembles that kind of ne'er-do-well of a bird."
JLB 155, 6/22/1880-6/24/1880: "An idle man like that resembles an idle bird like that."

475. complained of feeling "dreadful" BVG 133, 7/1/1880.

Context:
BVG 133, July 1880: "As a result one cannot rid oneself of melancholy, one feels emptiness where there might have been friendship and sublime and genuine affection, and one feels dreadful disappointment gnawing at one's spiritual energy, fate seems to stand in the way of affection or one feels a wave of disgust welling up inside."
JLB 155, 6/22/1880-6/24/1880: "Because of that, you're not without melancholy, and you feel emptiness where there could be friendship and high and serious affections, and you feel a terrible discouragement gnawing at your psychic energy itself, and fate seems able to put a barrier against the instincts for affection, or a tide of revulsion that overcomes you."

476. "a wave of disgust" BVG 133, 7/1/1880.  Context: BVG 133, July 1880: "As a result one cannot rid oneself of melancholy, one feels emptiness where there might have been friendship and sublime and genuine affection, and one feels dreadful disappointment gnawing at one's spiritual energy, fate seems to stand in the way of affection or one feels a wave of disgust welling up inside." JLB 155, 6/22/1880-6/24/1880: "Because of that, you're not without melancholy, and you feel emptiness where there could be friendship and high and serious affections, and you feel a terrible discouragement gnawing at your psychic energy itself, and fate seems able to put a barrier against the instincts for affection, or a tide of revulsion that overcomes you." 477. "How can I" BVG 133, 7/1/1880.

Context:
JLB 155, 6/22/1880-6/24/1880: "... so how, then, could I be useful to anybody in any way?"

478. "The best and most" BVG 133, 7/1/1880.

Context:
BVG 133, July 1880: "And so I am inclined to think the best and most sensible solution all round would be for me to go away and to keep my distance, to cease to be, as it were."
JLB 155, 6/22/1880-6/24/1880: "That's why, first of all, so I'm inclined to believe, it is beneficial and the best and most reasonable position to take, for me to go away and to remain at a proper distance, as if I didn't exist."

479. he reached out BVG 133, 7/1/1880: Vincent's excuse for writing was that he had heard from his parents that Theo sent ₣50 for him. (His father forwarded the money from Theo and sent an additional ₣10 himself [b2494 V/1982, ''Gogh, Theodorus van'' to ''Gogh, Theo van'', 7/5/1880 and Hulsker, p. 85].) In his defensiveness, Vincent insists that it was only the necessity of thanking Theo for the money that prompted him to write. "It's possible that I wouldn't even have written to you now if it weren't that I'm under the obligation, the necessity, of writing to you. If, I say, you yourself hadn't imposed that necessity." (JLB 155, 6/22/1880-6/24/1880.) This amounts to an endearingly sophomoric "I didn't blink -- you blinked" argument. At the end of the letter, Vincent shifts to a different defensive strategy, prim formality (he speaks of their "entente cordiale"), to disguise his supplicant position: "And if I could ever do something for you, be useful to you in some way, know that I am at your service. Since I've accepted what you gave me, you could equally ask me for something if I could be of service to you in some way or another; it would make me happy and I would consider it a sign of trust." 480. " waarde Theo" BVG 1, August 1872.

Context:
JLB 1, 9/26/1872: " My dear Theo … I missed you the first few days, and it was strange for me not to find you when I came home in the afternoon."

481. "I have kept" BVG 133, 7/1/1880.

Context:
BVG 133, July 1880: "I am writing to you rather reluctantly because, for a good many reasons, I have kept silent for such a long time."
JLB 155, 6/22/1880-6/24/1880: "It's with some reluctance that I write to you, not having done so for so long, and that for many a reason."

482. "[Now] I have reached" BVG 133, 7/1/1880.

Context:
BVG 133, July 1880: "With reluctance, of course, with a feeling of some despondency, of course, but I have reached a sort of impasse, am in trouble, what else can I do?"
JLB 155, 6/22/1880-6/24/1880: "Certainly reluctantly, certainly with a rather melancholy feeling, but I'm in some sort of impasse or mess; what else can one do?"

483. storm of protest, self-pity BVG 133, 7/1/1880. He accused his family of "prejudices" against him (JLB 155, 6/22/1880-6/24/1880). This passage suggests the bitterness of Vincent's fight with his father over committing him to Gheel.

Context:
JLB 155, 6/22/1880-6/24/1880: "It may be a thing of rather demoralizing difficulty to regain the trust of an entire family perhaps not entirely devoid of prejudices and other similarly honourable and fashionable qualities."

484. confession BVG 133, 7/1/1880: Most of these confessions relate to his failure to earn a living, suggesting that this was the focus of both his family's criticism and the effort to commit him to Gheel. "It's true that I've lost several people's trust, it's true that my financial affairs are in a sorry state, it's true that the future's not a little dark, it's true that I could have done better, it's true that just in terms of earning my living I've lost time. … for as much as 5 years, perhaps, I don't know exactly, I've been more or less without a position, wandering hither and thither. … it's true that my studies themselves are in a rather sorry and disheartening state." (JLB 155, 6/22/1880-6/24/1880.) His confessions were often accompanied by elaborate and often lame justifications. "I've frequently neglected my appearance, I admit it," he writes, but quickly adds, "But look, money troubles and poverty have something to do with it, and then a profound discouragement also has something to do with it, and then it's sometimes a good means of ensuring for oneself the solitude needed to be able to go somewhat more deeply into this or that field of study with which one is preoccupied." (ibid.) In short, he has neglected his appearance in order to ensure that people leave him alone. This kind of patently fallacious reasoning (if dressing down improved concentration, Vincent would have passed his exams easily), suggests either that Vincent's need to justify his actions had outrun his good sense, or that he had not yet completely recovered his mental acuity. 485. the longest letter Other letters (such as JLB 89 [8/26/1876]) were made physically longer by numerous transcriptions of hymns, poetry, and biblical verses. Except for a long prose excerpt from Souvestre's Le Philosophe sous les Toits (Attic Philosopher) (1850), JLB 155 (6/22/1880-6/24/1880) is unusual among the longest letters (as of this time) for the absence of transcribed material. 486. "I am a man" BVG 133, 7/1/1880.

Context:
BVG 133, July 1880: " I am a man of passions, capable of and subject to doing more or less foolish things, which I happen to repent, more or less, afterward."
JLB 155, 6/22/1880-6/24/1880: "I, for one, am a man of passions, capable of and liable to do rather foolish things for which I sometimes feel rather sorry."

487. "good for nothing" BVG 133, 7/1/1880.

Context:
BVG 133, July 1880: "Someone who has seemed to be good for nothing, unable to fill any job, any appointment, will find one in the end and, energetic and capable, will prove himself quite different from what he seemed at first."
JLB 155, 6/22/1880-6/24/1880: "One who has been rolling along for ages as if tossed on a stormy sea arrives at his destination at last; one who has seemed good for nothing and incapable of filling any position, any role, finds one in the end, and, active and capable of action, shows himself entirely different from what he had seemed at first sight."

488. a "fainéant" Hulsker, Vincent and Theo: A Dual Biography, pp. 86-87: The author speculates (justifiably in our opinion) that this "probably was what Theo had called him." 489. "hands were tied" BVG 133, 7/1/1880.

Context:
BVG 133, July 1880: "Then there is the other kind of ne'er-do-well, the ne'er-do-well despite himself, who is inwardly consumed by a great longing for action who does nothing because his hands are tied, because he is, so to speak, imprisoned somewhere, because he lacks what he needs to be productive, because disastrous circumstances have brought him forcibly to this end."
JLB 155, 6/22/1880-6/24/1880: "Then there's the other idler, the idler truly despite himself, who is gnawed inwardly by a great desire for action, who does nothing because he finds it impossible to do anything since he's imprisoned in something, so to speak, because he doesn't have what he would need to be productive, because the inevitability of circumstances is reducing him to this point."

490. "maddened by pain" BVG 133, 7/1/1880.

Context:
BVG 133, July 1880: "But the cage does not give way and the bird is maddened by pain."
JLB 155, 6/22/1880-6/24/1880: "And then the cage stays there and the bird is mad with suffering."

491. like a captive birds BVG 133, 7/1/1880: Vincent leaves no doubt that he is the trapped bird. The conceit only thinly disguises his opinion of his parents' (and his brother's) criticisms of him: "within himself feels a rebellion against fate. I'm in a cage, I'm in a cage, and so I lack for nothing, you fools! Me, I have everything I need!" This sermonette strikes us as one of Vincent's clumsier efforts. He tries to spin it out to address all of the grievances that must have been boiling in his head (especially after the fight with his father over commitment), and the metaphor collapses in circularity (the bird has a ruined reputation because he is a prisoner; then his ruined reputation becomes his prison) and inconsistency (the other birds call him an idler even though they can see he is caged). Nevertheless, his pain comes through clearly: "And it's often impossible for men to do anything, prisoners in I don't know what kind of horrible, horrible, very horrible cage."

Context:
JLB 155, 6/22/1880-6/24/1880: "An idle man like that resembles an idle bird like that."

492. "bangs his head" BVG 133, 7/1/1880.

Context:
BVG 133, July 1880: "'The others are building their nests and hatching their young and bringing them up,' and then he bangs his head against the bars of the cage."
JLB 155, 6/22/1880-6/24/1880: "'... the others are building their nests and making their little ones and raising the brood', and he bangs his head against the bars of his cage."

493. "One" BVG 133, 7/1/1880.

Context:
JLB 155, 6/22/1880-6/24/1880: "Such a person doesn't always know himself what he could do, but he feels by instinct, I'm good for something, even so! I feel I have a raison d'être! ... For what then could I be of use, for what could I serve! There's something within me, so what is it!"

494. "I am busy" BVG 134, 8/20/1880.

Context:
BVG 134, 8/20/1880: "I write to you while I am busy drawing, and I am in a hurry to go back to it, so good night, and send me the prints as soon as possible, and believe me ..."
JLB 156, 8/20/1880: " I'm writing to you while drawing and I'm in a hurry to get back to it, so good-night, and send the sheets as soon as possible, and believe me ..."